استعمار

States, as entities within the international political order, possess both rights and obligations but may also be subjected to violations of these rights, effectively becoming victims. One of the longstanding transgressions against states has been maritime piracy. This study examines the contrasting approaches of Iran and the West in addressing piracy, focusing on the underlying strategic differences. The research hypothesis suggests that Iran's approach is shaped by its anti-hegemonic foreign policy, whereas the West, adhering to neoliberal ideology, has commodified maritime security, using it as a tool to reinforce its global dominance. While the West integrates maritime security into its hegemonic strategies, Iran pursues an independent deterrence model, resisting reliance on the prevailing international system. The findings reveal that Iran encounters two types of piracy: conventional piracy, carried out by armed groups in international waters, and state-sponsored piracy, involving the politically and economically motivated seizure of ships under a façade of legal legitimacy through sanctions and detentions. In response to conventional piracy, Iran employs conventional defense and security mechanisms, while in dealing with state-sponsored piracy, it adopts a counter-deterrent strategy that has somewhat mitigated the damages incurred by such actions.

Colonialism is a phenomenon that started with the slogan of construction and development and eventually led to political domination and economic exploitation. This phenomenon took a self-centered approach and was organized based on the exercise of power and the creation of a new order. Therefore, the phenomenon of colonialism sought to institutionalize object-subject relations in the form of colonizing and colonized societies and put other societies in the form of this epistemic model. This phenomenon has been investigated from various aspects, but how to transform the objective process of colonization into a thought pattern and its placement in the structure of consciousness, which is referred to as the colonization of the mind, and its impact on the activities of societies have not been formulated in previous studies. Therefore, this research seeks to answer the question of what historical foundations the colonial process relies on, how it forms historical consciousness, and how it shapes human actions. Based on the study, it can be pointed out that the colonialists, by explaining the historical identity of the colonial societies based on specific historical components, turned them into the surrounding societies and in this way deprived them of the possibility of building an identity. This caused the colonized societies to not be able to take action because they searched for their identity and position based on the historical understanding formed by the colonizers and in relation to them, but by transitioning from this process and explaining their independent identity and building a historical understanding, they were able to act Give yourself a new formulation.

Despite numerous researches about Seyyed Qutb's thought, so far less research has been done on his view on Islamic resistance. Hence, understanding Seyyed Qutb's view on Islamic resistance and formulating its conceptual components in Seyyed Qutb's thought is the main goal of this article.

In order to understand Sayyid Qutb's view on Islamic resistance, text analysis method is used in this article. By referring to Sayyid Qutb's works and placing them in interaction with the socio-political contexts of his era, Sayyid Qutb's view on the components of Islamic resistance is extracted and presented.

Sayyid Qutb's attention to the idea of resistance in the Islamic world has been made in response to the problem of the weakness of the authority of the Islamic world. Seyyed Qutb considers colonialism to be the most important cause of such a situation and believes that the colonial countries have tried to create the causes of weakness in the Islamic world by using cultural tools and authoritarian governments in Islamic countries. . The most important political manifestation of this situation is the occupation of Palestine by Israel following the collapse of the Ottoman state. Sayyed Qutb considers the resistance of Muslims to be the most important way to get rid of this situation. According to him, Muslims are considered as the cause of Islamic resistance as the first component, and they fight colonialism as an obstacle through Jihad (the second component). This resistance and struggle takes place with the aim of realizing social justice, freedom and world peace (the third component).

In the thought of Seyed Qutb , Muslims are the first component (factor), colonialism is the second component (obstacle) and social justice, freedom and world peace are the third component (goal) of the concept of Islamic resistance. Based on this, contrary to some views about Sayyid Qutb as the spiritual father of Islamic extremism, Sayyid Qutb can be considered one of the pioneers of the idea of Islamic resistance in the Islamic world.

Takfiri jihadism is an international identity that has challenged the modern international system at different levels. The ideology of this movement has been theorized by the Arab Islamists and it receives most of its forces from the Arab world. The process of expansion and consolidation of the contemporary international system in the Arab world coincides with the birth and development of takfiri jihadism in this region. This research questions the role of the international system in the spread of radical political Islam in Arab societies. The research conducted in this area shows that the crisis in nation-state building, identity crisis, crises caused by modernity or the social or religious contexts of violence in Arab and Islamic societies have been effective in the tendency of the Arab world towards this radicalism. Using constructivist and post-colonial theories, this research shows that the Arab world's understanding of the modern international system, which is a function of the evolution of this system, has faced a paradigm shift over the past century, and this change has created the ground for the role of takfiri jihadism. Is. In the new paradigm of the modern international system, it is completely denied according to the understanding of political Islam. This system is considered an evil structure against Arabs and Muslims, and Jihad against it and all its henchmen is a priority for Arabs and Muslims.

Statistics show that Islam is the fastest growing religion in the world. The presence of Muslims in a special geographical location (especially in West Asia) due to their presence full of energy and... has led to the fact that the dominating countries like England demand free exploitation of those resources, despite this issue, the presence of Islamic currents It has been a roadblock for this penetration. With this explanation, the main question of this research is what strategy does England follow to maintain its power and influence in the West Asian region against the religion of Islam, which has been effective as a dynamic and hidden element in understanding the formation of developments in this region. he does? The hypothesis of this research is that the politics of division, which was an old policy in the history of this country to create influence and continuity of power, is still on the agenda of this country in order to secure its interests. The results of this research show that over the past centuries, Britain has used hidden methods and complex policies for easier access to the territorial resources of other countries, especially Islamic countries,

The issue that this research seeks to answer is the study of some characteristics of English historiography in the way it narrates contemporary Iranian history. The English have written history for different periods of Iran, whether pre-Islamic Iran, Islamic Iran, or contemporary Iranian history, to the extent that they were able to. Studying the works and writings of English historians leads us to characteristics that are repeated in most of these works and, overall, indicate a style of historiography that we call "English historiography." This historiographical method has several important criteria and characteristics: “the dominance of a self-interested and colonialist perspective”, “recording the smallest details with the aim of increasing the circle of information”, “careful not to reveal the role of England in the events”, “denoting the servants of the nation as traitors and vice versa” and other cases that include more than ten cases. In the present article, we will discuss two of the most important of these characteristics, namely “colonial perspective” and “intelligence aristocracy”, along with numerous examples from English sources and reports about contemporary Iran.

World War I, which had been involved in more than 26 countries in the world, also infiltrated Iran's throne at the same time as Ahmad Shah Qajar. The unjust entry of the colonialists to Iran began when the Qajar Minister Mostofi al -Mamalek had officially declared Iran's neutrality in the war, but the arrival of hostile forces from the north and south to the country in addition to led to Iran's political, military and economic developments, such as huge problems such as Insecurity, famine, internal divisions, economic and social weaknesses of the people's distrust of the sovereignty.Especially the issue of famine, which is one of the major catastrophes, according to historians and researchers, a kind of Holocaust in Iranian history. The main question of this study is how international issues have had on converting Iran's great famine into a historical catastrophe?The hypothesis of this study is that one of the factors that contribute to the extension and exacerbation of the great famine has been of great importance, especially England.

During the time of Seyyed Jamal, Islamic countries were backward due to colonialism and tyranny. By studying the Islamic world, he identified the causes of backwardness on two internal levels (tyranny, distortion of religion, lack of social solidarity, superstitions and ignorance, separation of religion from politics, dependence on the West) and foreign (colonialism) and has also presented solutions to overcome these challenges in two dimensions (theoretical and practical), the present article is based on the model of Spriggan's crisis theory (examination of the current and desired situation, identification of the causes of the problem and presenting the solution) examined Seyyed Jamal's solutions to overcome this challenge and finally for the theoretical work of Seyyed Jamal's political thought: fighting the autocracy of autocrats, equipping with science and technology, returning to the first Islam, The unity of Muslims, instilling the spirit of jihad and fighting in the body of the Islamic society, fighting self-defeat against the West, the participation and solidarity of the people and for a practical solution: dealing with the court to fight tyranny, informing the people and popularizing the process of tyranny, training forces. Young people and institutionalizing anti-authoritarian thinking in them, informing the scholars of Balad about the situation in Iran and uniting them to confront the tyranny, has extracted the illegitimacy of the authoritarian government.

The study of the factors that affect the political development of countries, such as the positive and negative effects of imperialism and domination by colonial countries, can be very important for other political structures to model. For this purpose, after retelling the theoretical issues related to the domination and colonialism of European countries in countries like India, we will discuss the signs and factors of India's political development and the positive and negative effects of imperialism on it. This research tries to investigate this issue by using descriptive-analytical research method and library information collection method. Some of the obtained results indicate that the role of imperialism in the political development of India is multifaceted and while expanding some concepts such as democracy, political weaknesses based on traditions are still observed. In general, by relying on their long-standing political traditions, they have been able to organize a successful model of combining tradition and modernity in the process of shaping the power structure and the process of formulating a unique model of political development based on their native characteristics.

Based on the views of Mohammad Baqir Sadr, this essay seeks to reconstruct the thought of Islamic resistance into four conceptual elements. Our study is in the category of qualitative research and relies on the "documentary method" for the data collection. "Thomas Spragens' method" is also used to analyze the data. Based on the four steps of this method, the researchers aim to describe three statuses:"present", "transitional" and "ideal". The main question is how to reconfigure the thought of Islamic resistance based on Sadr's views? There seems to be an important linkage between thought and Sadr's militant views. According to Sadr, due to the colonial domination and the degeneration of the Ummah, a growing gap has emerged between the current society and the ideal society. In such a situation, resistance should be considered as a strategic measure for the transition from the current situation to the desired situation. In conclusion, the final achievement of this research indicates that Sadr's ideas are rooted in the theory of "comprehensive resistance" and encompass all aspects of human life.

For Gramsci, civil society means organizations and tools through which domination is scattered throughout all areas of culture and thought. Although most of the definitions consider NGOs outside the government and active in the private sector, a wide range of their activities among local, national and international governments, andDespite the fact that the actions of these organizations are apparently an impartial and popular nature,Some of them seem to have the function of promoting ideology.In the present study, American humanitarian organizations in Iraq were selected as a research fieldAnd then, using Gramsci's hegemony theory, it was shown how these organizations appear in the role of American ideology and as organic intellectuals working in the civil society space to reproduce the legitimacy of the domination group.In this study, using documentary research and quality content analysis method, the "About Us" section of the two US sites of the US International Development Agency and the Amideast Nonprofit Organization, which provide services to Iraqi audiences; Was studied.Then it was shown that the United States deals with hegemony and cultural domination in the Iraqi community by focusing on concepts such as the strengthening of civil society.Supporting peace, cultural excellence, scientific promotion and such issues,

With the spread of nationalism in the 19th century, the idea of a modern state in Iran, which had already been formed, was realized and the attempt to create a national and inclusive state in the name of law and parliament (people’s representatives) began during the Constitutional Revolution. With the coming to power of the Pahlavi government and the efforts and policies of the first Pahlavi (Reza Shah) including strengthening national unity, maintaining territorial integrity, and combining Iranian identity with Western identity for nation-building in the years 1925 to 1945, which for various reasons The British intervention in Iran was not successful. The purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of British interventions in the process of nation-building and the formation of modern national identity in Iran. The main question of the research is what role did the United Kingdom play in the nation-building process in Iran? This research has been studied by explanatory-interpretive method and the data collection method is also documentary. The results of this study show that the British intervention in Iran’s internal affairs has increased ethnic tensions and also its influence in the Iranian political system has led the actions of the Shah and the elites in the opposite direction and against national interests.

Mohammad Mossadegh is known as a nationalist and anti-colonialist leader in the dominant narrative of Iran's contemporary history. To what extent is this narrative reflected in Mossadegh's intellectual structure? Is Mossadegh's thought a reflection of colonial discourse or a reflection of anti-colonial resistance? What is the idea of self and other in Mohammad Mossadegh's thought? To answer this question, Deconstructive analysis is used to segregate the text structure of Mossadegh's letters and post-colonial theories are used to interpret the information obtained from the deconstruction method. The collection of Mossadegh's letters is divided and analyzed in the form of two historical stages before and after the coup of August 19, 1953. The findings of the present research show that Mossadegh does not have a unified and coherent image of self and other. The West as "other" has both colonialism and democratic institutions. The colonized "Iranian society" as "self" needs to get the positive strain of the West in order to free itself from the shackles of colonialism and create efficient political and social organizations. In this way, imitating the positive parts of the West becomes a constructive action through which the Iranian colonized society can rewrite the colonial discourse of the West and make its contradictions available to the Iranian natives. Therefore, in Mossadegh's narrative, a "self" who is not contaminated by selfishness and self-interest is the factor of resistance against the dominant colonial discourse.

With an analytical view of the political actions and historical events of Iraq that have happened in spaces with specific issues، it can be clearly seen that the most important social forces active in the political arena of Iraq، which can change the social، cultural، political and economic situations by relying on the principles and components of discourse created by himself، the Shia religious social political discourse، which is analyzed and examined both quantitatively and qualitatively. In this article، using the discourse analysis method of Laclau and Moff، he described the discourse of the politicizing matter with a Shiite identity، which in different periods with the specific central signifiers of that period has given meaning to the signifiers or floating signifiers، and this meaning has become discourse and social actions. Also، in this article، the question of how the Shia political discourse in Iraq is all the actions of competing discourses and Can he identify the power and respond to them as much as possible، including his knowledge system and at what levels? We examine.

Based on the topics of political sociology, the emergence of revolutionary changes in a society is rooted in various protest movements in that society. This dissatisfaction is a set of internal and external factors. Some of these developments are explained based on a sociological approach and others on a historical approach. The first category, being short-term social causes and factors, develop when change movements, including revolutions, emerge. However, recognizing and explaining long-term historical causes and factors depend upon conducting research into the developments of contemporary history. The developments in Iranian society until the end of Pahlavi regime and the emergence of protest movements, including the Islamic Revolution, are rooted in dissatisfaction in contemporary history. Moreover, the accompaniment of tyranny and colonialism are two other effective factors. The characteristics of despotism include non-democratic government, lack of a civil society, lack of security, and the suppression of religious beliefs by rulers. In such conditions, colonialism is created, the consequences of which include the establishment of a hegemonic diplomatic relationship, an unfair exchange of privileges, and making decisions without public participation, and a lack of the right to vote for the people and the elite. Overall, it seems that fundamental changes in every society occur when people, in many cases, are dissatisfied with many issues. This fundamental issue calls for detailed study on the historical and social trends that develop the changes and movements in a society. These trends ultimately result in alternative systems.

Westernization is one of the topics that has been considered by thinkers today because of the crisis in the field of identity. Therefore, the present study aims to investigate the components of Westernization and return to self-identity in the thought of Jalal Al-Ahmad. This research has been done by library and descriptive method in which while using the writings of Jalal Al-Ahmad, it was tried to use the relevant articles. The question that occupied the researcher's mind in this study was what Jalal al-Ahmad had in mind about Westernization and what action he took to get rid of it. The results showed that by turning to storytelling, essay writing, travel writing and various social issues in the form of translation and writing, he called for a return to his own identity and criticized the problem of Westernization with the aim of freeing himself from Western colonial hegemony. The research of his thoughts and views on Westernization is examined and explained by emphasizing the postcolonial theory through the reliance on library resources.

Laleh Fatemeh Nasomer is a prominent figure in the Algerian Islamic Resistance at the beginning of the colonial years. She organized and commanded various military operations against the French occupiers between 1851-1857 AD. Payment, one of his most important battles is the Battle of Tashkent. The issue of this research is: What role did Laleh Fatemeh Nasomer play in the struggle against French colonization in Algeria? (question) This article examines the Islamic Resistance Movement of Laleh Fatemeh Nasomer and the Islamic Resistance in the early years of French colonialism with a descriptive-analytical approach. (method) One of the aims of this research is to analyze and introduce the character of Laleh Fatemeh and the resistance of the Algerian people in the early years of colonialism (1830-1863 AD). (objective) One of the findings of this study is that the Laleh Fatemeh movement is the last resistance movement of the tribal regions against French colonialism, and after her resistance movement, all Algeria came under the domination of French colonialism; She is also strongly influenced by the Sufi sect, which, unlike other Sufi sects in Algeria, such as Tijania, was not merely a Tahajjist sect; Rather, their angle was the arena of resistance to French colonialism.(findings)