انقلاب مشروطه

The Takyeh Dowlat, a significant architectural structure from the Naseri period, played a crucial role in the development of political theology during both the reign of Nasir al-Din Shah and the Constitutional Revolution in Iran. Allegorically, the building can be seen as representing the end of the Constitutional Revolution and the emergence of a new government. So far, most research on the Takyeh Dowlat has focused on descriptive accounts of its construction, emphasizing its spatial and architectural features, as well as its social and ritual functions. In an attempt to move beyond the mere architectural analysis and social descriptions, the present study aimed to apply Walter Benjamin’s historical theory and methodology to interpret the building as a historical allegory of political theology spanning the pre-Constitutional, Constitutional, and post-Constitutional periods. The study sought to examine the Takyeh Dowlat as an allegory for the rise and fall of political theology, analyzing the building’s allegorical dimension and contrasting it with its symbolic grandeur. The allegorical interpretation was discussed concerning the formation of the Constitutional Revolution in Iran. The results highlighted the tension between the allegorical and the symbolic, with the Takyeh Dowlat symbolizing the emergence of new conquerors while simultaneously serving as an allegory for destruction and decay. This allegorical reading of political theology is historically significant, not only during the Constitutional era but also in subsequent periods, as it continued to influence the history and politics of Iran.

This research adopted Walter Benjamin’s approach of allegorical reading of history. Benjamin contrasts the allegorical reading with the symbolic interpretation of history. Symbolic history centers on conquerors, imbuing them with glory, mystery, and a sense of transhistorical significance. In the symbolic view, history finds a linear and unifying process that connects histories of triumphs. In contrast, allegory engages with themes of destruction and decay, focusing on the neglected and thus aligning itself with the defeated. The allegorical reading views history through fragments, ruptures, and ruins, inevitably turning our attention to the defeated and the deprived. Concerning the present study, Naser al-Din Shah’s political will to build the Takyeh Dowlat and establish its associated ceremonies and rituals can be considered as a form of symbolizing theology for political exploitation. If so, in the later periods, the building would take on an allegorical dimension due to the potential possibility of liberation. For this purpose, Benjamin’s method proved useful by addressing both the possibility of salvation in theology and the destruction and decay of worldly happiness and salvation.

Nasir al-Din Shah developed an interest in theaters during his travels to Western countries. On returning to Iran, he sought to replicate them. Facing opposition from religious scholars, he decided to construct a building dedicated to religious performances. Through the rituals held in this space, he recognized the influence of theology on the masses. After Nasir al-Din Shah’s death, the building became a site for public protests during the Constitutional Revolution. Many mass protests mirrored the rituals previously held there, infusing the revolution with a theological color. In this way, the building played an important role in transforming religious rituals into a social movement. Following the victory of the Constitutional Revolution, however, the Takyeh Dowlat was largely forgotten. With the rise of Reza Khan, it regained attention. The Constituent Assembly convened there, and Reza Khan took his oath as king within its walls. Afterward, the Takyeh Dowlat, having sunk into obscurity once more, was destroyed during the Second Pahlavi.

The Takyeh Dowlat can be viewed as an allegory of political theology.  During the Naseri period, it was intended to symbolize the ruling religious policy, but during the Constitutional Revolution, it became an allegory of revolutionary liberation. In the post-constitutional era, the Takyeh Dowlat represented the decay and destruction of the ideals of the Constitutional Revolution, serving as the place where new rulers and conquerors established their dynasties.

The social role of Mazar institution in the social developments of Iran is the main subject of this research. Mortality and egalitarianism are components of cohesion in Iran. And what effect did it have on social developments and power discourses in Iran? Explaining the institution of the tomb seems to be a way to open this knot. This article begins with the issue of "the institution of shrines and social change in Iran." In this research: The impact of the Mazar institution on social developments in Iran from the Constitutional Revolution to the era of the Islamic Revolution becomes clear. This study explains the impact of the Mazar institution(mortality culture,rituals of morning) on social developments (Islamic Revolution,constitouational revolution)in Iran. The analysis of the research environment is based on data and logical reasoning.The research method is causal explanation and the method of data collection is library studies. The research results are an introduction to the explanation of powerful social institutions in Iran. The present study is an attempt to explain the function of social institutions in creating social change. This study claimed that social institutions are effective in creating a knowledge system. And the institution of the shrine is in the center of research attention.

The main goal of the current research is to compare the role of classes and social groups in the constitutional revolution and the Islamic revolution. Middle class: In both revolutions, this class included market strata and technocrats. Working class: In both revolutions, the cause of the protest of the working class was economic stagnation. Peasant class: One of the reasons for the rebellion of this class in both revolutions was the weakness and crisis of the established government. The landed class: In both revolutions, there were reforms by the government to supervise this class. Intellectual class: The central point in both revolutions was the struggle against imperial tyranny. Bazari class: In both revolutions, the Bazari wanted to dominate the political and economic destiny. The clerical class: The main goal of the clerics was to destroy the king's absolute power.Middle class: In both revolutions, this class included market strata and technocrats. Working class: In both revolutions, the cause of the protest of the working class was economic stagnation. Peasant class: One of the reasons for the rebellion of this class in both revolutions was the weakness and crisis of the established government. The landed class: In both revolutions, there were reforms by the government to supervise this class. Intellectual class: The central point in both revolutions was the struggle against imperial tyranny. Bazari class: In both revolutions, the Bazari wanted to dominate the political and economic destiny. The clerical class: The main goal of the clerics was to destroy the king's absolute power.

In the literature of political and social identity, the relationship between identity and local and national culture has always been disputed; Some thinkers believe in the conflict between the ideas of tribal culture and national identity, and subsequently its negative impact on the formation of the modern state, and others do not consider these two identities complementary to each other or at least in conflict between them. In the historical narrative of the two important events that shaped the flow of the constitutional movement and the Islamic Revolution of Iran, the same controversy exists in the form and content of the historiographical narratives. Based on this, the main question of the present research is as follows: What is the impact and position of Illyrian socio-cultural elements in the historiography of the constitutional movement and the Islamic revolution? The findings of the research have shown that the element of tribal leadership, centralized and hierarchical social organization, and the culture of participation in the collective life of the tribe provided platforms for the tribes to have an effective presence in both revolutions. The approach of the article is the qualitative method under the paradigm of critical history and the data is collected in documentary and library form.

The Constitutional Revolution in Iran is one of the most important events in Iran's contemporary history, which has had significant impacts on Iran's political and social contours and has resulted in important objectives and mental changes. In this revolution, the elites, including intellectuals and scholars, played a decisive role. Among the religious elites, a range of scholars with a positive and interactionist approach to the modern world, religiously justified the new political concepts that formed the foundations of the constitutional political system by taking advantage of the existing capacities in Shia political jurisprudence. They produced such a system of thought that can be referred to as constitutional jurisprudence or jurisprudence of democracy. By using Skinner's contextual hermeneutic method, while rereading the obvious and hidden aspects and layers of this intellectual system, the present research seeks to answer the following question: What were the practical and ideological contexts in which constitutional jurisprudence was born? The findings of the research show that its ideological background was shaped by religious texts, on the one hand, and, new political concepts, on the other hand. Regarding the practical contexts of this intellectual system, the tyranny of the Qajar rulers and the constitutional revolution can be mentioned as two important factors.

One of the effective factors in the formation and continuation of political currents in a country is the existence of a necessary intellectual framework based on which different dimensions of social life are defined and drawn by that current. In other words, issues such as how to better manage human society, important priorities of social life that should be considered in planning, the characteristics of senior managers of society, the basis of decisions and general orientations of the political system and individuals in such a group, put a person in a special current. This phrase means that there is a close connection between the current of thought and political currents.Every political current is based on an idea and ideology that is presented by its activists and leaders, and the followers of these currents also obey it and provide the necessary ground for its expansion. In a way, sometimes the combination of these three things - ideology, leaders and followers - leads to the formation of a social movement. The basis of any movement depends on the beliefs of its followers and leaders, and ideology acts as the basis for the cohesion of movements and defines their goals.In the history of Iran from the Constitutional Revolution to the Islamic Revolution, various political currents have emerged, which this article refers to the intellectual framework of each of these currents using a descriptive-analytical method.

Freedom is one of the most complex concepts of modern political philosophy. The complexity of the concept of freedom is due to the fact that what is proposed about freedom in the modern period mostly refers to the political and social situation in which intervention is inevitable. Meanwhile, Ayatollah Naini's political thought regarding freedom is very important. During the constitutional revolution, Ayatollah Naini raised freedom as one of his main and fundamental indicators. Considering this, the main question has been raised as follows: What is the position of freedom in Allameh Naini's thought? In response to this central hypothesis, freedom in Naini's thought has a religious and divine nature and is the basis for confronting tyranny. The results of the research show that in the political thought of Allameh Naini, since freedom is considered as one of the main and fundamental components in Islamic and religious thought, he accepts it and during the constitutional revolution as one of the The main defenders of freedom are placed. From Naini's point of view, freedom is the main component against tyranny. The type of research method is descriptive-analytical and based on library studies.

The goal of this study is to analyze the introduction and expansion of factors of political modernity in the Qajari government era. Cultural exchange with the west led to a flourishing in the field of political modernity. Intellectuals knowing about such concepts were the first to indirectly mention these concepts. Intellectuals played the greatest role in this transition and in spreading political modernity factors in Iran. These included the necessity of having a parliament and bureaucracy, constitution, centralized government, civil society, legitimacy and Separation of religion from government. In the time of constitutional era, much effort was made to meet these demands and for the very first time such demands were asked for in the traditional system of tyranny in Iran. Due to political modernity, he design of these discussions and the development of these developments began during the Qajar government, especially Nasser al-Din Shah, but to put these demands into practice was time consuming and needed time to pass.

of the failure of the Constitutional Revolution in bringing about change in the political structure of Iranian society. Among the existing literature, what has been paid less attention and even neglected is an analysis of the objective conditions of society, institutions and socio-political forces in Iranian society on the eve of the Constitutional Revolution. This has led some writers to provide an abstract and non-concrete analysis of the reasons for the failure of the Constitutional Revolution. Using the ideas of Pierre Bourdieu and examining the objective conditions of Iranian society on the eve of the Constitutional Revolution, the authors have come to the conclusion that "the failure of the Constitution was due to the lack of forces to defend the ideas of the revolution objectively, concretely and more importantly." Due to the nature of the subject, library and documentary methods have been used for data collection and qualitative analysis method has been used for data analysis. In terms of the nature of this research, it is descriptive and historical

One of the basic features of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution is the presence of women and their role in organizations, associations and political scenes of the struggle against the Qajar government. Throughout Iran's history, the role of women in the field of political and social developments has rarely been considered, although the reasons for this neglect are a separate issue. During the Constitutional Revolution, Iranian women had the opportunity to overcome their intellectual and political limitations and to show and emphasize their political and social empowerment in Iranian society by helping the constitutionalists. The role of women in the Constitutional Revolution is not limited to the women of Tehran, and many women in other parts of the country, as well as women of different ethnicities and groups, were able to play a role during the Constitutional Revolution, so that some of these women The hands of the constitutionalists were also present. In this article, an attempt is made to discuss the role of women of different ethnicities and groups by examining the case study of Maryam Bakhtiari's baby. The author will use analytical-descriptive method to investigate this issue and will analyze the research data by qualitative method.

Citizenship rights is the most important contemporary legal issue and an emerging concept that has found a special place in social and political theories. Above all, citizenship rights discuss the rights, such as residence, education, and health, that everyone gets as a citizen of a state. Citizenship rights are realized when all members of the society achieve all civil and political rights and the citizen has responsibility as a member of the society along with the better management of the society and establishing social order and recognizing these interactive rights have an effective role in promoting citizenship rights and creating a society based on social order and justice. The present article, relying on the historical sociology approach based on Bryan.S.turner's theory, has tried to understand citizenship and citizenship rights in the constitutional era, by using library documents and resources and descriptive-analytical method by examining the obstacles to the realization . In this article, it is trying to answer the question that what were the factors and obstacles to the realization of citizenship rights in the constitutional era? The hypothesis of this research is that in the context of the weak central government, the weakness of the political culture of the mass of the people, the political elites did not ultimately lead to the formation of citizenship rights.

The basis of the main question of the current research is what role the Shiite clergy has played in the contemporary political history of Iran in the direction of Islamic awakening (problem). The research method in this research is descriptive-analytical and library and internet information collection tool (method). The results of the research show that at the leadership level, clerics have played an important role in the abolition of Reuter's privilege, the victory of the tobacco movement, the victory of the constitutional revolution, the nationalization of the oil industry, the victory of the Islamic revolution and the revival of the theory of Islamic awakening. At the level of public support, we can mention the announcement of Jihad and calling people to fight in Iran-Russia wars, supporting people in the Griboyedov incident and the Russian embassy, and bringing people to the stage against tyranny and foreign colonialism. At the regional level, we can also mention the efforts of religious scholars such as Seyed Jamal al-Din Asadabadi, Mirza Hussain Naini, Ayatollah Kashani, Imam Khomeini (RA) and the Supreme Leader in strengthening and awakening Islam (findings).

Iran´s judicial system during the reign of the Qajar kings up to the constitution based on remnants of the Safavid era based on the separation of religions and customary jurisdictions¸ prior to the constitution.A study of how these structures and the interaction of religious rulers and practitioners to examine causes and factors of the great constitutional movement and finally issuing commands for establishing fair justice and consulting the home is useful but also essential.Studying the numerous evidences and examples available along with other considerations shows the shortcomings of the Qajar era judicial system has been the main factors of the constitutional revolution and no doubt the constitutional revolution has had a profound effect on the Iranian legal system.Adoption of mother law and an important one such as the Procedure Code Act 1290,life penalty 1304 and the adoption of the maternal lawpassed in 1307 has been one of the improvements in Iranian Law. Numerous and periodic reforms in the Qajar era of Abbas Mirza until the victory of the Nasser-e-Din Shah by AmirKabir Sepahsalar in the field of strengthening the institution of Customary Justice and reorganization body and Procedure of the Grand Court came but it didn´t have much impact on judicial justice nationwide immediately after the victory of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution and legal justice was established and Haji Mokhber-al-Saltanah was the minister.

In the area of contemporary Iranian politics, "influence" is one of the main concepts that at any point in history of Iran, has created a kind of risk and threat to the interests of Iranian society and country in practice. One of the first steps in confronting this project (external infiltration project) is to gain a favorable understanding of the various aspects of this issue and to analyze. With respect to this matter, the present study uses the "content analysis" method to examine the coordinates of the British influence project during the Iranian constitutional movement (between 1906 and 1913) based on the analysis of letters issued by the previous British Foreign Secretary. (Edward) has dealt with Iran at that time. The findings of this paper show that in order to maximize its interests, the UK has designed seven policies based on a set of influence principles and implemented them through its internal and external agency. According to the results of this study, the main audience, observer, competitor, and supporter, are four categories of the audience that in the process of designing these policies, the influencers have been considered the nature and strategy of the historical obstacle of the infiltration process.

In the study of contemporary history of Iran from the late Qajar period, influenced by currents of thought and global developments, various currents such as: Marxist, liberal and Islamic groups and thinkers (political Islam) have come to life and have been the source of various changes, one of the most important developments. Contemporary Iran, under the influence of the mentioned currents from which the current society is born, should refer to the Constitutional Revolution and the Islamic Revolution. In this study, the most important goals are to study the position and impact of liberal currents of thought and political Islam in the two constitutional revolutions and the Islamic Revolution. In expressing the findings of the research, it can be said that in the Constitutional Revolution, the current of political Islam influenced by the ideas of Shiite jurists such as: Mirza Naeini, Akhund Khorasani, Sheikh Fazlullah Nouri, Ayatollah Tabatabai and Behbahani were in charge of leading the people. Intellectuals such as Seyyed Hassan Taghizadeh, Mirzamalkam Khan, Akhundzadeh, Jahangir Khan Surasrafil, Ali Akbar Dehkhoda, etc. had great influence in advancing the goals of the Constitutional Revolution, but in the Islamic Revolution the most influential role in the victory of the revolution was led by political Islam. Imam Khomeini Liberal currents were mostly marginalized, so other currents of thought and marginalized and the Islamic Republic has been created by the thoughts of Imam Khomeini and the teachings of political Islam. It should be noted that using descriptive-analytical method and application of ideas in the course of political Islam and liberalism, an attempt has been made to write this research.

The Muslims of Egypt were immersed in great shock when Napoleon invaded Egypt in 1213 AH and defeated the Mamluks and conquered Egypt, and they came to the conclusion that they have indeed been degenerated by comparing their situation with the Western world. Napoleon's invasion of Egypt is considered as the origin of modernism and the beginning of modernity and Orientalism and it is deemed as a turning point in historical developments. Seven years after the invasion, Mohammad Ali Pasha assumed power in Egypt. The establishment of his government is the advent of a new era in history of Egypt. During his reign and his successors, important political, economic, social, cultural and military reforms existed in this land and the process of modernization began in Egypt. Iranian people have traveled to Egypt for a long time owning to their religious, civilizational and commercial unions and due to these commonalities during history, Iranian people have been presented temporarily or permanently in Egypt Land. On the other hand, Egypt was on the main route of Hajj caravans especially in the last decade of the thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries, and this caused more Iranian people to travel to this land. Therefore, itineraries were written by Iranians who visited or marked the Egypt. The lack of a specific work in this domain caused the author to concentrate on this issue. In this study, quantitative analysis of Iranian's itineraries titled Egypt, travel routes to Egypt by Iranianscomparative

The purpose of the present study is to review the special place and function of Wilayat-e Faqih (Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist) in Islamic society and the principle of Jurists’ supervision over the parliament legislations in the ideas of Sheikh Fazlollah Noori. The method of study is documentary research and descriptive analysis; the results showed that the presence of Sheikh Fazlollah Noori as a leader in the constitutional revolution is the clearest evidence for his disbelief in the royal government. He regards the Islamic jurist as the successor of Imam Zaman and hence he opposes the king and his collaborators. He considers all the (judiciary, executive, and legislative) officials in a legal government as the assistants who fulfill the orders of the Islamic jurist. Compared to other Islamic scholars, Sheikh Fazlollha Noori had a different view about the dignity and place of Islamic Jurist during the occultation as he believed that the Islamic jurist should have authority to perform divine rules, enjoin good, forbid evil, and finally execute Islamic orders.

This article, through the analytical-historical method, examines the interaction between mysticism and politics between the two revolutions of constitutionalism and the Islamic revolution, emphasizing the thoughts of the founder of the Islamic Republic (RA). During the constitutional revolution - unlike the past - Sufism enjoyed a peaceful atmosphere to some extent, but due to the arrival modernity in Iran, the intellectuals affiliated with the modernity trend, despite the active role of some lines of Sufism and mysticism during the constitutional revolution, From the epistemological angles, the production and division of social work were severely criticized by Sufism. With the new formation of the political procedure of the Shiite clerical institution in the 40s of Imam Khomeini's presence in the political scene, mysticism took on a different nature. From the point of view of Imam Khomeini (RA) and also from the point of view of Islamic scholars, a mystic should comment on political and government issues and what is happening in the society and gain knowledge and insight. A politician should also look at the mystical and moral issues of Islam and gain the necessary knowledge and insight and to significant extent walk the path self-improvement and the path to God in order make himself a comprehensive personality. Based on this research, the relationship between mysticism and politics in Imam Khomeini's thought is such that politics in Imam's mystical view are one reality or another.

In spite of the foundational foundations of religion and state, with the advent of the Safavid dynasty as the first national government in Iran that led to the interconnection of religion and state, the foundations of the monarchy enjoyed religious legitimacy, and the clerics and scholars of Shia also play a fundamental role in promoting the Shia culture , The foundation for the practice of Shia jurisprudential laws and regulations, the restoration of good faith and the prohibition of denial, the provision of public goods and the defense of the rights of the people, and finally the deepening and expansion of scientific discussions in all major Islamic and Islamic civilizations; Where the clergy could become the political force by establishing the authority of authority. Despite the tensions of this religion and the monarchy, this political force, with the origin of legitimacy from monarchy to Qajar period, continued its work in the public-political sphere of Iran, but with the constitutional revolution and the active role played by it, it was revisited in the discourse of Islamic renewal By providing a revolutionary modernization, alone, by creating a challenge to the royal system in the next Iranian revolution and in the form of a discourse returning to Islamic self. The present article gives an overview of the role of Shiite authority and clerics in the constitutionalist discourse of Iran through the documentary method.

This paper intends to analyze the consequences of the distribution of natural resources (land and water) in the political and social structure, to present rent management theory as an alternative approach to explaining some of the historical events and the political and social issues of Iran. The main issue of the paper is the explanation of the consequences of the distribution of the natural resources in Iran during the Qajar period. The data was collected from the National Documents Archives and other library resources, and by historical method, the rent analysis was analyzed. The findings show that, in Iran's economic history, the government is placed as the largest distributor of natural resources (land and water) on the supply side, and society (capital and labor) is placed as the largest consumer, on the demand side. The structure of political and social institutions, based on the model of the implementation of social justice, in the distribution of natural resources, monolithically consolidates. This pattern has been one of the main factors behind the creation of rents and the establishment of rents management institution in the government. During the Qajar period, Thiol, conversion, the difference in prices and the salaries and wages of the princes, have been the most important channels for the distribution of rents, split from the rent government agency. These canals were blocked after the Constitutional Revolution, with the decisive action of the first parliament. The state rent agency was one of the main factors in the ineffectiveness of the tax system, the continued decline in government revenue, and the prevalence of bribes and corruption. The ultimate goal of distributing rents has been the exemption from tax payments. Other important consequences of rents include the transfer of major economic privileges and the occurrence of a constitutional revolution.