ایالات متحده

Iraq experienced political stability under the long-standing Ba'athist regime. However, due to the Ba'athists' authoritarian and anti-religious policies, the Iraqi people lacked political and religious freedom. This equation was reversed after the US intervention and the overthrow of the Ba'athist regime. The people seemingly gained political and religious freedom through the establishment of a parliamentary democracy. However, they faced numerous crises in return, including state-building, security, economic, cultural, and social fragmentation crises. These crises stemmed from the US's attempt to impose a Western secular culture on a traditional and religious society to advance its own interests. Considering the history of Islamism in Iraq and its position on the axis of resistance, understanding the role of secular discourses in advancing US objectives is of great importance. This research, based on discourse analysis, seeks to answer the main question of the role of secular discourses in advancing US objectives in Iraq. Based on the research, three main secular discourses can be identified in modern Iraq: right-wing liberal secularism, left-wing social secularism, and nationalist secularism, with right-wing secularism being the dominant one. Each of these discourses serves US interests in different ways, which are explained in the text of the article.Secular discourses have played a significant role in advancing US objectives in Iraq. These discourses have helped to Legitimize the US intervention in Iraq: Secular discourses have been used to justify the US invasion of Iraq as a necessary step to liberate the Iraqi people from a repressive regime and to establish a democratic state. Promote US values: Secular discourses have been used to promote US values such as democracy, human rights, and freedom. Counteract Islamist extremism: Secular discourses have been used to counter the influence of Islamist extremist groups such as ISIS Secular discourses have played a significant role in advancing US objectives in Iraq. These discourses have helped to legitimize the US intervention in Iraq, promote US values, and counteract Islamist extremism. However, the future of secularism in Iraq is uncertain. The country is facing numerous challenges, including sectarian violence, economic instability, and political corruption. These challenges could lead to a resurgence of Islamist extremism and a decline in support for secularism.

The rise of Donald Trump in the United States and his foreign policy positions represent the most significant departure from internationalism in Republican administrations' foreign policy since the end of World War II. This shift stands in stark contrast to the highly internationalist and interventionist approaches of the three preceding Republican administrations. Such a notable change raises the question: Why did the Trump administration choose a foreign policy path different from its predecessors? To address this question, the present study employs neoclassical realism as its theoretical framework and utilizes a historical research method. It examines three historical periods in U.S. foreign policy in which Republican inclinations toward internationalism declined. By analyzing intra-party dynamics in these three periods, the study aims to identify the key factors influencing shifts in Republican foreign policy. The findings indicate a direct relationship between the reduction of threats to U.S. security and interests and the decline of internationalism in Republican foreign policy. In all three periods, following the decline of a major threat to the U.S., there was a growing shift away from internationalism in Republican foreign policy preferences, which subsequently influenced the foreign policies of Republican administrations. In this context, Trump's foreign policy discourse emerged due to the diminished threat from terrorist groups and the Republican Party's reluctance to bear the high costs of the War on Terror. From this perspective, Trump's foreign policy discourse represents a balance between security concerns and cost aversion within Republican policy preferences.

From 2013 to 2023, the United States has followed a clear path in its reaction to China's Silk Road initiative, gradually shifting from a position of silence and indirect actions to aggressive and confrontational behaviors regarding China's infrastructure initiative. The aim of this article is to explain why the United States’ positions towards China's Silk Road initiative have gradually become more confrontational. In this context, the main question based on the article's descriptive-explanatory method is: why has the U.S. stance towards the initiative become increasingly confrontational in the decade following the announcement of the Silk Road initiative (2013-2023)? The response proposed as a hypothesis to this question is that the increasing confrontational position of the U.S. towards China's Silk Road initiative is a function of the changing nature of relations between the two countries from cooperation to competition. This shift has led to a move from President Obama’s relatively cooperative approach towards the initiative to a competitive stance under President Trump, followed by an escalation of competition during President Biden’s administration. The findings of the article indicate that, given the evolving U.S. approach to the Belt and Road Initiative, there remains potential for increased competition with China in the area of international infrastructure development.

The degree of internationalism in different Administrations of the United States has a direct influence on the degree of interventionism of this country and especially has affected the security and national interests of Iran. Unlike to democratic Administrations, this type of tendency in Republican Administrations has changed its direction twice from a traditional tendency to isolationism to a militant internationalism, during the last century. In order to answer the reason for such a change in the foreign policy preferences of the Republican Party, the present research has used the framework of the neoclassical realism theory and the historical research method and tried to analyze the dynamics in the foreign policy preferences of the Republicans in two historical periods World War II and War on Terror, to identify the factors influencing the occurrence of such a change. The results of the mentioned studies show that in both periods, despite the inherent lack of desire for internationalism, the Republicans have shown a considerable tendency towards a militant internationalism, the first time in order to deal with the emergence of the great threat of Soviet communism after the World War II and the second time It was due to the manifestation of the threat of terrorism after the September 11 attacks. In this way, the results of the foreign policy preferences of the Republicans indicate that in consequence of increase in the degree of major threats against the security of the United States, their tendency to internationalism has increased significantly. A feature that is not seen so strongly in the Democratic Party.

In the US national security strategy document, a wide range of national security issues of this country, including global competition with great powers, emerging technology threats, multi-pillar challenges in West Asia, regional Iran threat, have been discussed. The concern and issue of the article is what is the position of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the US government's national security strategy document? This article is applied and done by the method of inductive development of categories. The information of this research has been collected from two methods, "field" using the interview tool and "library" using the text of the 2022 US National Security document and analyzed using the "Max Kyuda" software. The findings of the article indicate that in the national security document of the Biden government, specifically "six" concerns about Iran are claimed, which include "interference in the internal affairs of neighboring countries", "missile and drone proliferation", "hurting Americans, including former officials", "threat to the freedom of navigation", "advancing the nuclear program beyond the need" and also "wasting the fundamental rights of the people of our country". According to the results of the research, the American security strategy to deal with all these challenges and threats to Iran, including delegating responsibility to allies, tactical threats, political deterrence, and strong operational measures to limit Iran's power in domestic, regional and international issues. International, economic sanctions and finally taking advantage of all these will be in the proposition of "strategic integration".

The rise of China as a major power is one of the most significant developments in global politics in the 21st century. As a result, this has sparked concerns from the United States and Southeast Asian countries. In response, Washington has implemented its grand strategy to enhance deterrence and maintain the balance of power in Asia through the "Pivot to Asia" and "Indo-Pacific" strategies. Chinese leadership, on the other hand, views these American strategies as intensifying the security dilemma in the region, which not only increases the likelihood of direct confrontation, but also poses a serious challenge to China's growth trajectory.Given the current situation and China's desire for economic development and strategic engagement with Washington, the question is “What strategy should Beijing adopt to avoid being harmed by pressure from the United States and its allies in Southeast Asia?” China's actions suggest that it has adopted what is known as a "hedging" strategy to secure its strategic interests while avoiding confrontation with the US. Indeed, it seeks to foster its development by leveraging its strategic engagement with the US. In other words, Beijing has endeavored to respond decisively but with strategic caution, to avoid conflict with the US, prevent anti-balancing coalitions (by Southeast Asian countries), and ensure the continuation of its power growth.The hedging strategy is a thoughtful approach that manifests as a cautious response to risks in a constructive, peaceful, and non-confrontational manner. It closely aligns with Beijing's peaceful diplomacy in the region, aimed at maximizing benefits and minimizing threats. In general, China's hedging strategy is based on two pillars: first, reassuring its surrounding environment (Southeast Asia) regarding the benign consequences of Beijing's growing power; and second, indirectly balancing the US through soft competition.

The article's hypothesis is examined through a descriptive-analytical method and involves two main variables: First, the independent variable, which includes the "Pivot to Asia" strategy—a form of rebalancing by the United States against China—and the "Indo-Pacific" strategy, which represents an aggressive policy by the United States towards China. Second, the dependent variable is China's hedging strategy.

The relationship between China and the United States, as two major powers, has ranged from cooperation to competition over the past two decades. Throughout this period, Chinese political leaders (from the second generation of leadership to the present) have sought to secure their interests and respond to threats by addressing structural and domestic factors. In essence, China's foreign policy has been based on economic growth aimed at peaceful development and strategic caution in the face of security risks. This approach has enabled Beijing to take steady steps towards continued economic growth and, in parallel, enhance and stabilize its power in the region as it entered the new millennium.In the meantime, China's increasing role in Asia and its high potential to become a hegemon prompted the United States to operationalize its strategy to enhance deterrence and contain Beijing through the "Pivot to Asia" and "Indo-Pacific" strategies. In response, Beijing adopted the hedging strategy as its Asian policy.

Beijing's hedging strategy is structured in two layers. The initial layer itself has two dimensions. The first pertains to the mutual dependency between Beijing and the United States, which China seeks to maintain and exploit to sustain its power growth. The second relates to China's growing security concerns regarding threats from the US, which may lead to a confrontation. These considerations have driven China to manage its relations carefully and avoid geopolitical competition with the US. The subsequent layer concerns Beijing's response to US actions in its surrounding environment, namely Southeast Asia. In this regard, Beijing has attempted to overcome challenges posed by the US by adopting a "reassurance approach" to weaken any coalitions against China.

Many people had high hopes for significant improvements to the United States foreign policy when Barack Obama took office as president in 2009. Obama’s administration faced enormous financial and military burdens, as well as a great deal of anti-American sentiment due to George W. Bush Jr.'s aggressive strategy in Afghanistan and Iraq. Following these developments, it appeared that the US was committed to cutting costs and dispelling anti-US sentiment globally, particularly overseas. Obama discussed resolving Iran’s nuclear challenges, bringing an end to the Iraqi conflict, advancing peace between Israel and Palestine, and adopting a fresh approach to diplomacy with the Islamic world when running for office. Despite his concurrent pursuit of his “pivoting to Asia” concept, the Middle East did not appear to have lost direction in this country’s foreign and security-military policy. While in the White House, Obama announced initiatives like minimal footprint, pivoting to Asia, and distant leadership in an attempt to reverse the approaches of his predecessors. A modification that has essentially always been the topic of debate over its nature, requirements, and implementation.It took a long time for the United States to comprehend the nature of the still-unstable changes in the Arab world, where countries like Egypt are frequently close to the country. In addition to changing the military and security setup of the United States,therise of unconventional powers within formerly friendly countries also presented new threats. Washington consistently stressed that Iran should remain the primary focus of the Middle East’s challenges, although dealing with specific positions and steps in response to developments in the Arab world. Simultaneously, he forged unique partnerships with emerging players, inviting them to participate in the area.Following Obama, Donald Trump likewise believed that Iran was the primary cause of the Middle East’s problems. He referred to the nuclear agreement with Iran as a “very bad agreement” and ultimately tightened sanctions against the country by applying the greatest amount of pressure. Donald Trump was also conscious of the costs associated with his nation’s military involvement in the region. Throughout his speech, he emphasized the need for all of the nations in the region to fulfill their security and military obligations, particularly in the Persian Gulf and in anticipation of the US pulling out of the Middle East sooner rather than later. Along with the Palestinian issue, he also brought up schemes like the “Deal of the Century” and the relocation of the US embassy to Tel Aviv. In the end, he withdrew from the Iran nuclear deal.

The objective of this study is to comprehend the Middle Eastern geopolitical processes that transpired from 2009 to 2018 and assess their influence on the military-security policies and plans of the United States as a global and regional actor. All levels of analysis should be used to assess these developments, which have given the world’s political knowledge a new dimension of menace and chaos. Using a new term of management and involvement in international relations for all participants in this region is a severe and essentially inevitable task today since turning to traditional ways of crisis resolution in the current world imposes astronomical costs.

This research endeavors to comprehend the contemporary tactics and reactions of the United States of America in the Middle East. The White House, the Pentagon, and US military and security agencies provide records and studies that the author of this piece uses to determine this superpower’s security strategy. As one of the major and influential actors in the area, the Islamic Republic of Iran is both impacted by and has a broad influence on regional developments. Iran may make more informed decisions about its regional alliances and increase its influence in the region by recognizing US behavior and comprehending the formula of US policies in its Middle East partnerships. This underscores the importance of this study.

After careful analysis, this report concludes that the benefits of this partnership outweigh the money the US spent on its prior military presence strategies. By boosting the possibility of aid from friends, the strategic partnership has allowed the United States to improve both deterrence against its forces in the region and its capacity to defend itself against assault. However, realism also explains why countries and non-governmental organizations in the Middle East find strategic partnerships with the United States appealing. An ally is more open to entering into a strategic alliance the weaker it is.Over more than seven decades, the United States has had many plans for security cooperation in the Middle East. These have included training local forces and direct engagement in the fight, with the most significant being the supply of weapons and ammunition to the region. Compared to Asia and Europe, the US has far more slack in its partnership with the Middle East. To combat ISIS, the United States can form a significant coalition with Arab nations and collaborate with Tehran and Damascus concurrently with a Sunni alliance. The extreme unrest in this region has made forming long-term alliances exceedingly challenging.According to US military and security records, China’s circumstances have altered so much over the years that the notion of the US having the most expensive army in the world engaged in a full-scale conflict and maybe losing is still entertained. It seems as though this army’s methods are out of step with the demands of the contemporary world.

The United States has adopted two primary and interrelated strategies to counter these contemporary threats: expanding its network of allies and partners and strengthening its military’s capacity to operate throughout the world. With the ultimate goal of preserving the balance of power in strategically important regions of the world and defending the vital interests of the United States, partners, and allies bolster America’s military and political capabilities and support its operations. Additionally, the United States provides these partners with deterrence against aggressors. Being able to confront adversarial allies and partners and strengthen this alliance while also preventing them from depending on the US to achieve their military objectives would be ideal for the US defense system because it would be less costly and risky to establish deterrence in this scenario. Furthermore, it will strengthen this nation’s capacity to deal with its adversaries in the future

China and the United States, the two economic superpowers accounting for nearly 43% of the global economy, are engaged in a mutually interdependent economic relationship, despite their distinct levels of development and positions within the global supply chain. This interconnectedness has fostered numerous opportunities for the international economy and contributed to the dynamism of the global market. Employing the theory of comparative advantage, this paper examines the nature of this relationship and the positioning of each country within the supply chain. Findings indicate that the mutual economic dependence between these two nations has been shaped by their comparative advantages and has intensified over the past two decades, driven by China's rapid economic growth and increased joint ventures. China is primarily positioned at the beginning of the supply chain, focusing on the production of consumer goods and industrial products, while the United States has solidified its place at the end of the chain, emphasizing design, research and development, and advanced technologies.

American foreign policy towards Israel during the Biden era is affected by various factors. On the one hand, the strategic and macro alliance of these two actors has continued, and events such as October 7 and confronting Iran's threats have given it more depth. On the other hand, the macro policy of the United States in the field of reducing commitments and conflicts in the Middle East and the offshore balance policy has also affected the relations between the United States and Israel and in general the relations between actors in the Middle East. The main question of this research is "How has Biden's foreign policy approach towards the Middle East and especially Israel affected Iran's national security?" The findings of the research indicate that "by adopting the offshore balancing approach in the Middle East, Biden has sought to increase the role of Israel as well as proxy groups aligned with Tehran's interests in the Middle East." This policy has provided the basis for the expansion of tension and conflict between Iran and Israel. Also, there is a connection between America's support policy towards Israel and the threat to Iran's security environment, and the alliance of Arab countries and Israel within the framework of the Abraham Pact, the October 7 incident and the spread of conflict in the Middle East region have all affected Iran's national security. In this research, a descriptive analytical method is used and the method of collecting information is a library.

The deterioration of relations between the United States and China since 2018, the intensification of strategic competition due to geopolitical tensions, and the expansion of economic friction between the two countries from trade disputes to broader areas such as technology and supply chain security have led to the formation of this hypothesis that Beijing and Washington are Decoupling. Decoupling means that the interdependence that has built up between China and the United States over at least the last two decades is weakening. However, this study believes that relations between the two countries are in a state of de-risk rather than de-coupling. Based on this, the main question is: What does de-risking mean in the regards of great powers? and what effect can its escalation have on the regional and international order? The research hypothesis is: In the current situation where globalization is in slowbalization state, de-risking in China and the United States relations may lead to monopolies and protectionism, and with the increasing influence of geopolitical tensions, two economic blocs will emerge. The formation of these economic blocs also means the reduction of the hegemonic role of the United States or China and can become the foundation of the bloc-oriented multipolar order.

The international political economy is built on indicators of reciprocal and multilateral cooperation among actors, with economic interdependence shaping the primary rationale behind their actions. Each actor in this economy fulfills a specific role within the international division of labor. This study seeks to uncover the mechanisms used by the United States to constrain the Islamic Republic of Iran, focusing on the core issue of the Iran-U.S. conflict within an economically interdependent framework. The research question is thus framed as: What mechanisms does the United States employ to limit Iran, particularly in the sphere of political economy, during this era of economic interdependence? It appears that, as the U.S. acts as a balancer for emerging global actors in economics and politics, it employs mechanisms to distort Iran's energy sector, disregarding the broader necessities of the international political economy. This creates challenges for the global economy and regional politics in Iran. Possessing sufficient influence in global policy enables the U.S. to impose restrictions on Iran's monetary, financial, banking, and trade exchanges. Using a descriptive-analytical approach and grounded in the theory of interdependence, this study concludes that economic sanctions on Iran challenge the Islamic Republic's potential for establishing a role in global economics and politics. These sanctions elevate the level of economic threats Iran faces amid economic sanctions and strategic limitations. In this age of economic interdependence and international political economy mechanisms, Iran is confronted with signs of tactical and functional restrictions embodied as economic sanctions. In response, the Islamic Republic has leveraged communicative action mechanisms to minimize the impact of sanctions and strengthen its regional role within international politics.

"One of the important topics in the field of foreign policy of countries is how they orient their approach towards international and regional issues. This orientation can influence the creation of positive or negative perceptions of countries. Donald Trump's unilateral approach to important issues in the Middle East, including the Palestine issue, has shaped certain thoughts about US foreign policy. Therefore, the main question of the research is what impact has Donald Trump's Middle Eastern policy had on the perception of America's decline in relation to the Palestine issue? In response to this question, the hypothesis is proposed that Donald Trump's Middle Eastern foreign policy has led to the perception of America's decline in the Palestine issue. This research is of an applied type and due to the descriptive and explanatory nature of the subject, the method of collecting information in this collection is mainly library-based and using written sources including books and articles published in scientific journals. The findings of the research indicate that with the cessation of the normalization process of relations between Arab countries and Israel and the failure of the "Deal of the Century" plan, failure to suppress and weaken the Palestinian resistance axis, the United Nations and the international community not recognizing Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and sovereignty over the Golan Heights, the superpower status of this country has faced a serious challenge."

Japan is one of the world's economic powers and one of the most industrialized countries in Asia, while competing with Beijing, and has probably been influential in general foreign policy developments and in the recent direction of Tokyo's regional policies. Japan is Taiwan's most important strategic partner in East Asia. With the rise of China and the intensification of strategic competition between China and the United States, the US-Japan alliance continues to serve as a vital cornerstone of peace and security in the Asia-Pacific. The principles of structural realism enable a more comprehensive understanding of motives, strategies, and consequences. For the analysis of this research, structural realism may provide the most valuable insights among international relations theories. Thus, this research, from the perspective of structural realism, considers the system as a whole with interconnected components. These structures are what affect the actions of units within the system and shape their behavior. In this article, using the theory of structural realism in a descriptive-analytical manner, the following hypothesis is put forward: Japan's policy of maintaining the status quo regarding the Taiwan issue, which is in conflict with China's policy regarding the annexation of Taiwan to the mainland, has on the one hand increased the level of tension in the East Asian region, and on the other hand, has created greater strategic closeness between the United States and Japan.

The US-China strategic competition has escalated considerably since the second decade of the new millennium, prompting the US to turn its focus toward the Pacific region. This strategic shift has contributed to a multilayered disorder and a prolonged period of transition in the Middle East. This study investigates the ramifications of the US-China strategic competition on the evolving geopolitical landscape of the Middle East. The central research question explores how this competition influences the region’s transitional order. The hypothesis posits that the heightened US-China competition exacerbates conflicts, intensifies the security dilemma, and introduces multilayered strategic competition and confusion, thereby escalating regional tensions. Employing a descriptive-analytical methodology in this qualitative study, the data were collected through extensive library and online research to evaluate the sources and test the hypothesis. The findings reveal that the escalating US-China strategic competition has deepened the security dilemma, fostered conflict and competition patterns, and reinforced coalitions and alliances in the Middle East. Consequently, regional powers are increasingly striving to impose their preferred order as the dominant regional framework. Moreover, strategic competition and confusion have become the defining characteristics of the region, with little prospect for the de-escalation of tensions and rivalries.

China is the most important great power that has posed a fundamental challenge to the position of the United States in the post-Cold War era. China's significant economic growth and becoming the second largest economy in the world, significant progress in the military and space fields, and the expansion of influence in different regions of the world have strengthened the prospect of expanding this challenge. In the base of grand strategy of offshore balancing, on the one hand, the United States has been trying to buck pass part of the responsibility of containing China to the states that have the desire and ability to contain China, and on the other hand, it is doing straight balancing. Straight balancing of the United States is in the form of a hybrid war. The complexity and multidimensionality of the US approach in this hybrid war has caused China's response to this war to have multiple dimensions, which can be elaborated as a hybrid balancing approach. From this point of view, the main question of this research is that what is China's strategy to deal with the hybrid war of the United States? In response, the present article claims that China's response to the United States' hybrid war is based on hybrid balancing, which takes place in the three dimensions of political, economic, and informational balancing. The present research was done by using descriptive-analytical method.

China's economic ties with the Persian Gulf states have improved as a result of its rapid economic expansion and its transformation into the world's largest energy importer. Due to their distinct geopolitical location, economic potential and alignment with the Belt and Road Initiative, these states are considered the key players in China's zone balancing strategy. China has viewed the US withdrawal from Afghanistan and its diminished security presence in the region as a great opportunity to strengthen its economic ties with the long-standing US allies and weaken the country's influence in the Persian Gulf. This study analyzes the presence and influence of China in the Persian Gulf states within the framework of “zone balancing”. It also explores the role of the Persian Gulf states in China's balancing strategy toward the US. According to the research hypothesis, since the US has many traditional allies among the Persian Gulf states, whose geoeconomic position ensures global energy security, these states can play a key role in China's zone balancing strategy toward the US. In this descriptive-analytical paper, desk studies (review of textbooks and online databases) were used for data collection.

Introduction :

The diminished concentration of U.S. power within the international system and the ascension of emerging powers have decreased the structural pressure of international system on regional powers to limit their presence in other regions. This has accelerated the movement of governments like China towards the areas that are traditionally under the U.S. influence, such as West Asia and Latin America. Since the 1990s, China has established extensive relations with countries in West Asia. The present study aimed to explore the expansion of China–Saudi Arabia relations in light of China’s Look West policy, trying to answer the following questions:  What role does Look West play in China’s foreign policy? And how does Saudi Arabia fit into China’s Look West policy? This research distinguishes itself from existing literature by offering a comprehensive analysis of China’s Look West policy, specifically focusing on the expansion of China’s relations with Saudi Arabia.

The study adopted a descriptive–analytical approach and an explanatory method to elucidate how the structure of the international system influences the behavior of states.

Theoretical Framework:

Neorealism or structural realism was used to enhance the explanatory power in addressing how the structure of the international system influences foreign relations and behavioral priorities of countries. The structure of the international system is regarded as the foremost and pivotal variable in the paradigm of structural realism. This encompasses a specific conception of structure and its related components. First, structural realism considers anarchy as the enduring feature of the international system, which is even immune to shifts in power concentration. Moreover, the distribution of capabilities or the polarity of the system significantly shapes the behavior of states. Therefore, neorealism refers to the distribution of power within the international system as one of the most influential variables in shaping the behavior of states. In this light, the analysis of China’s behavior, as a prominent emerging power, requires the examination of the role of America as a key pole in the international system. For instance, China’s pursuit of Go West strategy, as a competitive policy, is understood as a response to the prevailing polarity within the international system.

Systemic Change in the International System and China’s Look West Policy
The diminished concentration of U.S. power and the ascension of other major powers promise a more diversity in the polarity of the international system, as reinforced and evidenced by the rise of China and the increasing role of Asia in global affairs. This trend has elevated China to the status of the most important emerging power, ushering in a period of systemic change characterized by a shift in polarity within the international order. Over the past decade, this transformation has emerged as one of the most significant and influential determinants shaping the foreign policies of world states. Indeed, it has presented regional powers with increased opportunities to extend their influence into other regions. From this vantage point, China is increasingly inclined towards expanding its presence across various regions worldwide, including the West. This inclination can be captured by the term Look West, denoting a focus on the West in general. In a narrower sense, the West encompasses regions such as the Middle East and notably the Persian Gulf. Based on the Look West policy, rebalancing China’s foreign policy during the period of systemic change within the international system can be attributed to the following reasons:Intensification of Strategic Competition with the U.S. in China’s Periphery The U.S. efforts to increase its presence in China’s periphery have prompted China to shift its focus to other regions of the world, particularly West Asia, aiming to establish a strategic space and foothold. China perceives that America is withdrawing from certain regions of the world, which is likely to diminish the U.S. involvement and influence.

China’s Energy Needs:

The change in the polarity of the international system has led to changes in perspectives regarding global energy supply. This shift has opened up opportunities for China to play a more active role in energy supply centers worldwide, particularly in the Middle East. One significant aspect of China’s presence in the Middle East is the strengthening of bilateral relations with countries in the region, notably with the member states of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, such as Saudi Arabia.

China’s Belt and Road Initiative:

The changes within the international system have influenced the foreign policy of world states, paving the way for the enhancement of relations between different states, particularly with those in the Global South. In this context, China, with a longstanding history of fostering unique patterns in its relations with southern countries, has identified an opportune environment for launching new initiatives, foremost among them being the One Belt, One Road or Belt and Road Initiative (also referred to as the New Silk Road). Challenges of China’s Look West Policy Competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia Since the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran, Saudi Arabia has been wary of Iran and its regional policies. It is thus not surprising that China’s close relationship with Iran would raise concerns in Saudi Arabia. As the influence of the U.S. diminishes in the region, China finds itself with increased opportunities to play a significant role in regulating relations between the Persian Gulf states. Both Iran and Saudi Arabia have welcomed China’s mediation efforts to mitigate their differences, which culminated in the 2023 Memorandum of Understanding between Iran and Saudi Arabia to restore relations and reduce tensions.

The United States of America:

Currently, America continues to wield considerable influence in West Asia. Despite the tensions between Washington and Riyadh, America remains Saudi Arabia’s most crucial partner, which in turn gets Washington to exert pressure on Riyadh to deter any significant expansion of China–Saudi relations.

The present study examined the development and expansion of relations between China and Saudi Arabia within the context of China’s Look West or Go West strategy. The research findings suggested that Look West policy has increasingly become an integral strategy of China’s foreign policy, driven by dynamics of power distribution within the international system, emerging opportunities in energy resource markets, efforts to counteract the U.S. influence, and initiatives such as the New Silk Road. Moreover, Saudi Arabia occupies a pivotal position within China’s Look West paradigm. The structure of the international system and the post-Cold War distribution of power (polarity) are pivotal factors shaping China’s approach to the Middle East. A competitive aspect of China’s policy, Look West or Go West strategy involves strengthening ties with countries geographically situated to the West. This strategy serves as a means to break free from the strategic deadlock with the U.S. in East Asia. Nevertheless, China’s overarching objective extends beyond this; it seeks to replace the U.S. and increase its presence in other regions, thereby diminishing American influence while broadening its own sphere of influence. China pursues this goal by continually increasing its economic interactions with the Middle East, fostering amicable relations with all countries therein, and avoiding policies that directly challenge American interests in the Middle East.

On 18 October 2023, the second round of schedule-based restrictions and sanctions on Iran incorporated in the Security Council Resolution 2231 terminated. These restrictions included activities pertained to ballistic missiles, restrictions related to the transfer of items related to the Missile Technology Control Regime, and blocking of the assets of the individuals listed in the resolution. Before that, on 18 October 2020, the restrictions on conventional weapons and the transfer of individuals listed in the resolution had lifted. According to the agreement of the parties in the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) and the approval of the members of the Security Council in Resolution 2231, Iran's nuclear sanctions and restrictions were supposed to be gradually terminated on a determined timetable. Based on this schedule, Iran's nuclear situation in the Security Council will terminate in 2025. This article is a look at the different dimensions of lifting the restrictions and sanctions listed in paragraphs 3, 4 and some of the provisions of paragraph 6 of the second annex of Resolution 2231 and taking into consideration the importance of ending the Iran's nuclear issue in the Security Council, which is not a long way until then.

Marriage in Iran and the United States is derived from a legal, social, and religious institution. Marriage laws have significantly changed in both countries over time, including the removal of bans on interracial marriage in the United States and numerous changes to family rights in Iranian law since 1978. Marriages differ considerably in terms of religion, social status, economic status, age, commitment, and more. Marriage can be dissolved through annulment, divorce, or the death of a spouse. Divorce laws vary across different states and address issues such as the division of marital property, child custody, and spousal support obligations. Unfortunately, hopes and expectations for a shared life sometimes fail; this can be due to the parties having little information about their rights and duties as spouses. The breakdown of a marriage is a painful process often accompanied by severe emotional and financial distress. The combination of financial and non-financial tensions leads to the failure of the marriage. In both countries, the rights and duties of spouses toward each other have been subject to numerous changes and many challenges.