تحلیل گفتمان

Method of discourse analysis has provided a special opportunity to explain discourses systematically in the field of political sociological studies. In examining the political developments in contemporary Iran, the two discourses of the Islamic Republic and liberalism are prominent and significant. One of the most important issues in contrasting the discourse of the Islamic Republic with the discourse of liberalism is the type and view of the role of the people in government.the main question is what is the position of the people in the government in the discourses of liberalism and the Islamic Republic? In the present study, the main assumption is based on the fact that the above two discourses have a conflicting discourse on the goals and principles of government and governance methods, but they have a common opinion regarding the people's role.Accordingly, the three components of government legitimacy, political participation, and freedom were examined to determine the semantic system of each discourse regarding the position of the people in government.Our research data confirms the hypothesis; Based on the fact that both discourses, despite the differences in the type of government formation, have a common view and opinion in terms of people's roles.Both discourses emphasize the presence of the people in the political arena and consider the people's role and opinion necessary for the formation of the government. Political freedom, participation in various social and political arenas in both discourses is the necessity of government acceptance in order to exercise sovereignty over the people.

This study aims to understand how the Iranian presidential elections were reflected in newspapers belonging to the two fundamentalist and reformist factions. The time frame of the present study is two weeks before and one week after the Iranian presidential elections from 1376 to 1400. Statistical sampling of this population is based on selecting statements that are in line with the research objective and questions and have been identified and analyzed in the texts of these newspapers. The research sampling method is purposeful non-random sampling. The research method is descriptive-analytical based on Norman Fairclough's theory of critical discourse analysis and is based on two parts of intertextual and interdiscursive analysis. The data analysis method is based on a five-level operational model known as PEDMA. This study showed that fundamentalist media, with the main signifier of Velayat-e-Faqih, believe in top-down installation and legitimacy. They emphasize strengthening Islamism more than republicanism, and believe in the need for discretionary supervision, and they strengthen and encourage political participation in a mobilization-oriented manner. On the other hand, the main signifier of the reformist media is formed around the main signifier of the people and considers the legitimacy of the government from the bottom up. It emphasizes the importance of the republic and believes less in discretionary oversight and encourages and strengthens political participation from voting in elections to establishing associations and activity in the press and trade union activities.

Before 2016, fake news typically revolved around topics that were difficult to verify using sensory evidence, images, or videos. However, during the 2016 Brexit referendum in the UK and Donald Trump's presidential election in the US, a new form of fake news, termed post-truth, emerged and was effectively utilized. This led some observers to claim that we have entered an era where evoking emotions in audiences has become a decisive factor in the acceptance of political news, rendering the truthfulness of claims increasingly irrelevant. The central question of this article is: Why do audiences in the post-truth era accept emotionally charged fake political news? The main hypothesis proposes that emotions stem from deeply held values. In the post-truth era, when news resonates with an audience’s values, emotional defense of those values takes precedence over fact-checking. This study aims to test this hypothesis and identify the key factors that make some outrageous fabrications believable.

Since discourse analysis of post-truths in Iran had not previously been conducted, the first step was to compile a list of Iranian fake news stories that fit the criteria for post-truths. A preliminary survey was conducted with 370 participants, resulting in the identification of 10 emotionally charged fake news items that had been widely accepted by audiences.Next, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 12 ordinary Iranians, using these 10 fake news items (intermixed with legitimate news stories) as discussion prompts. The interview data were analyzed using Discursive Psychology, focusing on the linguistic patterns and discourse structures in the participants' responses. This analysis aimed to develop and validate a hypothesis explaining the perceived believability of post-truths.

On the one hand, upon hearing each news item, three emotional indicators — heart rate, body language, and self-reported emotions — were collected from the interviewees. By triangulating these emotional indicators and considering the possibility of emotional regulation, we found that the data did not support the dominant hypothesis in the literature. Specifically, only 13 out of 120 possible instances showed emotional responses, which was significantly lower than expected. On the other hand, the discourse analysis of the interviews led to the development and confirmation of a hypothesis suggesting that the believability of post-truths increases if they validate or challenge the audience's values. This hypothesis was further refined through the observation that most interviewees who accepted a post-truth immediately recognized that one of their identities, along with the corresponding values and beliefs (which were evident in their statements), was being either affirmed or challenged by the post-truth. To convince the interviewer of the validity of their evaluations and beliefs, the interviewees constructed a version of reality using sentences with varied yet cohesive functions, along with interpretive repertoires employing metaphors and discursive strategies familiar to members of their community. In these constructed versions of reality, contradictory or problematic data were disregarded, rival perspectives were marginalized, and the interviewees' values, ideologies, and beliefs were emphasized. All five factors — values, the subject's position within identity spectrums, functions, interpretive repertoires, and, most importantly, the construction of reality — were identifiable in the interviewees' statements and collectively formed a coherent and effective justificatory framework.

By refuting the dominant hypothesis in the literature and confirming the central hypothesis of this study, it can be concluded that an individual’s values and beliefs significantly influence their perception of reality. Although truth has not yet "died," it remains under serious threat. Preventing the political consequences of post-truths — such as the erosion of trust in institutions and critical thinking — requires addressing how values shape perceptions and discourses. Strengthening media literacy and promoting value-based dialogue could mitigate the acceptance of fake political news.

Any attempt to review the history of philosophical thought inevitably begins with ancient Greece. As the cradle of political thought, ancient Greece holds an influential position in the history of political thought. Thus, examining political thought in ancient Greece remains a compelling area of study for historians of political thought. A critical aspect of ancient Greek political thought is its evolution and the elements that influenced its development. Historians of political thought argue that various elements—such as governance systems, culture, and geography—served as key drivers in shaping political thought in ancient Greece. Understanding these elements provides deeper insight not only into ancient Greek political thinking but also into the broader development of Western political thought. In this respect, the present study aimed to analyze the role and significance of the discourse on the polis in the evolution of political thought in ancient Greece. The central question guiding this research is: What influence did the emergence of the polis have on the foundations of thought in ancient Greece? The research is based on the hypothesis that the rise of the polis as a dominant discourse not only influenced daily political relations in ancient Greece but also played a decisive role in the development of political thought as a distinct field of knowledge. In other words, political thought, as a form of historical knowledge, evolved according to the norms of discourse formation and transformation.

The current study employed discourse analysis as the methodological approach to explore the underlying logic behind the formation of political thought in ancient Greece.

According to the research methodology, the prevailing discourse of each era significantly shapes its modes of thought. In the monarchical discourse, mythical thinking—shaped by dominant values andnorms—laid the foundation for a specific form of thought known as mythical thought. This discourse constructed methods and models of thinking that would reproduce the dominant discourse. With the transition from the monarchical discourse to the discourse on the polis, it was not only the political order that underwent change but also the entirety of Greek social and political life. Beyond shifts in lifestyle and living models, a new mode of thinking emerged within the polis discourse. This new paradigm marked a shift from mythical to rational thought, emphasizing rationality over instinctual or national aspects of the human. This transformation reshaped the nature of relations between political institutions. As a result, the foundation of political legitimacy and stability moved away from metaphysical or mythical justifications toward an earthly, citizen-centered foundation.

This research examined the discourse on the polis in contrast with the discourse of monarchy, outlining several transitional stages from the monarchy to the polis. The first stage involved the crisis and eventual decline of the hegemonic monarchical discourse. The second stage marked the emergence and consolidation of the polis as the new dominant discourse. The third and final stage was characterized by the structuring of the discursive elements of political thought around a central sign, namely the polis itself. With the transition from the discourse of monarchy to that of the polis or city-state, not only did the political order change, but the entire social and political life of the Greeks was transformed. Beyond mere biological changes, a new mode of thinking emerged within the discourse of the polis. In thisA new way of thinking, rational thought gradually replaced mythical thinking, and rationalism led to the emergence of political thought.

The issue of Palestine is one of the most complex and sensitive political and humanitarian crises in contemporary history, with impacts extending beyond regional borders and becoming a global discourse. In this context, the statements and positions of Ayatollah Khamenei play a pivotal role in shaping the Islamic discourse on Palestine. This importance has been further amplified in recent events, particularly after the "Al-Aqsa Storm" operation, as this event marked a turning point in the resistance of the Palestinian people and the shifting regional dynamics. Despite numerous studies on the issue of Palestine, there is a notable gap in the precise and qualitative analysis of the positions of Ayatollah Khamenei regarding the events following this operation. His statements, delivered in various forums, not only elucidate the political, ethical, and religious dimensions of this issue but also provide a comprehensive model for resistance and confronting the aggressions of the Zionist regime. This article, utilizing thematic analysis and the theoretical framework of discourse analysis, delves deeply into the strategies and positions of Ayatollah Khamenei against the aggressions of the Zionist regime. Examining key themes such as the vulnerability of the Zionist regime, the power of Palestinian resistance, unprecedented oppression and crimes, and the responsibility of the Islamic world, reveals the comprehensive and influential approach of the Leader in this discourse. The findings of the research indicate that Ayatollah Khamenei’s discourse positions resistance as the primary strategy for the liberation of Palestine, placing it at the core of the political-religious discourse of the Islamic world. His statements, by presenting a comprehensive model, have effectively strengthened the discourse of resistance and countering the ambitions of the Zionist regime.

The present research is illuminated to study the comparative analysis of the discourse in the wills of the holy martyrs and the shrine martyers. Discourse analysis is a branch of linguistics that analyzes texts and formulates the characteristics of its discursive index. Wills are a text in which, by expressing requests and orders, it tries to place orders on others. The present research is a descriptive and analytical study conducted by discourse analysis Method. In carrying out this research, we chose to select 20 wills from the Holy Defense period and 20 wills from the time of the shrines' in the present time. The basic assumption of this study was based on the assumption that the time and circumstances, in accordance with any time, would give rise to different discourses in its wills. A review of the 1030 sentences found that the discourse of the holy martyrs' rulings around the themes of Imam Khomeini and Velayat-e Faqih, Imam Hussein (AS) and Karbala, the danger of arrogance, following the clergy, veil and chastity, and not crying the martyrs and the discourse of the martyrs of the shrine The axis of support for Velayat-e faqih was the risk of arrogance and sedition, the preservation of hijab and chastity, the imams and the uprising of Ashura, the defense of the shrine, the preservation of the promise of revolution and the avoidance of divisions and unity.

Iranian exceptionalism has been a major factor in preventing rapprochement between the US and Iran. There are two major factions within the foreign policy establishment of the Islamic Republic representing “reconciliation discourse” and “resistance discourse”. These two can be seen as sub-discourses within the Islamic Revolution discourse engaged in a struggle over its “correct” interpretation. The reconciliation discourse emphasizes on “prudence”, while the resistance discourse emphasizes upon “conscientiousness”, both signifiers within the Islamic Revolution discourse. Both movements agree that these signifiers exist within the discourse, but they disagree about the primacy and centrality of one over the other. The “reconciliation discourse” seeks development as the main goal of Iran’s foreign policy, and, hence, considers reconciliation with the US to be a precondition to that goal. Its arguments imply that Iran is not an exceptional country. The resistance discourse, on the other hand, is deeply exceptionalist and deems resistance against the US and maximalist independence to be the main objectives of Iran’s foreign policy. This discourse strongly opposes mending ties with the US because such a move would be understood as a threat to Iran’s exceptionalism. These sub-discourses also perceive the US differently; the reconciliation discourse considers US to be dynamic and heterogenous, while the resistance discourse considers US to be unchanging and monolithic, and this disagreement also contributes to their policy toward the US, and this understanding is also closely intertwined with exceptionalism. Overall, the dispute over Iranian exceptionalism has made relationship with the US the main issue of contention within Iranian foreign policy discourses.

Numerous studies have been conducted on movements and socio-political unrest, examining them from multiple perspectives. In Iran, many studies have focused on social transformations, often identifying identity as one of the causes of such changes. The central question of this article is the relationship between identity pluralism and political and social tensions in Iran, with a focus on the period after the reform era. The hypothesis suggests that identity in Iran today is not monolithic, given that it has manifested at subnational, national, and transnational levels, and that identity has become fragmented, globalized, and virtualized. As a result, during social tensions, each dimension of identity can align with or be influenced by competing ideologies or discourses. The findings of this study reveal that in various instances of social unrest, one or more aspects of existing identities become activated, playing a pivotal role in driving tensions. The study adopts a discourse analysis approach, with data collection conducted through library research.

considering the significant effects of the Taliban's return to power on Iran, it is crucial to analyze this event from various perspectives. Therefore, the central question of this paper focuses on the examination of the Taliban’s discourse within the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan and its ideological repercussions for governance in Iran. The hypothesis of this paper suggests that the Taliban's rule over Afghanistan is underpinned by discursive foundations and has multiple political and social implications, which are both shaped by this discourse and directly impact Iran. Research findings indicate that the Taliban’s discourse is not theological but rather reflects a form of Salafi fundamentalism that is incompatible with Afghanistan's sociocultural fabric, exacerbating internal tensions and leading to social instability. This instability poses negative consequences for governance in Iran, ranging from conflicts between Shia and Sunni discourses to issues such as an increase in the number of migrants. The research adopts a discourse analysis approach, with data gathered through library research.

Among the important concepts in the political and social literature of societies is the concept of war. Re-reading the key opinions that influence the general policies of the society can lead to a more complete definition of the desired phenomenon and explain the political and social outlook of the societies more accurately. In this article, by dealing with the concept of war in the discourse of the revolution with a descriptive analytical method and based on Farklough's three-level model, it was determined that the occurrence of the Islamic Revolution led to the redefinition of new conceptual and value structures and changed some semantic fields in the global relations of power. gave The centrality of the new system and structure that was established in Iran is the formation of a religious government. This caused fundamental changes, including the emergence of an ideological competitor at the level of global power relations. With the emergence of such conditions, socio-political systems and power structures are redefined and take on a new form. In order to maintain the status quo and consolidate power, the existing powers that do not accept the new discourse rise up against it and in this way try various forms of exercising power. In this course, the historical development of the method of conflict and confrontation in the power structure leads from hard and military war to cultural invasion, cultural bloodshed, cultural looting, cultural massacre, cultural NATO, cultural soft war, which at the present time is faced with a variety of methods of exercising power. which ultimately leads to a combined war method. Alienation, hostility and authority are among the central signs of the discourse of war, and the concepts of defense, jihad, struggle, insight and resistance are the concepts involved in completing this discourse network.

This qualitative research aimed to compare the factors influencing hope discourse across different levels of Sharing. Employing a qualitative approach and discourse analysis, the study involved 16 mothers with children. Participants were selected using purposive sampling and in-depth interviews were conducted. Data was collected, transcribed, coded, and organized into primary categories. Subsequently, the data was analyzed using psychological discourse coding techniques. The analysis identified 34 primary themes and 70 subthemes within the hope discourse of the target population. These themes were categorized into six narrative, cognitive, emotional, behavioral, relational, and temporal dimensions. The findings revealed a positive correlation between Sharing level and belief in attitudinal aspects of Sharing, as well as greater agency in functional and relational aspects. Participants with lower Sharing levels exhibited narratives of hardship, negative self-talk, negative and hindering experiences during crises, negative cognitive perceptions, superficial thinking, dissatisfaction with life, reduced sense of duty and transformation, and weaker communication skills. These findings suggest that an individual's Sharing level significantly influences the dimensions of their hope discourse.

The analysis of the riots in the fall of 1401 in the Islamic Republic, which was designed by the enemies of the Islamic Revolution in the interpretation of the Supreme Leader of the revolution, can be done from different angles. The purpose of this research is to identify and explain different discourses to analyze these disturbances. For this purpose, the discourse analysis method of Lacla and Moff has been used as a qualitative research method. Data collection has been done using a semi-structured and in-depth interview with 19 professors of the Islamic Revolution who gathered in the meeting of the Scientific Association of the Islamic Revolution in Shiraz in February 1401, during 30 hours of interviews and about 400 pages of notes. After coding the interviews; The findings of the research show that the analysis of the riots of the fall of 1401 is included in four discourses that are complementary to each other: first, the "political-security discourse" around the nodal point of the "civilizational confrontation between Islam and the West"; Second, the "discourse of the governance system" around the nodal point of "governance malfunctions"; Third, "educational discourse" around the nodal point of "weakness of divine approach in formal and informal education system"; And fourth, "social discourse" revolves around the nodal point of "spreading the western lifestyle". Deep attention to these results by policy makers and governance decision makers can be helpful in reducing the damage of these disturbances and preventing similar disturbances to some extent.

In Iran, after the Islamic revolution, we are witnessing the formation of important challenges in various political, social, economic and cultural fields. Considering the ideological nature of the Islamic revolution, the challenge in the field of culture is one of the most serious challenges. Considering the ideological nature of the Islamic Revolution, one of the most serious challenges is the challenge in the field of culture.
In this field, we witnessed a hypothetical confrontation between the dominant discourse and a discourse outside the borders of the country, and we also witnessed the formation of a fundamental challenge in the field of culture between the supporters of the Islamic Revolution itself.
 This research addresses part of this challenge that is relevant to the last decade. Due to the nature of the research, Laclau & Moff's discourse analysis method. To illustrate the background to the formation of this challenge. Influential statesmen of the tenth government, by putting together concepts such as the inefficiency of jurisprudence, the end of Islamism and creating a relationship (articulation) between them, sought to create a new discourse that would challenge the dominant discourse . But it was met with an anti-hegemonic reaction from the dominant discourse. The result of this challenge was the marginalization of the discourse of the tenth government and the hegemony of the dominant discourse.

 The main goal of this article is to analyze the content of religious discourse works using the method of James Paul Gee’s discourse analysis theory. Religious discourse inspired by effective works and books was an attempt to attract people in the process of Islamic revolution. In this regard, the religious front took advantage of books such as Guardianship Of The Islamic Jurist: Islamic Government by Imam Khomeini (RA), Islamic Movements Of The Last Hundred Years by Morteza Motahari, Victorious Fighter In Ashura by Mohammad Hossein Beheshti, From Freedom To Martyrdom by Seyyed Mahmoud Taleghani, Immortal Martyr by Nematullah Salehi Najafabadi, The Path Taken by Mehdi Bazargan and Yes, Brother! It Was Like That by Ali Shariati.  In this article, authors seek to answer the question “how is the content analysis of the works of religious discourse in the process of the Islamic revolution based on the theory of James Paul Gee?” The religious discourse in the process of the Islamic Revolution is divided into two sub-discourses of revivalist thinkers (Noandishan e Mojaded e din) and modern thinkers (Noandishan e Motajaded e din). The method used in this article is the method of discourse analysis with the help of the discourse analysis theory proposed by James Paul Gee that is one of the most effective and specialized theories in describing the structure of a text and obtaining its linguistic elements and the relationship between elements. The findings of the research show that according to the seven components of James Paul Gee theory, the two sub-discourses are similar regarding life situation of Muslims, perception of Islam, lack of Muslims attention to Islam, Islam as a complete religion, religious identity of Iranians, the role of colonialism, religious concepts of value, dynamic jurisprudence, taking advantage of Ashura, returning to the self, drawing the ideal situation, supporting the oppressed and in political unity. On the other hand, the two sub-discourses differ in the pathology of society's problems, Iranology, nodal point, supporting or not supporting Pahlavi, explaining traditional religion, accepting new sciences and techniques, how to inform the audience, political matters, governance, the basis of legitimacy, reference groups, consecration, adherence to tradition, and  the cause of decline.

In recent years, the application of unfair economic sanctions against Iran led to the emergence of restrictions in the domestic business space. Therefore, based on the need that was felt more than before in the country, the discourse of resistance economy was raised for the first time by the Supreme Leader. Resistance economy is a practical and theoretical discourse to exemplify a type of economy that is expressed by the leadership to face economic sanctions. Therefore, the present study aims to answer the question, what does resistance economy mean in the speech of the Supreme Leader? The purpose of this research is to investigate the resistance economy discourse of the Supreme Leader. The hypothesis of this research is that the speech of the Supreme Leader's resistance economy includes domestic and foreign economy, which is presented as a local model of progress. This research, which has been conducted by the discourse analysis method, has used the theme analysis method in the data analysis and has drawn the resistance economy discourse of the Supreme Leader in the form of a theme network model. Sampling in this research was done in a purposeful way and after analyzing 15 texts of speeches of the Supreme Leader regarding resistance economy, theoretical saturation has been reached. Finally, the findings of the research show that the Supreme Leader's resistance economy discourse has three overarching themes: "endogenous economy", "external economy" and "native model of progress".

The victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1978 was the beginning of the hegemony of a new discourse in the form of religion in the contemporary world, which was able to change the view of Iranian society into two categories of religious government and look to the future. This discourse created a new movement towards the new Islamic civilization, a new horizontal horizon not only in Iran but also in most Islamic countries and in the international arena. Therefore, it has always been necessary that in order to achieve Islamic civilization, a sub-discourse should be formed as an accelerating factor within the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, which seems to be present in the discourse of resistance. Therefore, the main question is what characteristics this discourse should have in order to push the Islamic system towards the new Islamic civilization as quickly as possible. This article intends to introduce the mentioned discourse as one of the necessities of achieving a new Islamic civilization by using the method of Laclau and Moff discourse analysis method and the Supreme Leader's emphasis on the importance of discourse-building on the characteristics of resistance discourse.

The research provides a conceptual framework to explain the three superpowers affecting the changes in the West Asian region, including; The axis of resistance, Arab governments that are not aligned with the resistance and interventionist extra-regional governments and the discourses and social forces that follow them, and after reviewing the fields of formation and legal positioning of the Iraq Hashd al-Shaabi (Issue), using the theories of the Media framing and conceptualization deals with the analysis of supportive discourse (method) and critical counter-discourse of the media around this resistance group. After counting 64 media axes (found), deepening and concluding the central signifiers of these discourses, it shows that the counter-discourse media of resistance in the cross-border part of Iraq 4 strategies "dependence on Iran", "fear of the development of Shiite sectarianism", "unification of Arab reactionary governments on against the Hashd", "production of parallel movements of the Hashd" and as a result its conflict with the "security and reliability of the governance of the Arab governments of the region" have been used. In contrast to the resistance discourse media, they have designed 2 strategies of "explanation with layered analysis" and "confrontation with production against the flow" focusing on its impact on "providing Iraq's national interests" and "synergy with resistance groups".

The advent of the Islamic Revolution in Iran and the redefinition of geopolitical codes led to the production of new discourses whose floating sign consisted of Iran's confrontation with the West’s geopolitical field. In order to produce a counter-discourse against the United States, Iran seeks a compensatory mechanism to manage the effects of sanctions on its economy, resulting in a 25-year Iran-China strategic plan. From the perspective of critical geopolitics and Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis, this study has reviewed the text of the 25-Year Iran-China Cooperation Plan in order to identify and analyze its geopolitical propositions and trends. Accordingly, the text was examined in three scales: agents, actions, and context. At the agents’ scale, China has been identified as the guarantor of security. Findings from this critical analysis showed that the floating sign in the text was to ensure Iran's geo-economic security against US sanctions. The meaning of the second identified reference, or geopolitical threatening reference, is the United States and Western Europe (Western geopolitical field). Iran seeks to create a geopolitical society discourse based on the text of a 25-year plan by identifying examples of threats against itself and China. In terms of actions, China seeks a strategic partnership with Iran by taking two steps to raise the issue of Iran on the non-security agenda and to distance itself and impose its position. In the third scale, the impact of the threat-generating actor on the context (25-year plan) was first examined, during which the United States seeks to minimize Iran's achievements by attaching the 25-year plan into Iran's nuclear program.