ترکیه

The conflict between Turkey and the Kurds is a deeply rooted issue that has posed a significant challenge to the Turkish state since its inception. The emergence of Kurdish identity, in opposition to the principles of Kemalism, which emphasized Turkish nationalism, led to the marginalization of Kurds within Turkey. This dynamic was further exacerbated by the actions of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), despite its initial attempts to modify the Kemalist approach to ethnic minorities. The AKP government's objectives included seeking membership in the European Union, improving relations with neighboring countries, and establishing Turkey as a prominent regional power. This strategy involved increasing soft power through democratization, resolving conflicts with neighbors, and enhancing Turkey's security. However, a discrepancy between Turkey's capabilities and resources, and its international commitments, has resulted in a widespread sense of siege, retreat, and isolation, hindering the government's ability to normalize relations with the Kurds. This research aims to analyze the Turkish government's policies towards the Kurdish minority and explore the underlying reasons for the ongoing conflict. The central question is: Why did the reforms implemented by the AKP to integrate Kurdish identity into a national unit fail, and why did the Turkish government resort to military suppression of the Kurds once again? The hypothesis suggests that these reforms failed due to Turkey's inability to address the post-Kemalist identity review of ethnic minorities, particularly the Kurds. The theoretical basis of this research is constructivism, examining the roles of structure and agency in the interactive processes of governance and power. The research methodology is descriptive, utilizing data gathered from library and online resources, including articles, books, and analyses. The analysis highlights that the emphasis on Turkish nationalism and the historical legacy of the Ottoman Empire within Kemalism, the ideological foundation of the political coalition in the Turkish government, led to stringent national policies regarding ethnic minorities. The suppression of Kurdish identity-seeking activities and the restriction of their political and cultural autonomy have been key approaches in this area. The dominant identity in Turkey has historically been unwilling to officially recognize a distinct ethnic minority called Kurds. With the rise of the AKP, there was a move towards a multicultural approach consistent with neo-Ottomanism in dealing with minorities, opening the door to a multicultural conceptualization of Turkish citizenship. Contrary to Kemalist nationalist behavior, as long as minorities demonstrated loyalty to the Republic of Turkey, their cultural rights and expressions of national identity were not seen as major threats. However, when faced with the cultural and political demands of the Kurds, the ruling party sought to secure these rights within the framework of multiculturalism and Islamic identity. Accordingly, there were efforts to modify behavior towards the Kurds, promote the use of the Kurdish language, engage in official negotiations with Kurdish leaders, and foster economic and political relations with the independent Kurdish government in Iraq, as well as cooperate against the PKK with Syria after 2015. This process of de-escalation was ultimately unsuccessful due to internal contradictions within the Turkish government. These contradictions included the ongoing challenge from the Turkish military, which adhered to Kemalist ideology; the AKP's own internal divisions, which led it to use opposition to the Kurds to gain parliamentary victories; and the military attacks on Kurdish-controlled areas in Syria, ostensibly to fight the PKK. This dynamic brought the issue of identity reconsideration in the face of Kurdish nationalism to a head. According to structural analysis, the Turkification of Kurdish identity has consistently been a major factor in the armed struggles of the Kurds, particularly through the PKK. It is essential for the Turkish government to recognize that effective policymaking and the prevention of current tensions between the Turkish government and Kurdish military forces depend on considering the official existence of Kurdish identity. An identity reconstruction that does not include these and similar issues will face resistance from the Kurds. Therefore, the policies of the AKP, while seemingly emphasizing the redefinition of national identity based on pluralistic principles, are still heavily influenced by the spirit of Kemalism. This underlying tension between an apparent desire for pluralism and the deep-rooted adherence to Turkish nationalism has hindered meaningful progress in resolving the conflict. The situation is further complicated by the ongoing military actions against Kurdish groups in neighboring countries, particularly in Syria and Iraq, and the Turkish government's perception of these groups as threats to national security. These actions, while ostensibly aimed at combating the PKK, often result in civilian casualties and further alienate the Kurdish population. The history of conflict between the Turkish state and the Kurds includes significant events like the 1925 Sheikh Said rebellion, and subsequent uprisings in the 1930s, which were met with severe military crackdowns and the suppression of Kurdish cultural expression. The Turkish government's approach has often been to deny the existence of a distinct Kurdish identity and to characterize the Kurdish issue as a problem caused by external factors, like the influence of neighboring countries. This denial has fueled further unrest and created a cycle of violence. The PKK, formed in the late 1970s, has been a central element of this conflict, engaging in armed struggle for greater Kurdish autonomy. Despite periods of ceasefire and peace negotiations, the conflict continues due to a lack of fundamental change in the Turkish government's approach to Kurdish identity and rights. The ongoing tensions also highlight the complex geopolitical considerations, with Turkey viewing Kurdish groups in neighboring countries with suspicion, while these same groups are sometimes allies of western powers. Furthermore, there is uncertainty regarding the degree of influence Abdullah Öcalan, the imprisoned leader of the PKK, still has on the organization and whether he can meaningfully contribute to any peace process. The conflict is exacerbated by the use of military force and airstrikes by the Turkish military in the region, which has often led to civilian deaths and injuries. The Turkish government's attempts to establish itself as a regional power have also complicated the issue, as its pursuit of strategic interests has sometimes been at odds with the pursuit of a peaceful resolution to the Kurdish question. Ultimately, the persistent conflict between Turkey and the Kurds is a result of Turkey's inability to reconcile its unitary national identity with the demands of its Kurdish population for recognition, autonomy, and cultural rights. The failure of the AKP's reforms can be attributed to the deep-rooted influence of Kemalist ideology, the internal contradictions within the ruling party, and the complex regional dynamics, which all have contributed to a cycle of violence and instability. A lasting resolution requires a fundamental shift in the Turkish government's approach, one that moves beyond suppression and towards genuine recognition and acceptance of Kurdish identity and rights. This will necessitate a significant change in how the Turkish state constructs its national identity and how it views the role and place of ethnic minorities within its borders.

Turkey is particularly important for the Islamic Republic of Iran. It is Iran's neighbor and there is a common land border between the two sides. Turkey is influential in some of Iran's internal issues, including some of the issues of the Azerbaijani provinces. Turkey has the ability to reduce the pressure of Western sanctions against Iran. In addition to being able to be defined as a political, intelligence and security partner for Iran in some regional issues and issues, its regional policies in various regional issues, especially in the case of Syria, Palestine, the Zionist regime and the South Caucasus, can be problematic for the Islamic Republic of Iran. This level of influence makes the issue of power shifts in Türkiye a significant one. In other words, it is natural that the Islamic Republic of Iran should be concerned and concerned about the future political situation in Turkey. The failure of the ruling party and the success of the Republican People's Party in the municipal elections in March 2024 made Iran more sensitive to the above issue than ever before and raised the question of whether the Turkish government will change in the not-so-distant future and power will pass to another person or movement? What are the characteristics of Turkey's political future and what will it look like? An examination of the tools and capabilities, social base, and political and economic performance of parties in Turkey shows that, barring an extraordinary event or development, one of the two parties, the Justice and Development Party and the Republican People's Party, will determine the future political situation in Turkey. In other words, either the ruling party will continue to maintain power in its hands, or it will cede power to its main rival party. In the meantime, the hands of the Kurdish party will continue to be far from government power. Due to the large Kurdish population in Turkey, this party has the ability to maintain its influential role and even beyond that, it may be able to achieve a decisive role through an alliance with one of the competing parties.

Middle East has always attracted the center of international attention in terms of the unprecedented expansion of terrorist groups on the one hand and internal (intra-governmental) and regional (inter-governmental) conflicts on the other. This has led to the fact that in the mentioned region, unlike other regions such as the European Union, governments are the only security actors. Various factors influence this issue, one of which can be foreign interventions due to the negative historical record. Based on this, the main question of the current research is what effect did foreign interventions have on regional security governance in Middle East? To answer this question, three regional powers namely Iran, Saudi Arabia and Turkey were studied comparatively. Therefore, the purpose of the article is to measure the impact of foreign interventions on regional security governance in West Asia. In this regard, by using the quantitative method and collecting data from different institutions (secondary analysis), in addition to investigating the relationship or correlation between foreign interventions and regional security governance, steps are also taken in the direction of explanation. Thus, using SPSS version 22 software and simultaneous univariate linear regression test (INTER), the coefficient of influence of external interventions on the four dimensions of regional security governance including prevention, assurance, coercion and protection is measured. The findings of the research have shown that foreign interventions alone have been able to explain approximately 39 and 58 percent of the dimensions of prevention and assurance of regional security governance in Middle East, respectively.

The Caucasus region, strategically located between Europe and Asia, has long attracted the attention of regional and global powers due to its geographical importance and abundant natural resources. Its vast oil and gas reserves, along with its role as a key transit hub, have placed it at the center of international trade and investment. The region's integration into global economic corridors has increased its strategic value, as major regional and international powers seek secure routes for the transport of goods and energy. In this context, Iran and Türkiye, two influential players in the region, are pursuing their corridor strategies to expand their influence. Iran prioritizes the North-South Corridor to strengthen ties with Eurasia and circumvent sanctions and offer an alternative trade route. Meanwhile, Türkiye is focused on the Middle Corridor, which connects Central Asia to Europe and China through the Caucasus. This pursuit of regional influence through economic corridors has intensified competition between Tehran and Ankara and has shaped their diplomatic relations. The development of these routes not only facilitates trade but also serves as a tool for geopolitical influence and regional dominance.Research question: The main question of the research is how different interests and goals of Iran and Türkiye in the Caucasus region lead to competition in the corridors passing through this region?

Research hypothesis: 

The hypothesis suggests that the significant difference in the goals and interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Türkiye regarding the development of corridors passing through the Caucasus region is one of the key factors in the competition between the two countries in this area.Methodology and theorethical framework: This study uses a qualitative research method with a descriptive-analytical approach, using documentary analysis and library research to examine the dynamics of competition between Iran and Türkiye in the Caucasus region. Additionally, the theoretical framework employs the regional balance of power to analyze strategic interactions between the two countries. According to this theoretical framework, economic corridors play a significant role in the balance of power in two key ways. First, they enable actors to reduce political and economic pressures from rivals by reducing their path dependence, thereby increasing strategic independence. Second, these corridors serve as a tool to strengthen soft power and increase geopolitical influence.

In this context, the competition between Iran and Türkiye over the development of corridors in the Caucasus has beem raised as an important issue in bilateral relations. Fundamental differences in the goals and interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Türkiye in terms of their influence in the Caucasus are the main drivers of this competition. While both countries recognize the strategic importance of the region, they have different views on the development of the corridor. Iran aims to strengthen its cooperation with Eurasian countries, especially Russia and India, using the North-South Corridor as a tool to strengthen these partnerships. In contrast, Türkiye has adopted a more West-centric approach, seeking to stenghten its central role in connecting Europe with Central Asia and China through the development of the Middle Corridor. These different strategies have significantly intensified Iran-Türkiye competition in the Caucasus. Both countries are committed to advancing the vision of regional connectivity, deepening bilateral relations and influencing their geopolitical landscape. The findings of this study indicate that framing the North-South Corridor and the Middle Corridor as two competing routes with distinct stakeholders intensifies the rivalry between Iran and Türkiye in the Caucasus. This competition is likely to shape the dynamics of their bilateral relations, affecting not only their interactions but also the broader security and stability of the Caucasus and beyond. As major external powers also compete for influence in the region, the rivalry between Iran-Türkiye could further complicate regional politics. As both countries seek to maintain their positions and advance their interests, the potential for escalating geopolitical tensions increases, emphasizing the need for careful management of this competition to maintain stability in this strategically sensitive region. Ultimately, the interplay of regional and global interests may change the geopolitical landscape of the Caucasus and have important implications for both local and international security.

The findings suggest that both countries are actively seeking to expand their influence in this strategically important region. However, fundamental differences in their interests and goals increase competition between them. This growing competitionis not only is rooted in their national interests but is also influenced by significant geopolitical changes in the region and the external interference by major powers. The growing presence of countries such as China and Russia in the Caucasus further complicates the regional landscape and positions the Iranian-Turkish rivalry as a potential catalyst for escalating tensions and instability. As both countries pursue their ambitions amidst these complex dynamics, the implications for regional security and cooperation become increasingly critical. This study shows that the Iranian-Turkish rivalry in the Caucasus is part of a broader geopolitical competition that involvs global powers and has important implications for regional stability. The dynamics of this competition directly affect the development and control of essential transportation corridors in the region. To turn this competition into constructive cooperation, Iran must actively engage with the Middle Corridor. Such interaction will not only strengthen the North-South Corridor, but will also strengthen Iran's relations with its neighbors and help reduce its isolation.

The South Caucasus is a very important region that has a significant place in the geopolitical landscape of the 21st century. The wars in Ukraine and Karabagh provided a unique opportunity for Türkiye to review its new strategic perspective. Following the implementation of the trust-building project with Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia, Turkey has adopted a multifaceted strategy to establish stability and balance. The current research, by applying the constructivist theory, seeks to answer the question, what are the economic, political and military goals of Turkey in the countries of Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia? The findings of the research show that Turkey has a multifaceted strategy to achieve economic goals (access to the consumer market, investment and mastery of energy lines and ensuring energy security), political and strategic (expanding the sphere of strategic influence and geopolitical in the region and the international environment) and military and security (changing the military and security balance of the region by providing assistance to strategic allies). The result is that following the change of geopolitical realities in the Caucasus, Turkey is trying to increase its geopolitical weight in the world by applying a multifaceted strategy while reducing the role of its competitors, Russia and Iran in the region and by finding a way to improve relations with Armenia. Change and promote international multipolar order.

This research aims to investigate the consequences of Turkish hydro-power projects in the upstream Aras basin on Iran's agricultural economy. To do this, after trying to show that the consequences of Turkey's DAP project (Doğu Anadolu Projesi) for Iran could be much greater than the consequences of Turkey's GAP project (Güneydoğu Anadolu Projesi) for Syria and Iraq, we have reviewed previous research to show that there is a research gap in terms of implications of DAP's consequences for Iran's agricultural economy. Then, we have presented the conceptual framework of the research, in which "agricultural economy" "hydro-politic" and "hydro-hegemony" are of particular importance. We then present a picture of the Aras basin to highlight its importance in Iran's agricultural economy. Then, after examining Turkey's hydro-power projects in Aras, we examined two macro/mega trends and five main trends affecting this issue and finally came to a conclusion.Research question: What are the implications of Turkish hydro-power projects in the upstream Aras basin for Iran's agricultural economy?Research hypothesis: Turkey's hydro-power projects in the upstream Aras basin will have major consequences for Iran's agricultural economy, such as the conversion of irrigated lands to (rainy) drylands in Iran’s share of the Aras basin and wasting the investments made in the agricultural sector in the northern regions of the three northwestern provinces of Iran. Given that Turkey's hydro-power projects in the Aras basin have not yet been fully implemented, here we present an explanatory approach for future studies to solve the problem. In examining the implications of hydro-power projects that Turkey has implemented or is seeking to implement in the upstream Aras basin, we argued that the two macro trends that determine Turkey's hydro-politics are global "climate change" and the "competitions between the regional powers" of the Middle East. The first macro trend is causing Turkey's climate to dry out. As a result, the country has sought to manage its consequences by building dams and controlling the water of cross-border rivers. The second macro trend, the competition between regional powers in the Middle East, has led Turkey to use water to gain political and economic benefits from other countries in the region and enhance its position in the region. For this reason, Turkey sometimes talks about exchanging water for oil with Middle Eastern oil-exporting countries and exporting water to other countries through the construction of pipelines. In addition, Turkey has tried to use the Tigris, Euphrates and Aras waters for the "development" of its southeastern and eastern provinces. These regions are less or under-developed compared to other parts of the country, especially the western part. In this framework, dam construction is a means of managing Turkey’s social, political, and ethnic problems in the target regions, which have manifested themselves in the form of Kurdish separatism.Considering the large and small dams that Turkey has built in the Aras basin so far, it can be said that the country will implement more hydro-power projects in the Aras basin, similar to what has been implemented in the Tigris and Euphrates basins. In recent years, the amount of water entering Iran from the Aras has decreased significantly and it can be predicted that the water in this river will decrease even more significantly in the future.Therefore, given the macro/mega and major trends we have discussed in this article and what we know about Turkey's hydro-political approach and hydro-hegemony strategy, it can be said that Turkey is determined to control as much of the Aras water as possible which will have numerous consequences for the countries downstream of this border-crossing river, including Iran. These consequences can manifest themselves in various forms and harm the "human security" of the people in the region. One of the components of human security is "economic security" in which agriculture plays an important role. Therefore, Turkey's dam construction in the upstream Aras basin river will have negative consequences for the agricultural economies of the countries downstream of this river. Our studies in this research show that the consequences of Turkey's dam construction on Iran's agricultural economy will be different: on the one hand, with the reduction of Aras water, Iran's ability to produce agricultural products will decrease especially in the three provinces of West Azerbaijan, East Azerbaijan and Ardabil - parts of which are in the Aras basin. In addition, the reduction of Aras water will definitely harm its quality, especially since a lot of urban and industrial wastewater enters the river. Therefore, agricultural products produced with the reduced water of the river will be of lower quality and may even cause health problems. This will also reduce the competitiveness of Iran's agricultural products in the market. Similarly, reducing the Aras water will waste the investments that Iran has made in its share of the Aras basin in areas such as the Mughan Plain. In addition, the construction of Turkish dams in the upstream Aras basin and the inevitable reduction in the water reaching downstream countries such as Iran will also have environmental consequences, which endangers some other components of human security for the people of the region.

Nowruz is one of the ancient rituals that is celebrated every year with the beginning of the spring equinox in Iran and the countries affected by the Iranian civilization as well as Turkey. Nowruz is a cultural phenomenon and can be a key element for connecting the countries that organize it. As two neighboring countries, Iran and Turkey have always had social, economic and cultural relationships with each other. One of the most important common cultural elements between Iran and Turkey is the ancient Nowruz. The question of the present article is what are the similarities and differences between Nowruz in the two countries of Iran and Turkey and how is the role of Nowruz in the cultural diplomacy of the two countries evaluated and what are the common cultural lines between Iran and Turkey. It seems that according to the importance of soft power and cultural manifestations, Nowruz can help to deepen cultural relations between Iran and Turkey. The ceremony of welcoming Nowruz, house shaking, Haft Sin table, buying new clothes and seeing and visiting relatives are among the common features of Nowruz between the two countries. From the point of view of differences, Nowruz in different parts of Iran and Turkey has differences regarding how to hold the ceremony and the anthropological differences that have been mentioned. The research method is using library resources and collecting data from articles, books and examining them in a descriptive-analytical way.

Since the Justice and Development Party came to power, a new cornerstone in Turkish foreign policy has been gradually implemented largely influenced by the thoughts of Ahmet Davutoğlu. Davutoğlu, in his book "Strategic Depth," believes that Turkiye, considers itself an inseparable part of the South Caucasus region historically, culturally, and geographically. Samuel Huntington also points out that Turkiye after the Ottoman Empire, turned away from Mecca and turned westward; however, it did not hear a call from the West and after the collapse of the Soviet Union, one way to ensure its survival was to look to the East (Central Asia and the Caucasus). Accordingly, the South Caucasus, especially Republic of Azerbaijan, received special attention from Turkiye after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The principle of cooperation and expansion of influence in the South Caucasus countries has been the basis of Turkiye's policy towards the the South Caucasus crises, which is pursued both regionally and trans-regionally. In its extraterritorial focus, Turkiye cooperated with the West, especially NATO and the United States. At the regional level, Ankara prioritized its policy in the Caucasus by establishing extensive cooperation with Baku. The concept of power has historically been synonymous with military capacity. However, after World War II, the economy also became important; therefore, power was considered as a component of both military and economic capacity. However, after the Cold War, another aspect of power emerged, introduced by Joseph Nye. This type of power, which does not involve coercive methods, is called soft power. After going through a challenging path of criticism and justification, the concept of soft power, has established its place in the international academic space and has now become one of the main concepts in international relations. Since the rise of the Justice and Development Party, Turkiye has paid more attention to soft power, influenced by the vision of Ahmet Davutoğlu's perspective, with the aim of expanding its sphere of influence. This study first explains Joseph Nye's soft power theory and secondly, it shed lights on the historical relations between Turkiye and Azerbaijan Republic, as well as the role of soft power in strengthening their relations. Research question: What role has soft power played in the development and deepening of the strategic alliance between Turkiye and Azerbaijan?Research hypothesis: Soft power has played a driving and facilitating role in the strategic alliance between Turkiye and Azerbaijan Republic. In this research, the historical-analytical 'process tracing method' was used." This method allows for the investigation of causal mechanisms and changes and allows for the evaluation of the sequence of events and the relationships between variables over time. This method allows for the examination of causal mechanisms and changes, enabling the assessment of the sequence of events and the relationships between variables over time. This method allows for the examination of causal mechanisms and changes, enabling the assessment of the sequence of events and the relationships between variables over time. In this regard, this research describes the strategic alliance between Turkiye and Azerbaijan as a historical process rather than a situation. This means that the process of forming a coalition has a starting point and has reached its peak during a historical journey. By using this method, the authors aim to explain the role of soft power in the development of this alliance. The failure of Turkiye's plans to join the European Union has made the idea of Pan-Turkism and the formation of a "great empire" increasingly more attractive to Ankara than ever before. Alongside the neo-Ottoman idea, which focuses on the Arab countries of the Mediterranean and the Balkans, the unity of all Turkic peoples based on ethnic and linguistic ties, from the Bosporus Strait to China, is also on Turkiye's agenda. The ideas of Pan-Turkism are increasingly becoming a reality in many areas. The concept of unity and a common destiny of Turkic peoples is taking shape more than ever before. Turkiye, relying on its ethnic identity and Turkish element, sought to establish complete solidarity with Azerbaijan. Therefore, the slogan "One Nation - Two States" was the driving force behind Turkish-Azerbaijani relations during the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War. The Shushi statement clearly states the overall policy of coordination in military, political, and foreign policy spheres. In fact, this document proves that Turkiye has gained complete influence in Azerbaijan. In previous contracts, there was no mention of the Turkic world; however, this statement clearly indicates the coordination of forces between the two countries for the development of the Turkic world. In previous agreements, there was no mention of the Turkic world; however, this statement clearly outlines the coordination of forces between the two countries for the development of the Turkic world.In general, among Turkiye's multiple soft power mechanisms, the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency can be mentioned. In general, the multiple mechanisms of Turkiye's soft power include the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency, the Public Diplomacy Coordination Organization, the Yunus Emre Foundation, the Turkish Radio and Television Corporation, the Anadolu Agency, the Organization of Turks Abroad and Related Communities, Turkish Airlines, the International Turkish Culture Organization, the Maarif Foundation, the Turkish Red Crescent, the Disaster and Emergency Management Authority of Turkiye, the Directorate of Religious Affairs, the Turkish Armed Forces, the Turkic Council, the International Turkic Academy, the Turkish Business Council, the Turkish Chamber of Commerce and Industry, the Union of Turkish Universities, and so on. Turkiye's goal with such measures is to strengthen cooperation between Turkiye and the Turkic republics in the political, economic, cultural and educational fields. On October 20, 2022, during the meeting of representatives of the Turkic Council member states in Bursa, a decision was made to establish a "Commission for the Creation of a Unified Alphabet" within the structure of the Turkic Council. The goal of this commission is to achieve linguistic unity among Turkic countries and to adopt a common alphabet. The overall result of the research indicates that Turkiye's attractiveness to Azerbaijan has played a significant role in the formation of an alliance between the two countries; the cultural cooperation between the two countries has spilled over into geopolitical and geoeconomic spheres, deepening their alliance, which was manifested in the Shushi Declaration. This statement clearly expresses overall policy coordination in the military, political, and foreign policy spheres and emphasizes the alignment of forces between the two countries for the development of the Turkic world. Thus, the Shushi Dclaration reveals the manifestations of Pan-Turkism in the Turkish Azerbaijani relations.

The Republic of Turkey and Syria have many similarities and differences due to their common history and being within the geopolitical framework of the Ottoman Empire. Syria was the only country that separated from the Ottoman Empire and had long-standing territorial and border problems with the successor of the empire, the Republic of Turkey, which brought the two countries to the brink of war many times. Relations between Turkey and Syria have always been tense since the country's independence from France in 1945, except for a limited period at the beginning of the 21st century. Issues such as: territorial disputes over Hatay province, border rivers between the two countries, the Kurdish issue, Turkey's proximity to the United States and, on the other hand, Syria's proximity to the Soviet Union were among the most important reasons for the deterioration of relations between the two countries. Although Turkey’s role in the civil war and its interference in Syrian affairs have been widely discussed in Iranian academic circles due to Turkey’s involvement in Syria and the conflict between its interests and those of Iran, less attention has been paid to the fact that the history of the conflict between Turkey and Syria dates back decades before the start of the civil war and to the mid-twentieth century. The following descriptive-analytical study attempts to examine the history of Turkey-Syria relations by using a library method and various books and articles in the fields of international relations, history, and political geography, and to explain various aspects of this issue.

Examining Turkey's propaganda approach to energy supply is a topic that can be useful for understanding the Ankara government's propaganda approach to the concept of national power. Turkey is one of the countries that lacks fossil energy resources and is forced to spend large sums of money on energy imports every year and remains in difficulty due to its dependence on foreign sources. However, between 2002 and 2024, this country has tried to demonstrate an active form of energy policymaking in areas such as oil and gas transit, embarking on the path to nuclear power, diversifying the production and consumption of renewable energy, and exploring oil and gas in the Black Sea and the Mediterranean to get out of the current difficult situation. With the aim of identifying Turkey's media approach to energy supply, the researchers have raised the question of how the Turkish government has used media tools in achieving energy policy goals and describing it as a national power, using a descriptive-analytical method and by studying written library and online works. The answer given as a hypothesis to this question is that the Turkish government has tried in recent years to exploit the media's persuasive and promotional capacity to cover up its challenges and risks in the energy sector and to actualize transit opportunities for domestic and foreign audiences, to cover up some of its weaknesses and inabilities, and to present relative successes as national pride and prestige. Türkiye's exaggerated advertising and media approach to energy supply and transmission is seen as a strategy to cover up the consequences and weaknesses of dependence.

Each country is interested in expanding its influence and presence in different territorial regions and cultural eras. A strong presence and gaining national, regional and international authority are considered to be the main motivations for this presence; however, in the discussion of public diplomacy, beyond these motivations, securing religious, humanitarian, ethnic and security goals are also prioritized. Turkey is one of the important countries in the region that has taken into account almost all cultural eras in the field of Islam and Muslims; especially over the last three decades, the South Caucasus and Central Asia regions have been exposed to the presence and political, cultural and even identity movements of this country.
Turkey, in the framework of positioning theory, by exploiting the factors of identity, idea and semantic system, economic level, security and geographical environment, by implementing the triple model of implicit, intentional and task stabilization, while challenging its previous position in the Caucasus and Central Asia regions, has been relatively successful in accepting, stabilizing and deepening its position and it seems that, influenced by this trend, while becoming an accepted model, it is playing a role as one of the powers involved in these regions. However Turkey faces numerous domestic, regional and international obstacles, the share of regional obstacles, which is essentially the presence and role of powerful regional countries such as Iran and Russia, is much greater.
The method of this article is based on qualitative research with a "process tracing" approach and the content is written based on library documentary sources and within the framework of the theoretical framework of "positioning."

With the formation of newly independent states and countries, the Caucasus region has provided new opportunities and threats in economic, political and cultural fields for other countries - especially neighboring countries. As a result, regional powers such as Turkey and Iran are trying to increase their influence in this region. Therefore, the present research is descriptive-analytical and by referring to the available library documents and resources, seeking to answer these questions, what are the goals and interests of Turkey in the South Caucasus region, and based on these goals and interests of expanding Turkey's territory in this region. What effect will it have on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The results of his research showed that the expansion of the territory of Turkey, as analyzed separately in the findings of his research, could affect the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran and be costly. The existence of conflicting and competitive interests between Iran and Turkey in the Caucasus region and Turkey's focus on this region as its private life has caused competition with the Islamic Republic of Iran and this has made Iran's regional success a challenge and it seems that the republic In order to achieve its national security goals in the South Caucasus region, Islamic Iran must prevent the geopolitical conquest of Turkey by using appropriate strategies.

This paper tends to investigate new geopolitical and geo-economic dynamics of the South Caucasus based on the second Karabakh War and the Russia-Ukraine War (2022) with a focus on the Zangzor Corridor project. The importance of the research lies in the fact that so far most of the research conducted in this field has been examined based on the classical theories of international relations literature. However, with the intensification of the war between Russia and Ukraine (2022) more attention is paid to alternative and safe routes, including alternative transit routes in the South Caucasus due to its intermediate position in the neighboring regional systems. Accordingly, the main question the paper tries to answer based on the analytical model of Multiplex Networked Regionalism is what the effect of the Multiplex Networked Regionalism of Russia and Turkey is on the Zangzor Corridor project. The main dissertation is that Multiplex Networked Regionalism of Russia and Turkey due to the interference of their regional policies in the South Caucasus and the formation of complementary behavioral patterns with partners and a strategic alternative for competitors can better meet the existing realities and explain the behavior patterns of the two actors in a structured and multifaceted manner.

Order at different levels has always been one of the most central challenges and questions in the field of international relations. The West Asian region has always been the focus of experts' attention for many reasons, including its role in energy production, transit of goods and transit, and security crises. By raising the question of how to achieve a regional order in West Asia, this research looks for a possible model for regional order according to the developments of the international system.

The method used is explanatory-analytical approach and reference to library resources and data collection method based on statistics and international documents.

The effect of the withdrawal of the extra-regional powers and the creation of a power vacuum and the growth of the desire for economic development in the region are determining factors in the regional order and creates an opportunity window.

Based on the pattern of concert order and its characteristics, it is possible to reach arrangements in West Asia centered on Iran, Türkiye and Saudi Arabia.

Despite the growing body of literature on the advancement of authoritarian tactics and tools in competitive authoritarian regimes, we still lack sufficient knowledge about the discourses and strategies that the opposition creates and uses against populist-authoritarian governments. With the case study of Turkey, this article introduces "transnationalization" as one of the innovative discourses and strategies based on which the opposition bloc succeeds in exploiting its tactics and tools in order to maintain its political position in the political arena. And it has become an identity. Introducing the governance methods and techniques of authoritarian regimes is one of the other goals.

Method and theoretical framework:

The method of this research is based on qualitative research with the approach of "process tracing" technique. The content of this research is based on documentary-library sources and analysis of Twitter accounts and is presented in the form of the theoretical framework of "transnationalization".

Transnationalization is defined as a discourse and strategy through which local leaders under the leadership of the opposition change local and global boundaries by creating a conscious link with the liberal-democratic world to expand their space for maneuver. Based on this, the question that is raised is that the opposition bloc of Turkey, focusing on the performance of the mayor of Istanbul, uses which methods and mechanisms to operationalize the discourse and strategy of transnationalization? The answer to this question, which was mostly obtained by analyzing the content of the international Twitter accounts of the mayor of Istanbul, seems that the municipality of Istanbul, in order to maintain its position and credit the political nature of the opposition bloc and to deal with the political threats of the ruling structure, uses material and symbolic tools. And this political strategy and rational and normative motivations have been exploited to the maximum and successfully.

Based on the study of the situation in Turkey, which is considered an example of competitive authoritarian regimes, transnationalization as a discourse and strategy of opposition struggle has been implemented by the municipal institution under the leadership of the opposition bloc (independent variable). Is. So that the mayor of Istanbul belonging to the opposition bloc became a transnational identity materially, symbolically and politically through establishing international relations, showing commitment to global and liberal norms and increasing his agency over foreign policy programs. (The dependent variable) Also, this research highlights the role of international and global forces in supporting democracy and how they can provide effective assistance to democratic agents in authoritarian regimes. As conventional efforts to promote democracy have generated backlash and strong anti-Western sentiments in many countries, international democratic forces no longer have the power or desire to engage in democracy promotion, competing authoritarian leaders like Erdogan in Turkey, a long-standing tradition. They inflame nationalist sentiments by accusing the opposition forces of being in alliance with international "enemies". Nevertheless, this article showed that in Turkey, local leaders under the leadership of the opposition struggled to establish a link with the West as a result of their rational and normative motivations and were in dire need of support from international institutions. Through the symbolic, material, and political means of transnationalization, the mayor of Istanbul aimed to build international credibility and enhance his ability to govern, which is especially important when opposition-controlled municipalities are subject to central government discrimination.

The general purpose of the research is to contribute to the studies of political sociology and the foundations of the legitimacy of power in Islamic countries, including Turkey. The specific purpose of this paper is to provide an analysis of the state of the Turkish political system during the reign of Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

The data collection method is documentary and the research method is content analysis.

The central question of the article is how Erdogan used populist policies to consolidate his political power. The hypothesis of the research is based on the statement that Erdogan has prepared a platform for the consolidation of his political power and his party by resorting to various populist policies.

Recep Tayyip Erdoğan is a populist who, by highlighting the corruption and passivity of the previous regimes, with temporary economic development (borrowing) and by using his charismatic personality, has taken the pulse of the religious and historical beliefs of the Turkish people . With passionate speeches and creating a sense of empathy and fraternity with the people,, he has taken steps from the point of making reforms towards to the centralization for political power.er.

Pan-Turkism, as an expansionist ideology with an irredentist feature, appears to be a threat to the region`s ethnic geopolitics and territorial integrity of the countries with Turkish-spoken ethnicities. How can one analyze the logic of Pan-Turkism in terms of the way of conceptualization of nationalism and, mutually, come up with solutions to overcome it? To respond to this principal question, the paper hypothesizes that the Pan-Turkist expansionism emanates from its ideological nationalism built on an ethnic-cultural conception of the nation. This conception results in irredentism and agitation of separatism in Turkish-spoken ethnics of the region and, specifically, Iran. On the contrary, neutralization policies can be reached by adopting a civil approach to nationalism and the political perception of the nation. The paper constructs a combinative theoretical framework to justify the hypothesis. The framework is constituted of the relation between ‘ideology and practice’ and the binary of ‘ethnic–civil’ approaches to nationalism. The present study was conducted based on library resources and data analysis was conducted using a descriptive-analytical method.

The Ukraine war was started in February 2022 with the start of the special operations of the Russian army in Ukraine, this war is because of that،Russia is one of the most important countries supplying energy and food and Ukraine is one of the main suppliers of food in the world and due to the importance Finding the Black Sea and Turkey's geopolitical position in the Black Sea has had several effects on the world economy and international economic issues and Turkish economy and Turkish geoeconomic issues. The article uses the theoretical of Copenhagen regional security and the conceptual framework of geoeconomics in a descriptive and analytical way. Using the works and articles and analyzes that have already been written in this field, and their classification and analysis seeks to answer this question of how Turkey has tried to secure its national interests from the war in Ukraine. goa; of article is to show economic effects of the Ukrainian war on the Turkey economy and effects of the Ukrainian war on geo-economic position of Turkey, and the findings indicate that the Ukrainian war, despite the negative consequences it had on the Turkish economy, has led to Turkey will try to become a food hub and an energy hub through the Ukraine war and attract capital from Ukraine and Russia. In conclusion, we come to the conclusion that the Ukraine war, in addition to the negative effects, has had positive effects on the economy and the promotion of Turkey's geo-economic role

The purpose of the study is the way of managing the property of prisoners in Iranian and Turkish laws. This research has been written in a descriptive-analytical way, to introduce and clarify the executive function of the civil laws of Islamic countries. Significant similarities are observed in the principles and legal procedures of both countries, this shows the commitment of both countries to protect the interests and rights of the prisoners. Such similarities are based on legal frameworks and regulatory structures, which guarantee the interests of the prisoners in all financial and nonfinancial matters. Property management is one of the topics that is very important in Iranian law and jurisprudence. Among the most important of these cases are the issues related to the role of the guardian in the administration of the restricted property. In Islamic jurisprudence and Iranian law, various aspects of this issue have been studied. With the investigation that was done in the laws of these two countries, the limits of the duties and powers of the compulsory guardian in financial and non-financial matters have been determined, and this is in the best interest of the custodian. Among the main and fundamental similarities between the two countries, we can mention the central role of the court in determining the guardian of the deceased as a judicial supervisor, the observance of the interests of the deceased by the guardians and their protective role, etc.