توسعه سیاسی

After the arrival of modern ideas and new western civilization to Iran, some intellectuals sought to create modern national foundations at the cost of de-religiousizing Iranian thought. But another group called religious intellectuals sought to present new models of religion and modernity in order to establish a link between the two. This group was looking for a new interpretation of religion and in fact looking for modern Islam; Islam that can advance Iran's society in the modern era and cause Iran's political development. This group of intellectuals led the project of Islamic Protestantism. This group turned to the ideology of political Islam and their goal was to revive Islam as a social and political system against the western liberal system. This class of intellectuals were looking for a political and modernist interpretation of Islam and the establishment of the Islamic social system. Dr. Ali Shariati and Abdul Karim Soroush are two representatives of Iran's intellectuals who believed that a religious foundation is needed in order to achieve political development despite the contradictions in some views. In this research, the question raised is, what was the point of view of religious intellectuals in the political development of Iran? In response to the above question, the hypothesis was raised that religious intellectuals, considering the vital role of religion in the culture of our country, led the project of Islamic Protestantism and sought to present new models of religion and modernity and the link between the two in order to achieve political development. In this article, the theory of political development and the explanatory method are used to achieve political development through the link between religion and modernity, and the purpose of the research is to show the key role of religion and ideology in the process of modernity and political development of Iran.

In developing societies, political and social growth and development are among the fundamental challenges, as they reflect the level of cohesion and stability in these societies and the capacity of their human, political, and social resources. In Iran, factors that hinder the achievement of political and social development goals are associated with various variables. This research aims to analyze the policy-making processes in political and social development programs in the Islamic Republic of Iran, focusing on the presidential terms of Khatami and Ahmadinejad. The main question of this study is: What challenges and issues have the policy-making processes in the political and social development programs faced during the Khatami and Ahmadinejad administrations? The hypothesis suggests that the policy-making approaches of both governments were challenged by the multiplicity of decision-making centers; however, Khatami's administration, due to its emphasis on political and social freedoms, adopted a more open approach, whereas Ahmadinejad's administration focused on a rhetoric of justice-centered policies. This research, fundamental in nature, employs a descriptive-analytical approach and a case study method. In this context, qualitative research tools such as the collection and analysis of printed sources, historical and political documents, political and social narratives, and related analyses and interpretations of the two presidential terms were utilized. The research findings indicate that several key strategies can play a significant role in improving the policy-making processes. When implemented simultaneously and integrated into the system, these strategies can lead to transparent and sustainable changes in the political and social development process. The ultimate goal of this research is to provide a precise analysis and description of the relationships and mutual effects between different variables, identify existing challenges, and offer practical recommendations for improving policy-making processes.

The National Assembly plays an important role in the contemporary history of Iran. With the formation of this assembly, Iran entered one of the most important periods in its history, in which the political system was rebuilt in a different way and with modern functions. In the meantime, the role of the assembly as an important state institution that was at the center of the government is of great importance. In this article, using a systems analysis, we examine the performance of the first five assemblies of the National Assembly and raise the question of what role these assemblies had in the new political system of Iran and how their performance in this field contributed to the political development in Iran at that time. The most important achievement of this research is that these assemblies, by enacting modern laws and considering their inherent duties, before the coming to power of the Pahlavi government and the reign of Reza Shah, while taking advantage of the environment around them, tried to have a prominent position in creating balance in the political system and the outputs of these assemblies were based on limiting power as much as possible, although in the last one or two assemblies due to the rise of Reza Khan, this had become less important.

The establishment of the Islamic Republic following the 1979 revolution (1357 in the Iranian calendar) marked a new chapter in the history of political parties in Iran, endowing them with a distinct identity. By combining Islamic values with democratic principles, this system defined a unique framework for party activities. However, despite the existence of party laws and the formation of numerous political organizations, these entities have failed to play an effective role in advancing political development and achieving the ideals of Islamic democracy. This study, focusing on the period from 1997 to 2023 (1376-1402), seeks to explore the factors contributing to this ineffectiveness within the context of the Islamic Republic. The central research question is: why, despite the presence of a legal framework and the large number of political parties, have they been unable to secure their proper place within the Islamic democratic system or deliver the expected outcomes? This research is significant because a systematic and scientific analysis of the obstacles and challenges confronting political parties can pave the way for practical solutions to enhance their role in political development and the realization of Islamic democratic goals.

Data collection was carried out in two phases: library research and fieldwork. The fieldwork involved conducting semi-structured interviews with two groups: university professors and party-civic activists. This was supplemented by an extensive review of existing literature and the theoretical framework of the study. The semi-structured interview protocol consisted of fifteen open-ended questions, which formed the basis for open and axial coding and qualitative content analysis, facilitating the extraction of research categories. After gathering and compiling the responses, in-text codes were identified and categorized. These categories were then developed into subcategories, which ultimately led to the formation of main categories. The results for each group were presented in separate tables. Throughout this process, the principle of theoretical data saturation was applied to ensure comprehensiveness and prevent redundancy.

The findings, derived from expert opinions, indicate that party and civil activism in Iran faces multifaceted, deeply rooted structural challenges, which can be categorized into four main levels: 1) Legal and Structural Challenges: These include limited space for party activities due to biased legal interpretations, the absence of comprehensive party laws, legal restrictions, government-imposed limitations, a security-driven perspective on political activism, the lack of recognition of parties’ roles in elections, restrictions on freedom of expression, and the inefficiency of legal mechanisms. 2) Internal Organizational and Behavioral Challenges: These encompass weakened party performance and declining public trust due to the lack of party maturity, insufficient engagement with society, reliance on individual leaders, opportunistic behavior, hostile rivalries, disregard for legal norms, lack of financial transparency, absence of internal democracy, poor accountability and conflict management, contradictory actions, overreliance on slogans, weak organizational cohesion, dependence on government or foreign entities, and inadequate training of party members. 3) Challenges in Communication with Society: These involve diminished legitimacy and public acceptance due to a disconnect from the populace, weakened ties with the social base, neglect of public opinion, failure to address societal issues, lack of solidarity with protests, public distrust of political parties and civil institutions, discrediting of intellectual elites, and ineffective networking. 4) Challenges in Relations with the Ruling Establishment: These include a growing gap and lack of constructive interaction caused by insufficient efforts to promote dialogue, the absence of institutionalized communication mechanisms, party conservatism, the closure of electoral channels, suppression of independent civil institutions, and the ruling establishment’s disregard for civil demands.

The analysis of solutions proposed by university professors, researchers, and party-civic activists suggests that overcoming the challenges faced by political parties and civil activism in Iran requires a comprehensive, multidimensional approach encompassing structural, legal, behavioral, and communicative reforms. Key recommendations include: Strengthening Communication with Society and Party Members: This can be achieved by ensuring continuous engagement with the public, representing public demands, promoting transparency in party operations, and establishing local branches. Enhancing Transparency and Accountability: Legal obligations, internal mechanisms for accountability, transparent performance, and oversight processes are essential to improve party credibility. Removing Legal and Structural Obstacles: This involves eliminating restrictive laws, financially empowering political parties, institutionalizing party politics, and ensuring media access. Changing Government Attitudes and Promoting a Culture of Party Politics and Democracy: Political will, fostering dialogue with parties, respecting diverse opinions, and amending constitutional provisions are necessary steps. Other Recommendations: These include ending negative rivalries, providing political education, ensuring financial independence for parties, promoting ethical practices, and fulfilling election promises. This comprehensive approach aims to reform existing structures and laws, strengthen political parties and civil institutions, and foster changes in societal attitudes and the political culture.

Ethnic diversity and the way the government institution interacts with cultural pluralism have long been considered as one of the main issues of Islamic Republic of Iranian society. This research is trying to identify the obstacles to the political development of multi-ethnic regions and discuss their impact on Islamic Republic of Iran's national security. Publish or Perish software was used to collect secondary data. A search in the semantic scholar database with the keywords "political development", "ethnic development", "security" and "ethnicity" showed that there are 356 valid studies published in scientific journals of the country. Based on the Prisma protocol, 66 scientific documents were included in the analysis basket for metasynthesis using maxqda2020 software. The meta-composite findings indicated those obstacles and their impact on Islamic Republic of Irans national security which are originating from two main categories, political development and ethnic development, each of which include cultural, social, economic, political, historical, geographical and security dimensions which are composed of 42 components and 91 indicators calculated from the base studies. In this article, "tension-causing and de-security identity seekin " was recognized as a combination of obstacles to political development in the multi-ethnic areas of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and at the end, " comply ethnic justice and tolerance by strengthening the party mechanism in the direction of sustainable national security" was also presented as a Restorative model of obstacles to Political development in multi-ethnic areas in order to consolidation of Islamic Republic of Iran's national security.

Political development is a process that enhances the responsibility and accountability of the government in fulfilling its roles and duties. This involves not only increasing the number of political actors but also improving their quality. A key component of political development is the promotion of political equality and public oversight. This ensures that all members of society have an equal opportunity to influence the political direction of their society and to monitor the activities, decision-making processes, and actions of the government. Furthermore, the optimal use of both potential and actual human resources is a critical prerequisite for achieving development. Women constitute a crucial part of this effective force, and their optimal involvement is essential. It is important to recognize that human resources in development theories are not limited to men (Afrakhteh & Saraei, 2013). The position of women in the political development of a country is vital for promoting gender equality and ensuring inclusive governance. Thus, increasing women’s participation is essential for advancing political and economic development. Highlighting the importance of women’s participation in political development, the present study aimed to examine the long-term and mid-term consequences of their involvement in development plans. Addressing the research problem is crucial for developing comprehensive strategies, policies, and interventions that promote gender equality, inclusive governance, and sustainable development. The development plan plays a key role in shaping a country’s path toward progress, serving as a practical guide for executive and administrative bodies. Iran’s Development Plans encompass a set of mid-term initiatives, approved by the Islamic Parliament of Iran, that span a five-year period under the current government.

Literature Review:

The issue of gender permeates all institutions, as well as the intellectual and value systems of society. It is essential for values, norms, beliefs, legal frameworks, government institutions, organizations, decision-making systems, and policymakers to be attuned and responsive to the need for equal opportunities, facilitates, and gender equality (Afrakhteh & Saraei, 2013). Amartya Kumar Sen, a prominent institutional economist, emphasizes the importance of making individuals more capable, particularly women. In his book Development as Freedom, Sen dedicated a chapter to the active role of women in driving social transformations (Sen, 1999). A critical factor contributing to various forms of inequality against women is the planning process. Policies, programs, resource allocation, and other aspects of planning frequently result in women receiving a disproportionately smaller share of welfare benefits and occupying a marginal position in development. This disparity is evident across key indicators such as education, health, employment, and political participation (Sen, 1999). Concerning the Persian-language literature, the book Women and Political Participation (2017) by Simin Hajipour Sardovii used a questionnaire, administered to both men and women, to collect and analyze the relevant data. It explored structural barriers and gender issues in the dynamics of male–female relations in society. Moroever, in The Position of Women in the Progress of Society in Iran’s Five-Year Development Plans (2018), Mohammadi critically evaluated feminist theories while conceptualizing Islamic perspectives on women’s roles in society. Using a theoretical framework rooted in Islamic thought, the author examined women’s interactions and the concept of development, focusing on the involvement and support for women within the context of Iran’s First to Fifth Development Plans.

The present study used thematic analysis to examine the content of Iran’s Fifth and Sixth Economic, Social, and Cultural Development Plans. This process involved collecting relevant materials, including interviews, articles, and guidelines, related to women’s political participation and their position in Iran’s Development Plans. The data was then analyzed to identify key themes and patterns concerning women’s empowerment, gender equality, and political development.

Results and Discusssion:

The research hypothesis posits that enhancing political development indicators for women in Iran, through the country’s five-year development plans, will help dismantle structures of inequality and strengthen women’s empowerment. Guided by this hypothesis and a robust theoretical framework, the study yielded several key findings. First, women’s political participation was identified as a critical aspect of political development. Second, the analysis highlighted structural barriers and gender issues that hinder women’s active participation in political processes. Additionally, the study examined the contribution of Iran’s Development Plans in advancing women’s empowerment and promoting gender equality. Fourth, the research explored the strategies and policies necessary to increase women’s political participation and ensure equal opportunities in social and political arenas. Finally, the study assessed the progress made and the challenges encountered in achieving women’s empowerment and gender equality within the framework of Iran’s Development Plans.

The findings can have significant implications for policymakers, government agencies, and organizations involved in development planning and implementation. Drawing on the concept of capability, Amartya Sen emphasizes the individual’s ability to utilize facilities, resources, and goods in alignment with their diverse human characteristics. The current research underscored the critical role of women’s political participation in fostering inclusive governance and gender equality in development plans. The strategies and policies identified in this study provide valuable guidelines for enhancing women’s empowerment and creating an environment conducive to their active participation in decision-making. By addressing both the challenges and opportunities associated with women’s participation, the study contributes to the formulation of comprehensive and effective development plans that benefit the whole societ.

Ethnic diversity and the way the state interacts with cultural plurality have long been central issues in Iranian society. This study aims to identify the drivers of political development in Iran’s multi-ethnic regions as a foundation for a new Islamic civilization using a meta-synthesis approach. A search in the Semantic Scholar database using the keywords "political development," "ethnic development," and "ethnicity" revealed 356 valid studies published in reputable academic journals. According to the PRISMA protocol, 66 scientific articles were selected for meta-synthesis, analyzed using MAXQDA 12 software. The findings from the foundational studies were based on political, economic, social, cultural, historical, and geographical components. Accordingly, the drivers of political development in Iran’s multi-ethnic regions included nineteen dimensions and 48 indicators. Additionally, the political development drivers for building a new Islamic civilization, as conceptualized by the Supreme Leader, encompassed thirteen dimensions and 25 indicators. By examining these indicators across various components, the meta-synthesis identified "tolerance, justice, and political convergence with an emphasis on Iranian Islamic identity" as the drivers of political development in Iran’s multi-ethnic regions, with its operational role expressed as "enhancing political insight and optimal Islamic governance while respecting the principle of unity in diversity."

Since World War II, the concept of development has entered the realm of political literature, encompassing various political, economic, cultural, and other dimensions. Rooted in the scientific and modern thinking of the Age of Enlightenment, development aims to improve the human life. At its core, development entails using societal production resources to enhance the living conditions of the poor. It signifies evolution, change, growth, progress, and modernization. Without a clear understanding of these concepts, it will be difficult to define development accurately. An overview of theoretical perspectives on development reveals that global political changes have consistently influenced the way scholars and thinkers consider different elements in their approach towards the concept of development.Various approaches to development include development as the historical progress, natural resource extraction, preplanned sociopolitical progress, economic growth, structural transformation, modernization, leaps in productive forces (Marxist interpretation), freedom of choice, sustainable development, and antiindustrialism. There have also been some reflections on development as a discourse of dominance, the idea of postdevelopment, and development as a state versus development as a process. These approaches illustrate the conceptual evolution of development in relation with politics. In addition to the diversity of approaches, development encompasses multiple interrelated dimensions: economic, social, political, cultural, human, industrial, as well as sustainable development.The current study aimed to explain the political–economic dimensions of development and the obstacles and issues faced in Ilam Province in Iran. Historically, these two dimensions are prerequisites for others, so it is reasonably justified to analyze them simultaneously. While a onedimensional approach to development may suffice in some cases, comprehensive development necessitates the coordination and simultaneity of multiple dimensions. The explanations based on agency tend to identify critical junctures in policymaking, describing the actors involved in vital decisionmaking processes and their rationale for implementing certain decisions. Another approach emphasizes the structure of political institutions.

Literature Review:

Several studies have dealt with development and the elite. Nooryan (2013) investigated the role of the political elite in the development of contemporary Asian societies. He found that political elites have had both positive and, at times, negative impact on the process of growth and balanced development in these societies. Focusing on the case of Iran from 1953 to 1978, Zibakalam et al. (2012) argued that Iranian political elites had hindered political development through a hierarchical power structure, abuse of power and corruption, prohibition on free and fair elections, election fraud, press suppression, and the suppression of independent parties and groups. Parizad and Hatamifar (2019) examined the role of economic elites after the Islamic Revolution in Iran. They concluded that sustainable economic growth and development requires paving the way and preparing economic infrastructure in the country. Jalali and Gholami (2010) examined the intellectual cohesion of political elites within the government and the establishment of political stability. Their historical studies demonstrated the key role of elites in social, political, economic, and cultural transformations, influencing the development process as well. Relying on Adrian Leftwich’s theory, Eyni and Delavari (2018) compared the role of elites in the economic development of Iran and Malaysia during the presidency of Mohammad Khatami and Mahathir Mohamad in the respective countries. According to them, they found that Iran’s economic development requires national consensus and support for the economic policies, as well as stability and a collective cultural effort.

The study aimed to explain a model of factors influencing the political–economic development of Ilam Province, focusing on the role of the official elite. As an applied inquiry, the study adopted a mixed method design combining qualitative and quantitative approaches for data collection. In the qualitative phase, the statistical population of the study consisted of 30 experts, professors, and local elites. The qualitative analysis relied on a nonrandom, snowball sampling method, and the sampling was continued until theoretical saturation. The Delphi technique was used to identify the factors influencing the political–economic development of Ilam Province. The quantitative phase helped determine the model fit.

After reviewing the theoretical foundations and background, the study extracted the components and identified the factors influencing the political–economic development of Ilam Province. The analysis focused on the role of the official elite. The identified factors were validated and finalized through the Delphi technique and expert panels. The factors were then incorporated into a model. The validity and reliability of the model, as well as the model fit, were determined. Moreover, the hypotheses were formulated accordingly. According tothe results, some factors directly influence the political–economic development of Ilam Province. These factors that are closely related to the elite include: the sense of political security, motivations, meritocracy, developmentalism, culturebuilding, competitive scientific environment, strategic orientation, and political institutionality of the elite, as well as the context of the Islamic society. Therefore, the intermittent or continuous progress of Iran in the last three decades can be attributed to the elite’s will, responsibility, and feeling of attachment to their home country, namely Iran. Despite numerous challenges and a lack of technological infrastructure, hundreds of prominent figures are actively working in various fields, with significant results so far.

Based on the research findings and the model, two courses of action can be suggested for pursuing development in Ilam Province. Working within the framework of their proposed plans, the unofficial elite must gain a nuanced understanding of the obstacles facing the development of the province. They need to realize that development requires measures that sometimes go beyond the control of the government and the official elite. Second, the official elite must relinquish their governmental monopoly on decisionmaking and allow the unofficial elite to participate in structural and behavioral decisionmaking processes. The two courses of action can help reach a common understanding for decisionmaking characterized by realism, pragmatism, rationalism, compliance with the positive law, and consideration of national interests and the province’s development. Therefore, the development model of Ilam province is not legally different from the country’s development model. However, the cultural and social relations between official and unofficial elites may differ from those in other provinces. Recognizing these differences can help facilitate development in Ilam Province.

  According to many sociologists, the political press is one of the most important indicators of political development and it is mentioned as one of the main pillars in democracy. An active press, while accelerating the improvement of political development, prevents tyranny and political stagnation in a country. The press, as one of the most important tools of mass surveillance, makes the sphere of power more transparent, and those in power will be accountable for their performance. In this regard, the main question of the present article is, by what mechanism do the press and media influence the process of political development? In analyzing and answering this question, first by using the existing theories in the field of political development, the relationship between the press and analysis and evaluation was established. Then, while examining the activity of the press in Kurdistan province after the Islamic revolution, the extent of their effectiveness in the process of political development of this province has been examined. One of the indicators of political development that is discussed in the current research is the level of political participation of citizens in elections. To collect and analyze the data of this issue in Kurdistan province, the statistical research method has been used. The findings of the research show that at any point in the Kurdistan province, during the years after the Islamic revolution, the activities of the press and news media have grown, and the process of upgrading the indicators of political development has also improved. Of course, it should be acknowledged that the mere quantity of the press is not effective in improving the process of political development, but what is important is the degree of freedom of the press and media and the threshold oftolerance of regulatory institutions.

Compared to other regions of the third world, the Middle East is far from the dominant global trends in the political field.The current events in the Middle East region have given rise to the view that the Middle East has been very slow and somewhat resistant in adapting to the accelerated democratization process, the region has basically witnessed the continuous rule of authoritarian leaders.The results indicate that the political developments in the Middle East during the years of World War I and II were influenced by international and Western currents and were not a spontaneous and independent movement from within, but because democracy and political and democratic development require a set of political values.And the orientations of citizens are such as balance, tolerance, civility, effectiveness,knowledge and participation, political culture is considered an important and main factor in the consolidation of political development. The political culture of most of the ruling groups in the Middle East region is based on the patrimonialist attitude (royal, hereditary, traditional),which is rooted in the "style of eastern tyranny" due to deep historical, social and psychological reasons. According to this culture, people are considered sovereign citizens and have no right to compete and participate politically.

Due to the authority of celebrities for the citizens,this group has been reflecting people's concerns through social networks in recent years in order to attract more fans and gain more credibility.However,reflecting the needs of the society on the part of the stars required meddling in matters outside their specialized field such as politics,economy and etc,and this created challenges and obstacles in the process of political development and in the process of democratization.The question is,what place have celebrities played in the political development of Iran after the Islamic Revolution?In response to the mentioned question,the hypothesis was raised that due to the influence of figures and the celebrity of politics in the Iran,this group can pose challenges in the process of political development.The purpose of this research is to show the position of artists in weakening the process of political development and celebritization of politics.The findings of the research indicate that the interventions of artists in various political-social issues may bring positive and superficial results in the future,but ultimately it will lead to results that will disrupt the process of political development and democratization.This article is presented with reference to documents and library resources and qualitative method of analytical-descriptive type.

The main discourses of Iran during the Pahlavi era and the Islamic revolution are Western and Islamic discourses. In these two discourses, there is a lot of ambiguity regarding the indicators of political development, and this issue has not been investigated in the framework of the discourse analysis method. The main question is the most important commonalities and differences between these two discourses. The most important difference is the presence or absence of the element of religion in their chain of equivalence, and that they look at political development with different central signifiers, and what they both have in common is affinity in the floating signifiers that find different meanings in the chain of equivalence of the two discourses. . The final goal of the article is to compare the approach of political development discourses during the Pahlavi era and the Islamic Revolution. To prove the hypothesis, the discourses of political development in this era were analyzed with discourse analysis and comparative methods. Pahlavi discourse emphasizes the indicators of political development in the framework of secularism and Islamic discourse emphasizes these indicators in the framework of religion. In Pahlavi's discourse, despite the desire for western models of political development, due to the existence of opposite elements such as popular participation and tyranny in the equivalence chain, the growth of political development indicators is not observed even in its western form. But in the Islamic discourse, political development as a floating signifier in relation to the central signifier i.e. authentic Islam, found a completely different meaning. In this discourse, due to the absence of signs of tyranny, as well as special attention to issues such as public participation, political development indicators have enjoyed significant growth.

This research was conducted with the aim of investigating and evaluating the effective factors and components on the political development in Iran and seeks to answer to this the question that what factors and components affect the process of political development in Iran? In terms of its nature and purpose, this research was applied research and its research method was descriptive-analytical. The statistical population consisted of managers of Kerman province in the period 1997-2017, which was used to determine the sample size from Krejcie and Morgan's table and stratified random method was used for sampling. In this research, Huntington's model (1965) was used to investigate and evaluate of effective factors and components of political development. Its dimensions included: the rationality of political authority, functional and structural differentiation and the growth of political participation. The findings showed that based on the research model, 3 dimensions and 12 components can be proposed for political development in Iran. Then these dimensions and components were ranked with by Friedman's test that the results showed that among the effective dimensions, the rationality dimension of political authority has the highest rank. Meanwhile, among the effective components, the components of the government's attention to political modernization and the definition of new political functions at the community level have the highest rank.

Today, the role of political demands is very important in human societies, which are inevitable in the stabilization of democracies and political development. Therefore, from the point of view of political science, political demands and civil demands are considered as one of the main variables of political development and realization of democracy in societies. The main question of this research is what is the effect of political demands on the expansion and stabilization of political development? For this purpose, we used Huntington's theory and tried to examine the role of political participation, political activism, organizations, parties and political institutions as the most important factors of political demands on the dimensions of political development, focusing on Iran. The findings of the research show that political demands through active activism in parties, participation in elections and civil and social demands of citizens continuously play an effective role in expanding and stabilizing political development.

The aim of the present study was to identify cultural barriers to political development in Iran. The research method was qualitative and used content analysis to identify the dimensions and components of cultural barriers to political development in Iran. This research was developmental-applied in terms of its purpose, descriptive in terms of data collection, and exploratory in terms of data certainty. Sampling in the present study was purposeful and continued until theoretical saturation. In the written sources section, theoretical saturation was achieved by reviewing 29 sources (from 1994 to 2013) and in the interview section with 9 interviews. The research findings showed that cultural barriers to political development in Iran were classified into 238 basic themes, 42 organizing themes, and 13 comprehensive themes. The overarching themes include: dogmatism and uncriticalness, irrationalism, extreme traditionalism, neuroticism, weak work ethic, weak collective spirit, discrimination and inequality, conservatism, fear of facing reality, oligarchy, flattery and hypocrisy, lack of discipline, and burning out of experience. The research findings emphasized that designing educational and cultural programs to promote public awareness and strengthen the spirit of social participation, as well as paying attention to cultural diversity and creating a space for dialogue and exchange of views, can help reduce these obstacles and pave the way for political development in Iran.

The purpose of the current research is to analyze the challenges and opportunities affecting the political development in Iraq. The research method was descriptive-analytical and the results showed that the factors affecting the political development in Iraq, in the period from 1920 to 2002, were in two areas of challenges with indicators such as the structure of tradition, the weakness of civil society, etc.; And in the field of opportunities, it can be checked with indicators such as the presence of oil, geopolitical position, etc. Although the path of development in Iraq has never been smooth, but considering that no society can ever be observed in stagnation and stagnation, and relying on the fact that development is a long and time-consuming matter, we can see the future of Iraq in the realization of the path Political development was promising. Of course, this does not mean ignoring the potential and actual challenges and obstacles in this direction.

The main purpose of the current research is to compare the political development during the stability period of Pahlavi II with the period of political stability of the Islamic Republic. Political development is one of the most important concepts of the political literature of the last century in Iran. The author is looking for an answer to the question that the components of political development in the period of stability of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and the period of stability of the Islamic Republic have commonalities and differences with each other. The method used in this article is an adaptation to the descriptive-analytical approach. The political development during the stability period of Pahlum II and the stability period of the Islamic Republic was analyzed and compared based on the four components of the institutionalization of the monopoly of political power, the institutionalization of the acquisition of political power, the institutionalization of the exercise of political power, and the institutionalization of the integration of political power.

Development, particularly in its political aspect, appears to be a future that most elites of undeveloped nations aspire to move towards and achieve its objectives. Taking step in this path full of difficulties necessitates certain conditions. From the political sociology perspective, perhaps social cohesion is the key condition. This is also applied for Iranian society and Iranian elites’ concerns. In the present study, our main assumption is that Iranian society does not have organic cohesion for articulating the political and social demands. Hence, the fundamental questions of the discussion include what are the causes for the lack of social cohesion in Iran and what is the impact of this lack of cohesion on the political development process? Influenced by Ferdinand Tönnies’ theory, the base of the hypothesis of the present research is that since Iranian society has not evolved in the scientific sense and our country’s social/historical formulation is more similar to Iranian communities than to a united Iranian society, political development appears to be impossible. Thus, in the current study, the researchers are aimed at answering the research question through applying the theory of social divides, using a descriptive/analytical method, and collecting the required sources using a library approach.

There are different ideas about democracy. One of the relatively new views that have been raised in this regard is the view of democratic pluralism. According to this view, the basis of democracy is the plurality of active groups in politics and their competition in the form of elections to gain power. In general, pluralist democracy is based on three principles: multiplicity of sources of power and groups, competitive electoral system and lack of desirability of broad political participation.The current research tries to look at the political situation of Iran in the years after the Islamic revolution based on the theory of democratic pluralism. In Iran, after the revolution, for various reasons, political parties have not had an effective presence in politics, and instead of them, political factions have been active in the political arena. The question of the current research is, "What were the reasons for the continued multiplicity of active political forces in Iran's political arena after the revolution, and what effect did this multiplicity have on political development in Iran?" The hypothesis is that in the years after the revolution, despite the desire of each of the factions to eliminate the rival faction from the political arena, the plurality of political factions has continued and this continuity is rooted in the social base of different factions. Descriptive-analytical method has been used to test the hypothesis. The findings show that the continuation of the plurality of political factions in the years after the Islamic Revolution and their competition has prevented the complete unification of power and the destruction of democracy

One of the most important subjects of Iranian political sociology is the relationship between political security and political demands. Therefore, the present study examines the relationship between political security and political demands and its role in the political development of Sistan and Baluchistan province, focusing on the city of Zahedan in 1403.The research method in this study is descriptive-correlation and the statistical population includes all the intellectual elites of Sistan and Baluchistan province, including 312 researchers, university professors, experts, experts and activists of political issues, based on the calculation Through Cochran's formula, the number of 173 people was determined as the sample size, and their information was extracted using the quota sampling method.In this realization, the "Huntington" standard political development questionnaire was used to measure political development, the "Bari Buzan" standard political security questionnaire was used to measure political security, and the "Marshall" civil political demand standard questionnaire was used to measure political demands. In this research, hypotheses related to the variables of political security, political demand and political development were proposed and the results of the main hypothesis test show that there is a significant relationship between political security and political demand and its role in the political development of Sistan and Baluchistan province. It is direct and moderate.