ثبات سیاسی

Oil revenues in the form of rentier economy have been one of the main factors of political stability in Saudi Arabia. The decline in oil revenues in Saudi Arabia in the coming decades and the possibility of an economic crisis in this country has been one of the main factors behind the decision of the Saudi leaders to compile and implement the Vision 2030 during the reign of King Salman. Considering the centrality of economic goals and programs in the 2030 vision document, the main objective of this research is to evaluate the effects and consequences of the new Saudi economic trends on political stability. The main question is how the new economic trends and developments of Saudi Arabia in the era of King Salman affect the political stability in this country? In this regard, the operational perspective of David Saunders has been adopted as the conceptual framework of the research. Also, the new economic condition of Saudi Arabia has been analyzed with emphasis on five components, which are: economic growth and prosperity; unemployment rate; Housing situation; Inflation rate and consumer spending index and; the situation of poverty and inequality. The main finding of this study is that the new policies and programs of the Saudi government in the light of 2030 vision have caused a relative progress in economic conditions and leads to Maintaining political stability in the country. However, the social and political changes caused by the development of the non-oil economy construct grounds and conditions that will lead to new instabilities.

the Islamic Republic of Iran, by maintaining the values and ideals of its great and glorious revolution, has always been considered as a great power for some rivals, and on this basis, the enemies' efforts to create division, secession and civil war. It has been in this society. Therefore, the main question is, in today's era, what strategies and tactics have the enemies used in line with the cognitive war against the order of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In order to get a suitable answer to this question, since the current research is descriptive-analytical in terms of subject, the method of systematic analysis has been used.the enemy has used two strategies of influence in formats such as reducing the resilience of Iranian society, creating psychological tension in the public opinion of Iranians, increasing the spirit of collective protest, feeling deprived and exaggerating social discrimination, legitimacy Delegitimizing the elections, shaping women's protests, and destabilizing strategies in formats such as trying to delegitimize the government, making the elites of society passive, disrupting economic activities, and two or more poles. Making use of techniques such as labeling, highlighting, stimulating emotions and feelings and demonization, etc., is trying to weaken the order of the Islamic Republic. the Islamic Republic of Iran should use strategies such as strengthening soft power, strengthening the intellectual front of the Islamic Revolution, reorganizing the media system, and downplaying differences and symbolic diversity in order to maintain its order against the cognitive attacks of the enemy

Political stability refers to the relative absence of certain "destabilizing" political events that manifest as changes in the structure of power and changes in government through peaceful or violent actions. Therefore, the research problem of this study is to examine the status of political stability and instability during Hassan Rouhani's presidency (2013-2021) and to investigate the most important factors influencing it. By doing so, this study aims to provide a model (conceptual framework) for analyzing it. The present study, entitled "Examining the Role of Rouhani's Government Performance on Political Stability in Iran," seeks to analyze and interpret the impact of Rouhani's government performance on political stability over two four-year periods. In this study, four components encompassing political stability are examined independently and separately as factors: political participation, changes in government, the relationship between the governing institution and institutions affiliated with the government, and the functions of the government. Emphasis on these factors is based on political evidence and realities in Iran, as well as the opinions and studies of Saunders, David Easton, Huntington's theory, and Parsons. To achieve the objectives of this study, the researcher employed a qualitative comparative method and utilized both domestic and foreign sources as data collection tools. The findings of this study indicate that the solution to strengthening political stability and durability in Rouhani's first term lies in political balance and theoretical consensus among power institutions, political participation, and government functions in economic areas such as controlling and reducing inflation rates, strengthening people's purchasing power, and increasing economic growth. In the second term, the decline of these indicators is considered a factor of instability. However, the inability to align policies and orientations with the leadership's approach in foreign policy has had a greater impact on the instability of Rouhani's government in the second term.

"Good governance" is one of the indicators used during economic development. An index presented by the World Bank and in recent years has attracted the attention of many economic analysts and even political economists in Iran. An index that has 6 components to measure, including: the rule of law, political stability, corruption control, the effectiveness of government effectiveness, the right to comment and answer, and the quality of laws and regulations. But different governments seek to realize and implement these components under the influence of their ruling discourse. Therefore, measuring good governance as an important component in measuring the performance of governments, which has received attention in recent years in Iran, is to understand the internal discourse of governments. In this research, we seek to examine the discourse of the two governments of Ahmadinejad and Rouhani and the impact of these discourses on good governance on the executive branch in Iran.

Effectiveness is one of central topics in political sphere that is important for governments. Effectiveness actually provides the basis for stability and sustainability of political systems. The purpose of this research is to investigate the efficiency challenges in judiciary system of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the years 2000-2019 in terms of political stability. The main question of the research is that what challenges has Islamic Republic of Iran judiciary system faced in the field of efficiency during the given time span, and what solutions can be proposes to upgrade and strengthen the efficiency of this issue? A qualitative research method using is used and interviews with 30 legal experts are the basis of analysis. Transcribes are categorized in tables in the form of ID codes, key points, and open codes. Findings indicate that the major challenges of the judiciary system during 2000-2019 are:  independence of judges, delay in proceedings, internal and external pressures and lack of full implementation of the law. In order to solve these challenges, maintaining the judicial independence of judges, fighting against economic corruptors, reducing the delay of proceedings, complying with the implementation of laws and regulations, cooperation other legal bodies and governing institutions, and eliminating the pressure in judicial cases are among the ways to improve the efficiency of the judiciary and are in line with making an stable political system.

Among the indicators published by the World Bank, some show more content and inclusion of sub-indicators and different dimensions of a state or region. Due to their macro and multi-dimensional nature, these indicators can provide a higher understanding and intuition of the current situation of that country or region. One of the most important variables is the political stability index, which has been presented by the World Bank for many countries and regions in the period from 2000 to 2020. In this study, by using the time series similarity methods, we analyzed the most important variables related to the political stability index for MENA countries and OECD member countries separately, and then answered two important questions: First, among the many and varied variables mentioned by the World Bank in different dimensions for each of the MENA and OECD categories, which one has the most similar behavior to the political stability index, and the second question is that this prioritization, Comparatively, what will be explanatory for the two fields of study? The findings generally show that indicators of health and social welfare and work in Mena and indicators of population structure and social welfare and work in OECD are the most similar indicators from the perspective of behavior to political stability

In the common literature in the field of tax corruption study, the most common form of corruption is in the form of taxpayers hiding from paying taxes or avoiding paying taxes through fighting with tax officials. However, there is a more destructive form of tax corruption, which is legal tax corruption. In this form of tax corruption, evading taxes in an illegitimate way, but through exerting influence on the approval of laws and applying tax exemptions, is Iran's war between a minority of people with power and wealth in front of the rest of the citizens. Apparently, this type of legal corruption, but inside it is completely against the spirit and philosophy of the law. In the Middle East countries, the tax issue has become a complicated situation due to the rentier nature of most of the countries in the region. While in the current approach to governance in all parts of the world, taxes are considered as the main source of providing welfare expenses for citizens in certain areas (education, public health, support for the vulnerable, and providing infrastructure), the rich oil income in the region is considered the other has created taxes and welfare expenses and as a result tax corruption. The efforts of the countries of the region to overcome the oil economy and rentierism are faced with requirements in the field of determining and collecting taxes, dealing with tax corruption and providing public welfare, which lack of proper management The possibility of political instability in this will maximize countries

Soft power is reproduced on the basis of components in the target country. Many interactions regarding the scope and extent of the soft power of the United States are being published and ongoing in the virtual space on various platforms. To understand the subject accurately; We have divided the components of soft power in America into two general categories: socialist and elitist: socialist components whose main goal is based on social change and we see its product in the lifestyle processes of people in society. The second category are the components that the American government through organizations and ministries play an essential role in the process of control, supervision and implementation...This research seeks to examine the question of how the United States has played a role and deepened its influence through its soft power components in the 11th and 12th governments (during the presidency of Hassan Rouhani), so the hypothesis that includes these cases is that; Due to the favorable use of soft power components by affecting the level of awareness, changing lifestyles and increasing political demands in the 11th and 12th governments, America has strengthened the foundations of political instability and influence in the political and cultural fields.

The statistical analysis of political instability indicators among the Mesopotamian countries shows that most of the countries in this region are in an unfavorable situation. This is while political instability directly and indirectly affects economic growth through various channels. Based on this, the main purpose of the current study is to investigate the impact of various indicators of political instability on the economic growth of the Mesopotamian countries during the years 2002-2021. For this purpose, four indicators of political instability including ICRG political risk, armed conflict, political stability and the absence of violence and the number of terrorist attacks have been used in the form of an economic growth model. Also, the estimation of the model has been done using the panel data analysis method and the Fixed Effects (FE) estimator. The results show that, according to the theoretical expectation, political instability has a negative and significant impact on the economic growth of the Mesopotamian countries, which emphasizes the necessity of creating a stable political environment in these countries in order to achieve continuous and sustainable economic growth. Based on other results, the impact of physical capital and human capital indicators on economic growth has been positive and significant; while the impact of inflation, military expenditure, rent of natural resources and population growth on the economic growth of the studied countries is negative and significant.

The public mentality regarding the level of corruption in Iran is expanding and there is a clear difference between people's perception and what is happening in the society, the current research was qualitative approach based on data-oriented theorizing and by using the in-depth interview technique with 15 general managers of the inspection and supervision of the country's executive bodies. 13 men and 2 women) were interviewed. The sampling method was purposeful and based on theoretical saturation. The text of the interviews was coded using MAXQDA10 qualitative data analysis software and the results of open and central coding led to the identification of 99 concepts and 19 central categories, which is influenced by causal conditions (numerous disclosures; lack of circulation of elites; lack of rule of law; media, satellite and social networks) and in addition to intervening conditions (activist, structure) and background conditions (gender, socio-economic base) affect the construction of the mentality of corruption and political instability in society, which results in provoking public anger towards injustice and the spread of rent; lack of society's cooperation with the government; turning the supporters of the Islamic Republic into protestors; Frustration of the police department due to the corruption of some officials; spread of civil disorder in administrative spaces; the demand for authoritarianism and its historical revision; Believability of the society towards the concept of blockage and change; Institutional mistrust in the government structure has led to the spread of corruption, which has jeopardized the country's political stability.

The present research is aimed at studying the impact of economic development on political development and expanding democratic values in People’s Republic of China. The article examines the role of political development and the emergence of the private sector in political development in the People's Republic of China between 1989 and 2023. According to the research hypothesis, despite the government’s efforts to increase the participation of the private sector, the middle class, and the civil society in managing different sectors of the country, there is no sign of the tenants of western model of political development – such as multi-party system, separation of power, and free elections – in China; furthermore, the private sector has increased the level of political stability in China. The findings of the present research indicate that the growth of private sector, the middle class, and the civil society has not led to serious opposition against the Communist Party of China and the expansion of democratic movements; in other words, the Communist Party of China has been able to preserve its legitimacy and prevent serious opposition through establishing close relations with non-governmental sectors and imposing strict supervision on them. Moreover, this kind of relation between the Communist Party of China and the non-governmental sectors has led to the maintenance of political stability during the last four decades. Therefore, the political and social development model in China is fundamentally different from what has been considered as political and social development in western countries. This research was done on the basis of library sources and the research method is explanatory-constitutive.

This analytical-descriptive study And with the method of historical sociology, by using the theoretical foundations related to the concept of political stability and instability, it has sought to answer this question why Bahrain and Qatar, despite having similar characteristics in the indicators related to the economic (oil revenues), social indicators (lack of strong civil institutions), cultural indicators (subordinate tribal political culture), and paternalism political structure, have undergone different fates of stability and instability in the region following the Arab Spring. The research hypothesis indicates that Bahrain's political unrest following the Arab Spring was caused by factors including the country's history of Shia political upheaval, the unfair distribution of wealth, positions, and jobs, and Shias' perceived inferiority in society as evidenced by indicators of economic, social, and political governance. On the other hand, Qatar has enjoyed relative political stability since the Arab Spring, owing to factors such as a relatively homogeneous religious distribution (Shia minority), the continuation of relatively good welfare, economic, and social indicators, and gradual top-down political liberalization.

The crisis of legitimacy in the authoritarian regime necessitated the crisis of change in the form of the reconstruction of the new order. Thus, the Constitutional Revolution was an attempt to establish a kind of legitimate order that could overcome the fundamental contradictions of the human condition, the conflict between "order" and "freedom." In this way, it guarantees the commodity of "legitimate political order" for the continuation of a peaceful social life free from public terror. Nevertheless, constitutionalism itself fell victim to this fundamental contradiction and was never able to strike an institutional balance between order and freedom. In this regard, the present study seeks to answer the question why in the era of constitutionalism, democracy and political stability are in a negative and conflicting relationship instead of adaptation? The hypothesis of the research is based on the idea that new political institutions (such as the constitution, parliament and parties) have the necessary efficiency to manage the conflict between the three perspectives of constitutionalists, the perspective of monarchists and the perspective of religious. and as a result, the conflict between the conflicting perspectives continued outside the institutional-legal frameworks and in the shadow of the lack of powerful political institutions that have the ability to resolve the conflict and manage the conflict of interests and values between the conflicting perspectives. During this period, political instability ruled the country and became the basis for the reproduction of authoritarianism.

Modernization is a process that all countries, sooner or later,, have experienced or are experiencing. Saudi Arabia entered this process after the discovery of oil, But with the expansion of communications, this process has gained momentum in the last two decades. Modernization has various cultural, political, economic, and social dimensions. Due to the fact that the modernization program in Saudi Arabia includes all of the aforementioned aspects (although with economic priority), the reflections of these changes in the society and their impact on the government's political stability are considered important issues. In the first step of this article, we provide practical and operational indicators of modernization. But the main discussion in this article is the effect of the modernization process on the political stability of Saudi Arabia based on the specified factors. According to the definition of political stability/instability that we present, we come to the conclusion that in some cases, modernization brings instability to the government and in some others, modernization has not given a suitable response to social demands and has the potential to create a challenge and instability. All in all, in the continuous spectrum of stability/instability, the Saudi government has taken steps towards stability, and the social reforms that have been carried out have a lower probability of instability, despite being symbolic in some dimensions.

Political conditions, as one of the most important factors affecting all aspects of the country, have been the focus of researchers for years. Political stability as a multidimensional issue can be examined from different aspects. The basic challenge of this research is to investigate what the concept of political stability is and comprehensively identify its related components using data mining methods. For this purpose, in this study, the similarity of the political stability index and the indicators presented in the World Bank for the two regions of the Caucasus countries and the OECD have been measured and compared. The time interval of these time series is from 2000-2020. Among the first 30 variables with the highest degree of similarity to the political stability index in the Caucasus region, economic variables have the largest number. This is while in the OECD countries, population, health and environmental indicators have taken the first ranks. Based on the obtained results, due to the geopolitical differences of the two regions, these factors are different in the two regions.

Good governance received attention at the end of 1990s and was considered the key to development by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The more the rule of law is in effect, the more the judicial system is efficient, and the higher the participation rate is, the better the governance is applied. The Middle East witnessed, in the last decade, Arab uprisings against dictatorial regimes and discriminatory policies, in which good governance is deemed to be one of the possible ways to compensate for the past. This research investigates Egypt and Tunisia. To evaluate the status of these two countries, the six indicators of good governance are used: control of corruption, rule of law, regulatory quality, government effectiveness, political stability, and voice and accountability. This research seeks to comparatively find out what status of good governance Tunisia and Egypt have reached after the Arab Spring. This is a descriptive, analytical, and comparative study aimed at comparing the status of Egypt and Tunisia in terms of achieving a post-revolution good governance paradigm. The results indicated that Tunisia has relatively achieved stability, with a higher score in good governance, due to having a dynamic middle class, a fairly consistent and pluralistic civil society, small professional armed forces, ethnic-religious homogeneity, and consistency of different fractions. Egypt, in contrast, lives out in somewhat political instability, leading to reduced score in good governance, due to political-religious conflicts, deep involvement of armed forces in politics, and post-revolution 2013 Egyptian coup d'état.

The Covid-19 epidemic crisis, which has spread around the world since the winter of 1398, has affected all areas of collective and individual human life. The present article examines the effects of this crisis on the future of domestic politics and political stability in Iran and attempts to answer the question "What are the possible scenarios related to the Corona crisis and the state of political stability in Iran?". To answer this question, scenario writing technique in the field of futures studies has been used. In terms of the nature of the present study, it is exploratory. The data used are of two types, quantitative and qualitative, which have been collected using documentary analysis of published domestic and foreign statistics.The important conclusion of the present study is that the possible scenarios related to the corona crisis and the situation of political stability in Iran include four possible and probable scenarios of "successful passage of the crisis, continuation of the consequences of the crisis, great revolt and great surprise". Unique in the future situation puts political stability in Iran.

Iraq and Egypt are known as two important countries in the Arab world. With the formation of the developments in Iraq in 2003, which led to the overthrow of the Ba'ath party, as well as the developments in Egypt in 2011, which paved the way for the revolution in this country, the concept of authoritarianism became more and more important in these countries. The main question of the present study is that what are the most important aspects of authoritarianism in Iraq and Egypt after the change of political systems in these two countries? In response to this hypothesis, although, unlike Egypt, Iraq has had more relative success in reducing the role of the military in the structure of the new political system and strengthening public participation in its policy towards transition to democracy, Egypt after the change of political system There has been more political stability in that country. The results show that in the Egyptian political structure, the military has always been recognized as one of the main pillars. With the developments that led to the revolution in this country, the military continues to play an important role in managing affairs in this country. On the other hand, Iraq has been able to greatly reduce the role and influence of the military in the political structure of this country. Another important point is that the developments in the two countries show the importance of the fact that with the events of 2003 in Iraq,

The purpose of this study is to change the nature and quality of political conflicts and its effect on political stability-instability during the presidency of Hassan Rouhani in Iran. Descriptive research method and data collection in the form of a library to organize research sources and findings. The present is a very broad and controversial topic, and examining all aspects of it is a difficult task and requires high political expertise and analytical power, in other words, the topic in question has some potential for discussion that other researchers can maneuver, in general. The results showed that Hassan Rouhani's period can be divided into two parts, the period before and after Borjam, in which Rouhani's government in favorable and unfavorable political conditions tried to implement scientific methods to prevent internal and external conflicts and They had the optimal management of the country and considering that many social, political and economic tensions and riots were designed and carried out by foreigners during Rouhani's term, but Rouhani and his government believed in an atmosphere of calm and dialogue and took advantage of the political and administrative situation. , By Hassan Rouhani It caused the country to enjoy more internal and external political stability and to move towards less conflict.country to enjoy more domestic and foreign political stability and to move towards less conflict.

The importance of political development has made many researchers and institutions monitor the state of political development. Although the list of indicators they use to measure the state of political development is largely related to the concept of political development, it seems that it does not cover all aspects of it. For this purpose, in this research, a new model has been tried to measure the concept of political development. First, based on the analytical-descriptive research method, the existing models for measuring political development are evaluated, and then the proposed model is presented in three steps of conceptualization, measurability and ranking. In order for the new model of research to have a theoretical support and not to be merely made up by the mind, the theoretical framework of institutionalism has been used. From the perspective of institutionalism, it can be said that political development requires political power to become more institutionalized. Along with increasing the institutionalization of political power in the five areas of monopoly, acquisition, exercise, distribution and integration of political power, various indicators of political development such as: stability of political order, political participation, political competition, rule of law, ability or capacity of political system and citizen rights will be promoted. In addition, the proposed research model can be used to explain the state of political development of different societies and to identify its challenges.