جمهوری اسلامی ایران

National interests, as common and long-term goals of the state and nation pursued in the global arena, shape the orientation of foreign policy of countries; the most important of these goals are the preservation of independence, territorial integrity, national sovereignty, social system, security and welfare of citizens. With the 1979 revolution, political elites presented a new definition of national interests in the form of the ideology of the system, which was incompatible with the norms and requirements of the structure of the international system. Accordingly, it is necessary to conduct the following research so that through such a way, the country's diplomatic apparatus can reconstruct itself theoretically to secure national interests. The authors intend to conduct a realistic reinterpretation of the country's national interests by taking a look at the idealistic and ideological definitions of the Islamic Republic of Iran of national interests on the one hand and paying attention to the objective developments that have brought today's world to the "post-ideological" era on the other. In this regard, the main question of the research is: Given the incompatibility of national interests with the structure of the international system, what strategy in the field of foreign policy can best serve the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The main hypothesis is based on the fact that in the political structure of the Islamic Republic of Iran, national interests consist of two parts: subjective and objective. Creating a balance and equilibrium between these two parts provides the basis for securing and continuing national interests.

The research ahead is a theoretical/applied research that uses the theoretical foundations of pragmatism to explain the subject of the research, and the research method is qualitative content analysis. In this research, three categories of variables play a role; the independent variable is the realist structure of the international system. The dependent variable is the foreign policy strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The intervening variable itself is divided into two parts: A - The internal intervening variable, which is the continuation of the ideological strategy in the structure of the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran. B - The external intervening variable will be the action and reaction between the forces interested in the discourse of the Islamic Revolution and the international system. Therefore, the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran are located in the center of a square whose sides are domestic policy, foreign policy, ideology, and the international system.

The four main characteristics that are effective in formulating the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran and give direction to its foreign policy are: "independence and negation of domination", "Islamic globalization", "Islamic internationalism", "anti-hegemonicism" (Mahmoudikia and Dehshiri, 29:2010-22). In total, by considering two factors, a general understanding of the nature of the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran can be achieved, including: first; the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran and second; the perspective of its leaders.A - The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran:The highest goals and ideals that constitute the main infrastructure of the Islamic Republic of Iran's government's grand planning in the field of foreign policy are stated in Article 3 of the Constitution as follows:- Complete rejection of colonialism and prevention of foreign influence;- Elimination of any tyranny, autocracy and monopolization;- Development and consolidation of Islamic brotherhood and general cooperation among all people;and most importantly, "Regulating the country's foreign policy based on the standards of Islam, fraternal commitment to all Muslims and unwavering support for the oppressed of the world."B - The leaders' perspective:B 1- Imam Khomeini: Imam Khomeini does not recognize the definitions of the term "national interests" in the literature of politics and international relations and offers a new explanation of national interests. The main axis of Imam Khomeini's political strategy, on which the definition of national interests is also based, is political Islam. Accordingly, he considers securing the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran dependent on the interests of the Islamic Ummah.B 2 - Ayatollah Khamenei: Regarding national interests, Ayatollah Khamenei's view is not much different from that of Imam Khomeini. In general, his view on national interests can be explained around several elements:- National interests as a religious identity- National interests as a revolutionary identity- Compatibility of the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran with the national interests of other Muslims- Synchronization of ideology and national interests in the diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of IranThe national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran are in conflict in two areas:A - Incompatibility of idealism with realismB - Incompatibility of ideology and rationalityThe incompatibility of the national interests of the Islamic Republic with the international system has faced the country with serious challenges at three levels: national, regional and global.

The incompatibility of national interests in the dictionary of the Islamic Republic of Iran with national interests in the global system is natural because this incompatibility is rooted in the deep difference between the principles governing the international system and the Islamic principles and ideals and revolutionary values ​​governing the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. What solution can be adopted in such circumstances? Obviously, a solution must be adopted that, while maintaining ideological ideals, also resolves the incompatibility with the international system. The proposed solution is the application of a result-oriented pragmatism approach. Based on this approach, prior beliefs about national interests and foreign policy must be reviewed or de-prioritized so that posterior beliefs that are the result of practical interactions between the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the international system can replace them. The axis of achieving such an understanding is this principle: "What is true is put into practice and what is put into practice is true." In this approach, it is sufficient for the Islamic Republic of Iran to update its reading of the ideal, classify its ideals based on the criterion of "practicality or impracticability" and give priority to practical goals. The Islamic Republic of Iran would do better to make the most of its relative advantage in the field of soft power and its relative advantage in the cultural field, rather than focusing on a military approach that is not a suitable basis for creating a balance of power with regional and global powers.

The Caspian Sea has many capacities in the fields of communication, energy, trade, combined transportation, fisheries, tourism, shipbuilding and military. The Islamic Republic of Iran can shape its desired values and advantages in this geographical space by developing comprehensive interactions and international relations and based on them, it can improve its geopolitical position. Because the authority and progress of the country depends on the geopolitical position and the use of valuable and God-given capacities and resources. The current research is based on that by identifying and determining the geopolitical factors that are effective in formulating strategies to improve the geopolitical position in the six dimensions, natural, human, economic, domestic policy, international policy and military in the form of the four roles of strength, weakness, opportunity and threat, while presenting To answer the research questions, provide strategies to improve the geopolitical position of the Islamic Republic of Iran In The Caspian Sea Region. The type of applied research is descriptive analytical research method and mixed research approach. The methods of data collection in this research are library and field(interview and questionnaire). To answer the research questions, EXEL, SPSS and SWOT techniques, as well as the t-student statistical method, were used. Based on the findings of the research, the strategies of "strengthening maritime culture, maritime-oriented economy, development of maritime transit and tourism industry, facilitating stable relations, entrepreneurship and job creation based on all-round development of the coasts, strengthening economic-political diplomacy, sustainable development of transport and Maritime transportation, the use of committed, knowledgeable and efficient manpower, strategic monitoring and campaigning in the sea area and securing national interests in the Shanghai Organization have an effect on improving the geopolitical position of the Republic of Iran in the Caspian Sea region.

With the increasing expansion of various dimensions of diplomacy in the 21st century, the importance and position of economic diplomacy has become more clear for all countries. On the other hand, despite the vast capacities of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the cultural field of Nowruz, which is reminiscent of the historical region of Greater Iran, the volume of commercial and economic exchanges in this strategic region has always been very low in the past decades. The result of not paying attention to the use of the unique capacities of Nowruz civilization field for Iran is that despite all the cultural similarities, the necessary benefits have never been made in order to improve economic and commercial relations.In this research, using the descriptive-analytical method and the constructivist perspective, we seek to understand how the capacities of Iran's cultural influence can be used in the cultural sphere of Nowruz, which will lead to the promotion of Iran's economic diplomacy in this region, so that we can use commonalities. and cultural ties to build a bridge towards commonalities and economic dependencies. In this regard, it is very important to use tools of cultural influence such as cultural and public diplomacy programs in order to influence the national brand, which is the intermediary and missing link between cultural influence and economic diplomacy.

"Political rhetoric" means " dialect and political literature ". Historical research shows that rhetoric is the art of speaking in an effective and persuasive manner and it is one of the most influential and credential factors in shaping and changing public opinion. Public opinion has always observed and taken into account the political rhetoric of authorities and its structure for regulating their interactions with state or government and political system. United nation specialized Human rights reports corresponding all member states, which are prepared by its various organs such as human rights council and its rapporteurs, secretary general and high commissioner for human rights, are one of the  most important political, global and legal variables that have many international impacts on the domestic and foreign policies and aspects of public opinion. The Islamic republic of Iran has also been repeatedly addressed to these reports for many years after Islamic revolution. In return, Iranian authorities have sought to present and submit their official responses and political reactions regarding these reports; These official responses have been carried out mostly by official bodies such as IRI high council for human rights and the ministry of foreign affairs. This article seeks to answer this question: " What are the Islamic republic of Iran's political rhetoric deficiencies and pathological defects about responses to specialized reports of the United Nations human rights council? ". In this regard, we've applied Theme analysis method (theme network) and rhetoric analysis (triple elements) to analyze and criticize official responses to the United Nations human rights council reports. Accordingly, some defects have been detected: passivity of responses, emphasizing on negative political responses, negligence in representing technical defects of the reports and the activity of rapporteurs or human rights council, lack of expertise in representing achievements are the most notable deficiencies among the others.

After the coup d'état of August 19, 1953, and the elimination of the opposition, the Second Pahlavi’s government attempted to restore independent sovereignty and weaken the role and position of the National Consultative Assembly in the country's political structure. This article attempts to answer the following question: What was the strategy adopted by the political system during the Second Pahlavi era to weaken the structural position of the Islamic Consultative Assembly? In this research, using a descriptive-analytical approach and based on the theoretical framework of strategic action, an attempt was made to examine the actions and initiatives taken by the political system in two forms - overt and covert strategic action - to weaken the position of the Islamic Consultative Assembly. The studies show that the covert strategic measures have focused on actions such as interfering in the composition of MPs, new interventionism and steering of political parties, and threats and pressure on the representatives of the National Consultative Assembly. The Pahlavi government has also tried to curtail the authority of the National Consultative Assembly through overt strategic measures by creating parallel institutions, particularly the Senate while suspending and dissolving the National Consultative Assembly. The measures of the second Pahlavi, which focused on hidden strategies while reducing the structural role of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, paved the way for a weakening of communicative action and narrowed the circle of community participation in political processes through institutions.

With the end of the Cold War, the process of regional integration entered a new stage. Due to the priority of economic activities over military actions and the emergence of the idea of geo-economics, most of the regional agreements are defined in the form of mutual economic cooperation. This research aims to analyze and investigate the limitations of the relationship between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Southeast Asian region "ASEAN". The research method in this study is descriptive-analytical, which has been used to collect information by referring to library sources and reliable sites. The "ASEAN" region has become the center of global attention due to its geopolitical and geoeconomic strengths, which have rapidly expanding markets and high financial strength. The country of the Islamic Republic of Iran, in terms of being located in the important basin of the Persian Gulf and having energy resources, in addition to its geopolitical and strategic importance, has gained a special geo-economic importance. The Islamic Republic of Iran can reach its political, economic and cultural goals in the region by benefiting from this capacity and by establishing regional integration and regionalism with the ASEAN countries. But Iran has so far not been successful in creating regionalism and regional convergences in order to achieve geopolitical power and influence economic and political policies in this region

In the last two decades, the concept of social capital has been emphasized due to its relationship with basic social components including awareness, participation, trust, cohesion, and social network in the direction of sustainable development of societies, especially rural societies. Social capital in rural communities is considered one of the key factors of development, therefore, to achieve sustainable rural development, having social capital is essential. This research has focused on the role of effective factors in the promotion of social capital in selected rural areas in Hashtroud City. While in the traditional view of management, economic, physical, and human capitals play a fundamental role. But, in the new attitude, the settlements need to improve the social capital more. Because, without improving social capital, it will not be possible to use other capitals in an optimal way. In a settlement that does not benefit from sufficient social capital, its other capital will also disappear. Therefore, the issue of social capital is considered a fundamental category. The findings of the current research, which was conducted using a descriptive-survey method and based on a questionnaire, indicate that individual, social, economic, and institutional factors have a significant relationship with social capital. Thus, the results of the path analysis showed that individual factors with an overall effect of 0.739 and economic factors with an overall effect of 0.6361 respectively have the greatest effect on social capital in the studied villages, and structural-institutional factors with an overall effect of 0.174 have the least effect. It has had the most impact on other factors affecting social capital. Social capital in rural communities is considered one of the key factors of development, therefore, to achieve sustainable rural development, having social capital is essential.

Over the past decade, the People''s Republic of China has emerged as one of the most significant trading partners and foreign investors in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. This achievement in a region of increasing geo-strategic and geo-economic importance can be attributed to China''s adoption of diplomatic tactics and a strategic hedging approach. Economic diplomacy, as a key pillar of China''s collaborative diplomacy, has enabled the expansion of China''s regional influence without direct confrontation with the United States while propelling Beijing''s global ascent. This article aims to examine how China''s strategic hedging and economic diplomacy in the MENA region have contributed to the advancement of China''s comprehensive strategic objectives and its regional influence. Furthermore, it explores the lessons that can be drawn from these experiences for Iran. The findings of this research show that China''s economic diplomacy in MENA has been successful as a key pillar of cooperative diplomacy by using hedging behavioral patterns through components such as strategic flexibility; Giving priority to developmental peace, economic entanglement with countries and adoption of hedging strategies instead of establishing balance of power or alliance and coalition will bring valuable lessons for making economic diplomacy efficient in the framework of developmental foreign policy for Iran. The research method employed in this article is qualitative, utilizing a descriptive-analytical approach, and data collection is conducted using library resources.

In the nature and structure of the political geography of the world, there are characteristics and objective facts that fundamentally promote the logic of competition between countries and powers and are based on international relations. The geography of Iraq has values (material and spiritual) that have shaped the field of competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia in order to secure the national interests of each. The purpose of this article is to explain the geopolitical position of Iraq in the regional competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia. This research is applied-developmental in terms of purpose and descriptive-analytical in terms of nature and method. Data collection was done by library method and survey method and data analysis was done with a quantitative approach. The statistical research population aware of strategic issues, geopolitics and international relations, included 52 people and was selected as a whole. The results of the research showed that Iraq's geographical location (landscape and strategic), civilizational identity (history, culture, ethnicity and religion), social-political structure (social gap, heterogeneous political structure) and geopolitical interests of effective extra-regional powers. As geopolitical factors, each plays a decisive role in the competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia. But most of the disputes and competition between the two countries are ideological in nature.

After the events of September 11, the fight against terrorism was pursued with particular seriousness by the US government, which was manifested in a military form, specifically by the invasion of Afghanistan and then by the invasion of Iraq. As time passed and the imposition of extensive military costs on the US, the country, by aligning its interests with regional allies, identified a range of militant groups in the Middle East and West Asia that were aligned with the Islamic Republic of Iran as terrorists and adopted mechanisms to counter their influence. The groups that were mostly gathered around the discourse of the Islamic Revolution of Iran outside the borders and included the Syrian government, Hamas militias and the political-military group Hezbollah, and then resistance groups in Iraq and then Yemen were added to them. With the coming to power of Obama, the United States of America has adopted a new strategy to repel threats against itself in various regions, which, although not accompanied by direct participation, military presence and open intervention, has a significant impact on the course of affairs. Using the capacity of regional actors aligned with its interests and its allies in West Asia, including Israel, Turkey, and some members of the Gulf Cooperation Council, in the form of coalitions, having military bases, and involving them in the counterterrorism program and remote management, has created a new approach to maintaining its influence in West Asia. This approach has created confrontations, given the presence of the Islamic Republic of Iran as an effective actor in the region and having multiple interests and state and non-state actors fighting for their independence and popular and ideological power. Some of these confrontations are threats to Iran's national security, which is defined beyond borders and has placed the fight against tyranny and support for oppressed and Muslim nations in its foreign policy agenda. In this regard, the present study seeks to examine the US counterterrorism policy in West Asia and discuss its relationship with the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The necessity for conducting such research is to identify the hidden threats of America by involving its allies in the region and confronting them, which is pursued in the form of coalitions and alliances or military and civilian agreements between America and its allies. If this procedure is not managed wisely, it will put the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the region at risk, which requires identification and confrontation. In this article, a descriptive-analytical method and library tools have been used.

With the fall off the Taliban government after the US military attack on Afghanistan following the events of September 11, concerns about the threats of the Taliban against the Islamic Republic of Iran subsided to some extent and gave way to the security threats of the NATO presence along the eastern borders. But, following the withdrawal of NATO and the fall of Ashraf Ghani's government on August 15, 2021, and the return to power of the Taliban in Afghanistan, concerns about the threats that may be posed by the Taliban regime to the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran have again become the main concern of researchers in this field. Therefore, the main purpose of this article is to answer the question that what threats can Taliban’s sovereignty have on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? To answer the research question, the qualitative method of multiple case studies has been used. The data has also been collected in the library method and analyzed with a descriptive-analytical approach in the conceptual context of the national security theory. The findings of the article shows that Taliban’s sovereignty in Afghanistan can create threats against the security of the Islamic Republic in different dimensions.

China’s role in the relationship between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia, as well as in the Middle Eastern security order, is a complex and multifaceted issue with significant implications for the geopolitical and security landscape of the region. As a signatory of the JCPOA and a major economic partner of Iran, China seeks to reduce tensions and promote stability in the Middle East through multilateral diplomacy and political mediation. Additionally, by meeting Iran's energy needs and investing in infrastructure projects, China has strengthened its strategic relationship with Tehran. These economic ties enable China to influence Iran’s nuclear policies. China also plays a calming role in the relationship between Tehran and Riyadh by offering economic opportunities to Saudi Arabia, leading to reduced tensions and enhanced regional stability. By emphasizing economic diplomacy and political mediation, China aims to prevent further crises and contribute to stability and security in the region. Consequently, China plays a crucial role in maintaining the Middle Eastern security order.

Due to the diversity and complexity of its dimensions and its increasing impact on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran, America's hybrid war has forced the country to develop countermeasure strategies that not only ensure its national security, but also provide the necessary capacities to optimally confront these threats. This research sought to answer the question of what are Iran's strategies against the US hybrid war, using a descriptive-analytical method and utilizing documentary and library studies, along with using a questionnaire to collect data and information. The research findings indicate that the Islamic Republic of Iran has been able to take effective steps to increase its deterrence power in confronting hybrid threats by emphasizing multidimensional strategies such as developing military deterrence, strengthening cyber capabilities, and establishing a network defense command structure. These achievements reflect a focus on technology- and security-oriented areas as the main pillars of defense against hybrid warfare. However, analyses indicate that areas such as strengthening the resistance economy and managing cyberspace to combat psychological warfare have not been sufficiently utilized, and these sectors require more strategic planning and coordination. The findings show that sustainable success in this field requires a comprehensive and integrated approach that can, in addition to strengthening military and security infrastructure, also improve the country's economic, media, and diplomatic capacities, and while promoting national cohesion, provide the basis for responding to complex hybrid threats.The findings show that sustainable success in this field requires a comprehensive and integrated approach that can, in addition to strengthening military and security infrastructure, also improve the country's economic, media, and diplomatic capacities, and while promoting national cohesion, provide the basis for responding to complex hybrid threats.

Iran-Russia relations have historically experienced multiple fluctuations, encompassing war, conflict, confrontation, cooperation, friendship, convergence, and divergence. In recent decades, bilateral relations have shifted toward constructive cooperation and interaction to fulfill Tehran and Moscow's mutual interests and objectives. This shift is evident in strategic alliances such as their joint involvement in the Syrian war, which has significantly strengthened their political, military, and security relations. However, statistical data indicate that economic relations between Iran and Russia have not followed the trajectory of other areas of cooperation, remaining at a lower-than-expected level. Officials from both countries have repeatedly acknowledged this issue. Against this backdrop, the present study, through a diagnostic approach, seeks to identify the reasons for the divergence in Iran-Russia economic relations. Employing a descriptive-analytical methodology and drawing upon the theories of convergence and divergence, the study's findings reveal that weak communication infrastructure, marginalization of the private sector, lack of an industrial economy, weaknesses in marketing strategies, sanctions, imbalanced geopolitical and geo-economic factors, bureaucratic structures, competition in the energy sector, and failure to capitalize on export opportunities are the primary factors impeding the economic convergence between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Russia. Both countries possess significant potential in these areas.

This study examines the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Latin America, with an emphasis on Venezuela, Brazil, and Argentina during the Rouhani administration, through the lens of James Rosenau’s Linkage Theory. The research employs a descriptive-analytical method and finds that the Rouhani administration, due to its focus on the nuclear dossier and lifting sanctions, pursued a foreign policy towards Latin America and the Caribbean that differed from its predecessor by avoiding political grandstanding, anti-Western slogans, and confrontational measures. Instead, Rouhani sought to expand economic relations with countries in the region through a pragmatic approach. Among the various factors influencing Rouhani’s foreign policy towards Venezuela, Brazil, and Argentina, the international system played the most significant role. Individual and role-related factors had a moderate impact, while government and societal variables played a minimal role.

The National Information Network, as a fundamental strategy in cyberspace, can significantly impact national security in exercising state sovereignty and providing services in this context. The establishment of this network will face various scenarios. Therefore, this research aims to outline these scenarios with an emphasis on the security implications inherent in each of them. The study is applied in nature and employs a descriptive-exploratory approach based on qualitative methodology, aiming to gather data for conceptualization and provide prescriptive analyses. The study population includes 20 professors from Tehran universities, the National Defense University, and some government officials working in the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology, the National Cyberspace Center, the Planning and Budget Organization, and the country's Information Technology Organization. The data collection method and analysis approach involved scientific and specialized library research, utilizing brainstorming methods and think-tank sessions. The main analysis method is based on scenario planning and the global business network model. Using this method, 15 actors, 92 drivers, and 4 uncertainties were identified, leading to the recognition of 16 states from the interaction of uncertainties. Ultimately, five plausible scenarios were outlined with the confirmation of experts. The plausible scenarios are named "Safe and Smart Home," "Captivity and Displacement," "Glimmer of Hope," "Dark Kingdom," and "Continuity of Duality." These scenarios can serve as a basis for foresight regarding the security implications of the National Information Network and pre-testing the general policies of the system in this area.

Soft power is the ability to create compliance through credibility in domestic and foreign public opinion and to exert indirect influence on other global actors, independent of hard power resources such as military capability, geographical limitations, and economic sanctions. This concept is increasingly gaining attention from international actors and analysts. Presenting a national image and brand is one of the main factors in soft power, which is often a side effect or sometimes a direct result of countries' economic diplomacy. The main question is how the relationship between strengthening the dimensions of economic diplomacy—meaning the mutual benefit between foreign policy and the economy of countries—and improving national image, and consequently enhancing their soft power, exists. Therefore, the aim of this research is to explore and analyze the role of economic diplomacy in improving national image and enhancing soft power, focusing on the case of China. Analyzing China's experience in economic diplomacy through a case study method and descriptive-analytical approach shows that this country is one of the successful examples that, through designing and implementing a dynamic and effective form of trade diversification, direct and joint foreign investments prioritizing developing countries and infrastructure and technology sectors, strengthening tourism, providing developmental aid, managing migration flows, and creating regional and international economic initiatives, has significantly transformed its soft power status while also gaining direct economic and political benefits. This approach and its results from China's experience can be extensively utilized in formulating strategies, policies, and necessary actions for the Islamic Republic of Iran.

One of the types of threats to political systems that can face serious challenges to the national security of countries in the medium and long term is socio-cultural threats. These types of threats, according to the type and components of their measurement, are among the threats that neglecting them in the medium term can have surprising and destructive effects on the social security and even the national security of the countries in the long term. This research seeks to answer these questions: what are the socio-cultural threats facing the Islamic Republic of Iran in the five-year horizon? Based on the criteria for measuring the occurrence of threats, what is the probability of their occurrence in the future horizon? What measures should be taken in the face of these threats? The mixed research approach is exploratory and two methods of environmental survey of texts (books, articles, reports, etc.) and expert questionnaire were used to collect information. Its statistical population is 10 scientific and academic experts whose opinions were obtained by preparing an expert questionnaire. The findings of the research show that in addition to common and conventional cultural and social threats, there are 9 major and priority threats, reduction of social capital, economic and social corruption, weakening of national identity, ethnic and religious challenges, social and economic gaps,Decrease in the level of human development, change in lifestyle, increase in social damage and cognitive-perceptual war are the most important threats to the Islamic Republic of Iran in the five-year horizon.

In this research, an attempt has been made to examine the legal system in the Islamic Republic of Iran from the perspective of behavioral factors. These factors, which arise from normative and structural components, have significant effects on the legislative process, and knowing them helps to better understand the category of good governance. The main question raised in this research is: What are the behavioral factors influencing the legislative process in the Islamic Republic of Iran? In line with the aforementioned question, the hypothesis of this article is that a set of official and unofficial agents and agents have an impact on the important issue of law making in the country and each of them tries to change the legislative behavior in line with their interests and desires. turn around The present research was written based on the descriptive-analytical method, and the data were prepared by the library method and by taking a file. The findings of the research show that the behavioral factors affecting legislation in Iran are a reflection of Islamism and republicanism as the two basic values ​​of the structural system of the constitution; Republic has led to the emergence of democratic institutions and Islam has led to the emergence of high supervisory institutions. Each of these two, in the framework of the theory of optimal governance, indicates the limitations and possibilities of the said system.