جنگ اوکراین

Focusing on the importance of the "Global Britain" approach in the British foreign policy in the post-Brexit period, this article seeks to examine the British foreign policy towards the Ukraine crisis during the two periods of the beginning of the crisis in 2014 and the Russian military attack on Ukraine in 2022. The main question of the research is, what is the impact of the "Global Britain" approach in the British foreign policy in the post-Brexit period regarding the Ukraine crisis? The hypothesis of the article, which was examined with a qualitative approach through the concepts of the theory of the English school of international relations and the method of thematic analysis, is that the adoption of the "Global Britain" approach plays an important role in the formation and activation of the British foreign policy in relation to the Ukraine crisis, especially in the post-Brexit period. By adopting a theoretical approach and using the library method, this article evaluates the impact of the "Global Britain" approach on the British foreign policy towards Ukraine based on the theory of the English school. This paper discussed that the United Kingdom has moved from European solidarity to British-centered pluralism, from secondary Europe-centered correlative institutions to primary institutions and as a result of playing a leadership role in the Ukraine crisis, it has moved in the direction of reviving the great power and harmonizing positions with the United States within the framework of the "special relationship". Britain's response to the Ukraine crisis has shown Britain's commitment to the "Global Britain" approach and its leadership role in shaping the international order and promoting the values of democracy, human rights and the rule of law in the post-Brexit period, especially in response to the Ukraine crisis.

During the years 2015–2023, Iran–Russia relations experienced a consistent growth and stability. Structural components played varying roles during this period, sometimes acting as limiting and controlling factors, while at other times serving as catalysts that facilitated and accelerated the development of bilateral relations. Two key structural components in the foreign policies of both countries have significantly influenced the dynamics of their relations. The first is the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), in which Russia played a pivotal role. The second is the 2022 Ukraine crisis, where Iran’s involvement drew considerable attention from analysts. These two factors have shaped the developmental trajectory of Iran–Russia relations since 2015. The present study aimed to address the following question: Which structural components influenced the model of Iran–Russia relations during 2015–2023? The study is based on the hypothesis that the JCPOA was a structural factor shaping Iran’s foreign policy, while the Ukraine crisis of 2022 served as a structural factor influencing Russia’s foreign policy. The two countries’ responses to these structural factors played a crucial role in expanding their bilateral relations.

Literature Review:

There are many studies about Iran–Russia relations. Among the most notable works are the Persian-language book titled Relations Between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Russian Federation: The New Era of Cooperation by Jahangir Karami (2009), and the article “The Prospect of Strategic Convergence Between Russia and the Islamic Republic of Iran” by Alhoei (2022). However, only a limited number of these studies deal with the structural components of Iran–Russia relations. Furthermore, few academic publications explored these relations from a structural perspective, particularly in light of recent developments, such as the aftermath of the Ukraine war.

The current study used a descriptive–analytical method within the theoretical framework of structural neo-realism.

Kenneth Waltz views the structure of the international system as the fundamental factor shaping state behavior, asserting that this structure influences the relations between the states around the world. According to Waltz, states are interminably trying to increase their power due to the inherent chaos of the international system. In the meantime, international structures—especially the condition of anarchy—intensify states’ motivations to pursue common interests and participate in temporary coalitions. Therefore, the relationship between Iran and Russia can be analyzed through the lens of the balance of power. From the perspective of structural neo-realism, state behavior is shaped by the international system’s structure. Regardless of internal developments, the trajectory of state relations can be assessed through the analysis of the international system. In this model, countries exhibit similar behavior patterns influenced by their interaction with the international structure. Thus, setting aside regional and historical differences, the relationship between Iran and Russia can be examined in terms of their responses to international dynamics.The cornerstone of Iran–Russia cooperation lies in their critical and revisionist approach aimed at transitioning toward a multipolar world order, driven by the perceived decline of American hegemony. This shared perspective provides a foundation for cooperation, exemplified by their opposition to the U.S. unilateral actions in the JCPOA and the Ukraine crisis. One significant indicator of political cooperation is the frequency of state visits. Officials from both countries have engaged in numerous summits, discussing a wide range of issues. This unprecedented level of official meetings, unseen since the collapse of the USSR, signals the beginning of a new era in Iran–Russia relations. Another dimension of Iran–Russia relations is their evolving collaboration within international organizations. Although the two countries have cooperated in some areas, disagreements have persisted in others. Russia has supported Iran on various occasions, almost in line with its own strategic purposes. In the security–military domain, Iran and Russia have deepened their cooperation at critical junctures. During the Holy Defense, Moscow was Iran’s sole option for military support. More recently, their collaboration in Syria has strengthened their military and security ties. Russia’s involvement in Syria stems from a combination of strategic and tactical objectives, including countering Western dominance, protecting its interests, and preventing the collapse of allied states. The central theme of their security–military cooperation has been their shared opposition to U.S. policies and their commitment to protecting their respective interests. The Ukraine crisis has further reshaped the dynamics of their security–military relationship. Economic relations proved to be a critical component of Iran–Russia interactions over the past decade. These relations, increasingly elevated to a geo-economic level, spurred collaboration on major infrastructure projects, such as the North–South Corridor—which has received limited attention so far. Iran’s geographic location is a valuable asset frequently highlighted by both Iranian and international perspectives. Iran’s approach, blending reformist and traditional revisionist elements, reflects its structural interests in a more realistic way. Meanwhile, Russia, in response to escalating tensions with the West, has shifted away from its previously conservative stance, adopting a more proactive role in reforming the international system and shaping a new global order.

Iran–Russia relations can be divided into two key phases: the first spanning from 2015 to 2019 (centered around the signing of the JCPOA) and the second beginning in 2022 (marked by the onset of the Ukraine war). In the first phase, Russia played a pivotal role in the nuclear negotiations. Although the JCPOA was essentially a legal document, it has significantly influenced Iran’s global image and position. It has also enhanced Iran’s diplomatic relations and its active role on the international stage. These advantages represent critical dimensions of power in the current era, encompassing political, normative, and economic aspects. The JCPOA has also had far-reaching implications in other areas, including security. In the second phase, as tensions and sanctions from the West against Russia escalated, Iran adopted a neutral stance, while acknowledging NATO’s destructive and provocative role at the onset of the war. This approach fostered new strategic interests in Iran–Russia relations, enabling significant advancements in various domains through a structural model.

The profound consequences of the Ukraine crisis on international relations caused the intertwining of the regional and global situation. The countries of West Asia and the existing security order in this region were somehow affected by the consequences of this war. The nature of Russia's relations and its role in the security relations of the West Asian region have always highlighted the importance of the geography of this part of the Asian continent for the Russians. Therefore, the main question of the article is how to analyze Russia's approach to the West Asian region after the 2022 war in Ukraine? (Research question) In response to the above question, the hypothesis of the article proposes that: since the beginning of the war between Moscow and Kiev in February 2022, Russia has simultaneously increased its presence and influence in the relations of the West Asian region in such a way that by turning the gaze from With a balanced approach, the West-East side has increased its efforts to promote interactions with the countries of the region and play a role in its security relations. This research has been done by using the descriptive-analytical method and collecting information in the form of library and internet and reviewing the upstream documents of Russia

The Ukraine war was started in February 2022 with the start of the special operations of the Russian army in Ukraine, this war is because of that،Russia is one of the most important countries supplying energy and food and Ukraine is one of the main suppliers of food in the world and due to the importance Finding the Black Sea and Turkey's geopolitical position in the Black Sea has had several effects on the world economy and international economic issues and Turkish economy and Turkish geoeconomic issues. The article uses the theoretical of Copenhagen regional security and the conceptual framework of geoeconomics in a descriptive and analytical way. Using the works and articles and analyzes that have already been written in this field, and their classification and analysis seeks to answer this question of how Turkey has tried to secure its national interests from the war in Ukraine. goa; of article is to show economic effects of the Ukrainian war on the Turkey economy and effects of the Ukrainian war on geo-economic position of Turkey, and the findings indicate that the Ukrainian war, despite the negative consequences it had on the Turkish economy, has led to Turkey will try to become a food hub and an energy hub through the Ukraine war and attract capital from Ukraine and Russia. In conclusion, we come to the conclusion that the Ukraine war, in addition to the negative effects, has had positive effects on the economy and the promotion of Turkey's geo-economic role

Russia's attack on Ukraine has caused extensive analytical and theoretical debates among theorists of international relations. Each of these theorists, depending on their theoretical worldview and by highlighting certain dimensions, have tried to explain the causes of this war. Although these researches offer important insights into understanding the causes of war, what is still questionable is why the leaders of Russia and Ukraine, as rational activists, despite knowing that war is costly, chose this option and why negotiation failed as a less expensive way to resolve disputes. Although it is possible to answer this question by referring to the role of individual and psychological factors and focusing on the decision-making process of influential people such as Russian President Vladimir Putin, this article aims to use the findings of the bargaining theory of war and specifically the two factors of indivisibility of disputes and the problem of commitment, to explain the reasons for resorting to war in the recent Russian attack on Ukraine. The findings of the article show that, on the one hand, the indivisibility of NATO's eastward expansion policy, and on the other hand, Russia's lack of trust in Ukraine's commitment to not join NATO, were the most important factors in the war in 2022.

The European Union's (EU) imposition of sanctions on Russia's oil, gas, and coal sectors following the 2022 Ukraine invasion represents a significant geopolitical and economic event. These sanctions are designed to limit Russia's ability to finance its military actions through energy exports, while simultaneously attempting to safeguard Europe's energy security. Given the pivotal role of energy in both economic stability and geopolitical strategy, the impact of these sanctions warrants a comprehensive analysis. This paper seeks to explore the strategic commercial implications of these sanctions on the global energy market, particularly focusing on Russia and the EU. The central issue addressed in this research is how the EU's sanctions on Russia's oil, gas, and coal sectors have strategically impacted the commercial dynamics between the two parties, with a particular emphasis on Russia. The sanctions aim to curtail Russia's revenue from these critical energy exports, which are crucial for its economy. However, these sanctions also have the potential to disrupt the global energy market, influencing prices, supply routes, and geopolitical alliances.

Research question: 

How have the EU's sanctions on Russia's oil, gas, and coal sectors strategically impacted the commercial System between the two parties, particularly for Russia?Research hypothesis: The EU's sanctions on Russia's oil, gas, and coal sectors have fundamentally transformed the global supply chain patterns for both parties, resulting in the emergence of a new commercial system.

Methodology and theoretical framework:

 This research adopts a qualitative approach to evaluate the impact of the sanctions. The method of research employed include Porter's Five Factors Analysis.  This model provides a comprehensive tool to analyze the competitive dynamics within the energy market, focusing on the bargaining power of suppliers and buyers, the threat of new entrants and substitutes, and the intensity of competitive rivalry. Theoretical frameworks employed include Porter's Five Forces and Systems Theory to analyze the competitive and systemic changes in the energy market. This theory views the energy market as a complex system composed of interconnected and interdependent components, including producers, consumers, and regulatory bodies. The imposition of sanctions is seen as a systemic shock that reverberates through the entire market, affecting various elements in multifaceted ways.

The EU's sanctions have significantly curtailed Russian energy exports to Europe, forcing Russia to seek alternative markets, particularly in Asia. This shift has not fully compensated for the loss of the European market, leading to a substantial decrease in Russia's energy revenues. The EU has accelerated efforts to diversify its energy sources, reducing dependence on Russian oil, gas, and coal. This includes increased imports from the United States, the Middle East, and Africa, as well as a push towards renewable energy sources and liquefied natural gas (LNG) infrastructure. The sanctions have contributed to increased volatility in global energy markets, with fluctuations in oil, gas, and coal prices driven by uncertainties in supply and demand. The reconfiguration of supply chains has also introduced logistical challenges and higher transportation costs. Countries like the United States, Qatar, and Norway have seen an increase in their bargaining power as Europe seeks alternative suppliers. These countries have leveraged the situation to negotiate more favorable terms and expand their market presence in Europe. The EU has intensified its investment in renewable energy technologies, viewing the sanctions as an impetus to accelerate the transition to a more sustainable energy system. This includes funding for wind, solar, and hydrogen projects, as well as research into energy storage solutions. The sanctions have induced systemic changes, prompting a reevaluation of energy security and supply chain resilience. The EU's strategic shift towards renewable energy and diversification of suppliers reflects a broader trend towards reducing dependency on single sources and enhancing long-term stability. The sanctions, while strategically significant, have proven inefficient in the short and medium term, as evidenced by ongoing disruptions and market adjustments. The immediate impacts have included supply chain reconfigurations and price volatility, without achieving a complete severance of energy ties or financial incapacitation of Russia. In the long term, however, the sanctions are expected to cause substantial harm to Russia's energy industry. This damage will manifest both vertically (through reduced production capabilities and loss of technological advancements) and horizontally (through diminished market share and geopolitical influence).

The EU's sanctions on Russia's oil, gas, and coal sectors have had profound strategic commercial implications for the global energy market. These sanctions have not only diminished Russia's role as a dominant energy supplier to Europe but have also triggered significant shifts in energy sourcing, market dynamics, and strategic investments. The findings underscore the importance of viewing the energy market as a complex system, where changes in one component can lead to widespread ripple effects. This research contributes to the understanding of the commercial impacts of geopolitical actions on the global energy market. It highlights the need for comprehensive strategies to manage energy security and market stability in the face of such disruptions. The study also underscores the potential for accelerated innovation and investment in renewable energy as a strategic response to geopolitical challenges. The implications of this research are far-reaching, suggesting that policymakers and industry leaders must consider both the immediate and long-term effects of sanctions and other geopolitical actions. By adopting a systems perspective and employing frameworks like Porter's Five Forces, stakeholders can better navigate the complexities of the global energy market and develop more resilient and sustainable energy strategies. In summary, the EU's sanctions on Russia's oil, gas, and coal sectors have catalyzed significant changes in the global energy landscape, presenting both challenges and opportunities. The ongoing evolution of this situation will likely continue to shape the commercial dynamics of the energy market for years to come.

The war between Russia and Ukraine is one of the most important developments of the new century, which has faced different reactions of international actors. In fact, The war between Russia and Ukraine is one of the historical milestones in the transition period of international relations, which can cause many changes in the international arena due to the presence of many actors involved in it. This war, which is referred as the beginning of the new order or the end of the transition period, although it took place in Europe, it has involved many regions and actors. In the meantime, Saudi Arabia, as one of the strategic players in the Middle East, has pursued a conservative approach despite its strategic partnership with the United States. This research seeks to answer the main question, what is the foreign policy of Saudi Arabia towards the Ukraine war and how and by the influence of which variables have it formed?

The research methodology employed is qualitative. By using the descriptive-analytical method and in the framework of neoclassical realism, the data collected from internet and library sources have been analyzed.

One of the geo-strategic and geo-economic regions that directly and indirectly entered this crisis is the Persian Gulf region. The states of Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, due to their position and importance, especially in the field of energy, indirectly see themselves in the war campaign in Ukraine. Among these states, Saudi Arabia by considering of its place and role in the international system has acted and reacted more than other states of this council towards this crisis. This issue is mostly affected by the position of Saudi Arabia as one of the largest oil exporting states and its strategic partnership with the United States, which has also developed relations with Russia in recent years.The available evidence shows that Saudi Arabia has displayed a balanced policy regarding the Ukraine war with regard to its internal and external variables. The foreign policy of Saudi Arabia, influenced by its strategic culture, is solely formulated and implemented by the authoritarian rules. Therefore, Saudi leaders' perception of their position and regional and international developments play a very important role in the country's foreign policy. The Ukraine war, from the point of view of the Saudi leaders, is affected by the expansion of NATO to the east, and practically the meeting point of the West and the East. Therefore, from the point of view of Saudi Arabia, which has always had a threatening perception of the expansion of Iran's influence in the region, especially after the Arab Spring and especially in Yemen since 2015, Russia's reaction in the form of an invasion of Ukraine to counter the expansion of NATO is completely understandable. Nevertheless, the importance of maintaining the special and strategic relations between Saudi Arabia and the West has caused this country to take a stand against Russia in its declaration policies and foreign policy positions. Another important point that should not be neglected is that the leaders of Saudi Arabia are dissatisfied with the policies of the United States in recent years, especially towards Iran and the pivote to Asia policy and decentralization from the Middle East, as well as realizing the declining position of the United States in the international system and the need to rebuild its foreign relations in the new world order.

The Ukraine war in 2022 is considered one of the most important proxy wars between West and Russia after the Cold War. The importance of this issue has caused different states to adopt different policies towards it according to their political, security and economic relations with each of the two sides of the conflict. In the meantime, although many states, including Arab governments, have criticized Russia's invasion of Ukraine, but despite their political-security orientation towards the West, most of them, especially Saudi Arabia, have adopted a balanced foreign policy in this war between Russia and the West.In sum, The findings of this research show that a set of variables such as the perception of the  Saudi Arabia's elites about the nature of the Ukraine war along with the performance of the United States in recent years in response to the developments of the West Asian region, especially towards the Islamic Republic of Iran and the pursuit of the buck passing strategy and reduction of its obligations in this region, the requirements of Saudi Arabia's 2030 vision and structural changes in the international system caused saudi to adopt a "balance" (not "neutral") policy toward Ukraine war in order to maintain relations with both sides of the conflict.

Since February 24 (March 5, 1400), when the Russia-Ukraine war began, the confrontation between Russia and the United States in Ukraine has led to an increase in Iran's strategic importance. Considering the prolongation of the war in Ukraine, this article aims to obtain basic solutions to strengthen the capacity of Iran's media diplomacy in the war between Russia and Ukraine.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK:

Experts in this field have given different definitions for media diplomacy. Abuwebo, in his definition, describes the media as a tool to express and promote foreign policy.

 The method of this article is applied in terms of purpose and in terms of qualitative nature of thematic analysis. The study includes 11 media experts. Content validity was determined using the opinions of professors and experts. Semi-structured interviews were used to collect information. Data analysis was done in two stages. At first, based on the results of the interviews, information was extracted and then coding and classification of the data was done. MaxQDA 2022 software was used to perform thematic analysis.

It showed that by using the content produced in social media, political and economic factors can be strengthened in promoting Iran's national interests.

It indicates that Iran's media diplomacy field can benefit from the opportunities created by the Ukraine war in order to develop the country's exports and imports and strengthen its hegemony as an active player.

Although the future of the international order and its coordinates can be analyzed from different angles and from different levels of analysis, the complexity caused by rapid developments, network relationships, major events and frequent changes in the approaches and policies of major governments during the transition period, A situation of deep uncertainty prevails over the future of the order, which makes it impossible to reliably estimate and predict how it will be and faces internal contradictions. In this article, focusing on the war in Ukraine as a key event in the future state of the international order, the question is addressed, what are the future scenarios of the war in Ukraine and its implications for the international order? To answer this question, an attempt has been made to The foresight approach and the key uncertainty method, which are the approaches corresponding to the methodology of complexity in the philosophy of science, should be used.The findings confirm that out of the total of 5 main driving forces shaping the future of the war in Ukraine, two driving forces include: a) the level of NATO's risk tolerance for the continuation or extension of the war, and b) the level of cohesion, resilience and the possibility of continuation Russian trade exchanges to continue the war; It has higher uncertainty and importance, and according to the states of uncertainty, a total of four scenarios including: "nuclear war", "strategic stalemate", "restrained Russia ", and "victory Russia" as scenarios with The probability of occurrence is high in the next two years.

The security order in Central Asia has undergone a stable process in the transition to new conditions during the last decade. Two catalysts after 2021 have accelerated this process. First, the withdrawal of International forces from Afghanistan, which led to the fall of the government in this country and the rise to power and stabilization of the presence of the Taliban; And second, Russia's military invasion of Ukraine, which increased the tension between the great powers at the international level and created a situation that is interpreted as a new cold war in Russia's peripheral area. These conditions led to forming the security order governing Central Asia in new conditions. In such a situation, this paper seeks to answer this key question: how will the new security order of Central Asia after 2021 affect the security interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The hypothesis that is raised in response to this question is based on the proposition that these conditions, by intensifying the security situation of the great power, have caused a decrease in the security factor in Iran's peripheral environment. Strengthening the flow of multilateralism and strengthening expansive approaches in the new security order, implies opportunities. In this paper, I try to prove the hypothesis through the exploration method to discover systematic patterns in Central Asia's security dynamics. The Copenhagen school is considered as the conceptual framework of this research in the comparative approach.

The war in Ukraine is arguably the most significant tension between Russia and the West since the Cold War, with far-reaching consequences beyond Ukraine itself. The neighboring Caucasus region, in particular, has been greatly impacted by this conflict. This study aims to explore the effects of the war in Ukraine on the economic corridors of the Caucasus. The researchers test the hypothesis that the increased economic risks resulting from the war, Russia's diverted attention to Ukraine, and Europe's search for alternative energy sources are three crucial factors that enhance the significance of the economic corridors in the Caucasus. The research data indicates that, since the onset of the war in Ukraine, transit routes for goods and energy passing through the Caucasus, such as the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipelines, the western corridor of the north-south corridor, the Trasica corridor, and the Zangzor corridor, have gained considerable attention and favor by regional and extra-regional actors. Furthermore, it is anticipated that China will increasingly express interest in the Caucasus region for its One Belt One Road project in the near future.

Energy security has become intricately intertwined with state power, resulting in a complex web of interdependence among energy-producing and consuming countries. Any disruption in this network of interdependencies can have significant ripple effects on the international system. The Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 had a profound impact on the international system following the Cold War. Russia's substantial reserves of oil and gas have historically positioned it as the primary energy exporter to Europe, and the interconnected energy networks resulted in a significant level of interdependence. The main questions of this research are, considering the significance of energy in the dynamics between Russia and Europe, what has been the role of this prominent factor in the conflicts between Russia and Europe? And what changes did the consequences of the war in Ukraine create in the energy geopolitics of the international system? In this regard, this study seeks to find the correlation of energy in the Ukraine war within the framework of interdependence theories, and its findings indicate that energy, as a strong field of interdependence between Russia and Europe, for reasons such as ideological differences, long-standing distrust, and most importantly, the weaponized use of it by the parties not only failed to create a pluralistic security society but have also led to threatening perceptions. These perceptions have escalated to the point of war and have had an impact on international relations.

After the financial crisis of 2008, the issue of food security befitted one of the main security agendas of the world's countries. Three elements of climate change, the COVID-19 pandemic and armed conflicts are the fundamental reasons for fueling this crisis. Historically, armed conflicts have always been effective in food insecurity within countries; however, Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022 has caused food insecurity to spread globally. In fact, communicated the ominous legacy of the financial crisis caused by the pandemic and the worsening climate change situation, the timing of this war endured such that it has turned food security into a full-blown crisis. Given this explanation, the purpose of this research is to answer the question, how has the war in Ukraine fueled the food security crisis in the world? In response, the war in Ukraine has caused a global crisis in this area by creating insecurity in accessibility, availability, utilization of food, and stability of the supply chain. To consider this hypothesis, the PEST analysis method has been used. The key findings of the research show that the aggressive war in Ukraine directly (profound effect on food distribution, displacement of people, lack of agricultural labor, weaponization of food, and inflation) on the one hand and indirectly (progressively increasing the ultimate price of inputs including fertilizer and energy) food security crisis has intensified the world food insecurity.

The Russia-Ukraine war in February 2022 caused changes in the international system and blackened the balance of power prospects, especially in a region like Central Asia where Russia has a strong role and influence. Factors such as Russia's military conflict in Ukraine, and this country's focus on its ability to disrupt equations in its favor, which subsequently causes changes in its national and foreign policies, open paths for new questions. Such as whether the war in Ukraine and its consequences have caused Russia's role to diminish, or we can even say Russia's hegemony (especially from a security point of view) in Central Asia? In this case, is China, another influential and powerful actor in the region, going to fill the vacuum of Russian influence? Or will the countries of the region take advantage of the opportunity this time and highlight other regional actors such as India, Turkey, Iran, or trans regional actors such as the European Union in their foreign policy? In order to answer these questions, this research has tried to investigate the variables of China and Russia's sources of power and influence in Central Asia, and their changes after the Ukraine war. After evaluating the prospects of challenges and the opportunities created by this war for the influence of China and Russia in this region will provide scenarios for the future situation in Central Asia and the influential actors in the region.

The war in Ukraine has had significant results and consequences on the international system. The highly economic nature of the contemporary world has increased the focus of these consequences on the economic field. However, in the analytical studies, generally the peripheral regions of Russia and especially Europe have been the basis of the analysis of these outputs. The effect of this war on other areas has been less noticed. From this point of view and considering the unique geo-economic position of the Islamic Republic of Iran among several important regions including Central Asia, Russia, South Asia, South Caucasus, Iraq and Shamat, and the Persian Gulf, this article tries to find out how, level, direction And the depth of this influence should be investigated. In this framework, the question of the present article is based on the fact that in the field of energy and transit, what effect will the war in Ukraine have on the geo-economic position of the Islamic Republic of Iran? In response to the findings of this article, it shows that in the field of Iran's role in transit corridors, alternative capabilities for oil export, as well as potential capacities in energy transfer and gas export, the war in Ukraine has led to the strengthening of the geo-economic position of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This research was conducted using a qualitative method based on content analysis and theoretical conceptualization of geo-economy and inter-regional networks and a descriptive-analytical approach.

The ongoing Russian aggression in Ukraine, which commenced in 2014 and culminated with the annexation of Crimea, has had profound implications for global security, international relations, and, notably, defense cooperation among nations. This research aims to meticulously analyze the multifaceted repercussions of Western sanctions triggered by the Ukraine conflict on defense and military collaborations between India and Russia. Employing neorealism as its theoretical framework and an explanatory methodology, this study also delves into recent adjustments in India's defense policy arising from the Ukraine crisis. Central to this research is the inquiry: "What are the impacts of the Ukraine conflict on defense cooperation between India and Russia, and how have they influenced India's defense policy?" The findings of this investigation reveal that the Western sanctions imposed on Russia have catalyzed substantial transformations in India and Russia's defense partnership. These changes have prompted India to diversify its sources of arms procurement, thereby diminishing its reliance on Russia. Additionally, India is actively pursuing investments in its domestic defense industry to reduce future dependencies on Russia and other arms suppliers.

Russia's war with Ukraine has been one of the most important developments in the international system in recent decades. Although the attention of observers and analysts of international relations has been focused on the goals of Russia in this war, the goals of the United States of America in this war should not be neglected, and considering that the United States of America has tried to maintain its hegemonic position after the collapse of the Soviet Union. To confront other countries in different regions of the world, addressing the goals of that country in the Ukraine war can be important. Therefore, the main purpose of this article is to address the US goals in the Ukraine war, and the research question can be expressed in this way: what goals does the US pursue in the Ukraine war? In response to the research question, a hypothesis is put forward that maintaining the geopolitical balance in Europe, weakening Russia and securing the economic interests of military-industrial complexes could be one of the US goals in the Ukraine war. The research findings show that the Ukraine war, despite the problems it has created for that country and the international community, has been effective in meeting the US goals of this war, which is to weaken Russia. This research is of descriptive-analytical type and library resources and internet scanning have been used

Russia's military conflict in Ukraine, which began in February 2022 has global dimensions and various effects on the politics, economy and security of the international system. In the meantime, the evaluation of possible scenarios has a special place from the perspective of future studies.The main question of this article:What scenarios can be imagined if Russia uses nuclear weapons? The hypothesis that is raised following the mentioned question is that the use of nuclear weapons by Russia will have major geopolitical, geostrategic and geoeconomic effects for global security in the short and long term. The present article tries to present some possible scenarios in relation to the future of this war and its effects on the international system in the framework of scenario planning and using the descriptive-analytical method with emphasizing on component of nuclear weapons.For this purpose, offensive realism has been chosen as theoretical framework to better explain the behavior of the Russian government in Ukrainian war.The findings of the research show that Russia's use of nuclear weapons can, on the one hand, lead to a mutual reaction by the United States and NATO, and on the other hand, instead of helping to disarm nuclear weapons, lead to its spread

With the collapse of the bipolar system and the intensification of America's hostility against Iran, the orientation towards the East in foreign policy became Iran's strategic priority. In the meantime, facing threats from the West and wishing to form a multipolar world, Iran has abandoned its historical rivalry with Russia and has recently expressed positions beyond the "Looking East" approach in the Ukraine war.This article tries to answer these questions: Under the influence of what components has Iran's foreign policy been formed in response to Russia's invasion of Ukraine? To what extent is it in line with Iran's national goals and long-term interests?In response, it can be said that Iran interprets Russia's invasion as the beginning of a transformation in the international system with the emergence of new blocs and alliances, which gives Tehran the opportunity to get out of isolation and become an actor in the world arena. For the Islamic Republic, the all-out support of Moscow in the Ukraine war is part of a single strategy for participation and use of the emerging international order. By measuring the opportunities and threats of the Ukraine crisis, this article recommends that Iran, by adopting a cautious approach in supporting Russia, avoids provoking Western governments and keeps the country away from being exposed to wider sanctions and pressures. The article examines Iran's foreign policy in the Ukraine war with a qualitative approach and within the framework of neoclassical realism theory.

Despite the fact that most of the recent debates about Türkiye’s military ambitions have focused on the capabilities of drones and how to use them in various security crises, its missile program, and its drivers and achievements have not been discussed in political and academic circles. By the same token, numerous test-firing of ballistic and cruise missiles is a reminder that Ankara possesses a remarkable arsenal of such missiles. It also indicates that it aims to expand and enhance that arsenal. Therefore, the gradual increase of Türkiye’s military power and technological advancement in the field of ballistic and cruise missiles, no matter what goals, perceptions and characteristics it highlights, raise new questions about the progress made in this field. On this basis, understanding the dynamics of Türkiye’s missile program and how this level of capability is related to the arms race in the Middle East, along with the lessons Ankara's elites have learned during crises such as the Ukraine war and the nature of modern battles, is a goal that this article will consider. It particularly focuses on its dimensions and reasons for the development of a new analytical framework.