حکومت اسلامی

Citizens' satisfaction and its importance in establishing and justifying political authorities have long been important issues in political philosophy, and governments have always tried to satisfy citizens. Ayatollah Khamenei, as the religious leader of the Islamic system, has paid attention to the popular foundations of the Islamic political system and has repeatedly spoken about the people and their role in the government, that one of the important aspects of this issue is the satisfaction of the citizens with the government; so in this research, an attempt has been made the main axes of this theory from the perspective of Ayatollah Khamenei. The main question of this research is: What is the main axes of the theory of citizens' satisfaction in the Islamic government from Ayatollah Khamenei's point of view? To get the answer, the theme analysis method was used and the result of this research shows that the theory of citizens' satisfaction can be divided into three main axes: "place and importance of citizens' satisfaction", "area of citizens' satisfaction". satisfaction" and "conditions and means of realizing citizens' satisfaction" that Ayatollah Khamenei has his own view on each of these three axes, which shows his intellectual system in this field.Ayatollah Khamenei spoke about the position and importance of satisfaction, seeking divine reward, the criterion of right, the necessity of matching the satisfaction of citizens with the duty and divine satisfaction, the priority of divine satisfaction over the satisfaction of citizens, being one of the principles of the Islamic system, the criterion for measuring the performance and special work of officials. Regarding the area of satisfaction of citizens, they also express the satisfaction of the public, which is preferred over the satisfaction of properties; Of course, they also point out that it is not possible to obtain the complete satisfaction of the citizens, the conditions for the satisfaction of the citizens from their point of view are: respecting the people and getting along with them, continuing of a lot of work to solve people's problems, feeling like serving the people, getting God's approval, interfering in the People in governance and asking them for help in solving problems.

This study examines the reproduction of discursive and political conflicts in contemporary Iranian society and the necessity of reevaluating their intellectual heritage. Given that these conflicts are an integral part of social and historical processes, analyzing the socio-political positions of influential groups and movements in modern Iranian history is of particular importance. The Liberation Movement of the People of Iran (JAMA) is one such influential movement that, during a critical period in Iran's history, presented specific views and strategies for socio-political and economic changes within a distinct discourse. Therefore, analyzing the positions of JAMA not only addresses the academic need to gain deeper insight into this movement but also serves as a tool for understanding and interpreting historical and intellectual transformations in modern Iran. The main focus of this research is to analyze JAMA's socio-political positions and to study the transformations these positions underwent within historical and discursive developments. This study aims to identify and explore the roots, characteristics, and impacts of JAMA’s discourse in modern Iranian history. Additionally, the research seeks to explain the evolution of these positions from a theistic-socialist discourse to an Islamic one during the period leading up to the Islamic Revolution.

This study employs a historical research method to collect and verify data, while adopting Quentin Skinner’s contextualist and intentionalist hermeneutics for the analysis and interpretation of texts. Following Skinner’s approach, which argues that interpreting a text and understanding its meaning is only possible through studying texts in their social and political context with an emphasis on “speech acts” or “performative acts,” this research endeavors to elucidate JAMA’s positions and the transformations they underwent. Skinner’s context-driven and intentionalist hermeneutics hold that the meanings of terms, concepts, and propositions are dependent on and limited to their specific historical period. To achieve this, intellectual currents, prevalent arguments, and the questions and answers of that era must be thoroughly investigated. Accordingly, attention has been given to historical events, as well as the intellectual and practical backgrounds of the movement’s organizers as historical subjects.

Based on its periodic analysis, JAMA assessed Iranian society as being on the brink of a social transformation and promoted a program centered on an ideology aimed at realizing this transformation. The ideology in question was theistic socialism, which emphasized moral and humanistic socialism while grounding itself in a religious identity with a monotheistic framework. Politically, JAMA sought to overthrow the monarchy and establish a democratic system characterized by justice and labor. Socially and economically, it aimed to achieve a socialist transformation that prioritized securing the fundamental rights and freedoms of the people. Its strategy for transition was rooted in the belief that the old regime was incapable of meeting the people's demands and that traditional social classes were unable to seize power through conventional means. Therefore, it proposed that a revolutionary political group must, through widespread and sustained armed struggle, seize political and governmental power from the ruling class, replace it, and bring about comprehensive social transformation. In the final years leading up to the Islamic Revolution in 1979, during the second phase of its activities, JAMA redefined and pursued its stated socio-political positions within an Islamic discourse framed by revolution and Islamic governance.

The socio-political and intellectual transformations in JAMA’s positions were significantly influenced by the linguistic-discursive and intellectual-social context, as well as the prevailing political-historical conditions. Key factors included the failure and overthrow of the national government via a coup, escalating political tensions, polarization between supporters and opponents of the monarchy, traditional-modern discursive conflicts, the ineffectiveness of conventional political approaches, suppression of protests, the pivotal events of June 5, 1963, the turn to assassination plans by revolutionary groups, the establishment of radical organizations, the spread of armed struggle ideologies, and the growth of the clerical movement. These elements collectively shaped and transformed JAMA's socio-political positions over time.

Confronted by the complexities of the modern world, the Islamic world has encountered numerous novel and diverse challenges. Among these emerging issues and crises created by republic-based governance is the question of the "extent of popular participation in the legislative process." This article, employing an inductive and conventional qualitative method and analyzing the works of Martyr Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr, investigates the challenge of popular legislation within Islamic governance as one of the crucial governance challenges in the contemporary Islamic world. The central hypothesis of this research is that a crucial governance challenge within the contemporary Islamic world can be addressed by examining the legitimacy of popular legislation from the perspective of Martyr Sadr. The findings indicate that, according to Martyr Sadr's thought, the conditions for the legitimacy of popular legislation are categorized under the following headings: adherence to "Mantaqat al-Faragh", consideration of the nation's interests, adaptation to temporal and spatial contexts, qualifications of the legislator, limiting the relationship between man and nature, and finally, compliance with the constitution.

Humans, being civil by nature, have been looking for a way to organize social life since the beginning of their civilization, and therefore, have pursued state-building. But as much as the state can provide public good, it can also have some disadvantages and disadvantages, and for this purpose, tools must be provided to monitor and control it. In this regard, the main question of this article is what is the role of the Administrative Court of Justice in monitoring power in the Islamic government and how can this monitoring lead to ensuring administrative justice and controlling power? The research hypothesis is that the Administrative Court of Justice, based on principles 170 and 173 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran and on the basis of monitoring the decisions and actions of government institutions, is an effective tool for ensuring administrative justice and preventing the concentration and abuse of power in the Islamic government. The research findings have shown that since the principle in the Islamic government is justice and the rights of citizens, therefore, the tools for establishing justice are also embedded in the legal structure of the constitution, including the Administrative Court of Justice, so that citizens can exercise their rights in the administrative affairs of the country through it. The public law research approach and data collection method have been library and documentary.

Drawing inspiration from the teachings and conduct of Imam Ali (peacebe upon him) can correct the course of future planning and guide it in the right direction. Examining his governance during the short period of his caliphate reveals strategies for combating administrative and economic corruption. Imam Ali (peace be upon him) adopted strategies such as prevention, oversight, deterrent punishments, and measures including promoting a culture of contentment and simplicity, selecting qualified and specialised individuals for governmental positions, ensuring transparency in government operations, conducting thorough and comprehensive oversight of economic managers’ functions and duties, equitable distribution of wealth and resources, direct and indirect supervision of officials, encouraging and promoting public oversight, establishing laws and regulations that align punishments with crimes, expediting the handling of corruption cases, and decisively enforcing the sentences against corrupt individuals. These strategies significantly countered corruption. By comparing these strategies with existing anti-corruption programmes in the country, it can be concluded that current programmes face challenges such as a lack of fairness in dealings and insufficient punishments. These challenges have been exacerbated by the implementation of certain liberal policies. This study, drawing upon a descriptive-analytical approach, seeks to find a suitable model for combating corruption within the Islamic government.

Human social life is an unavoidable necessity, and among its mechanisms, one of the key aspects is the exchange of opinions and ideas among individuals. Islam, as a complete religion that fully addresses the innate needs of humanity, places special importance on consultation for the advancement of human social life. Since in an Islamic society, the affairs of the community are managed through an Islamic government, this study analyzes and examines the views of two prominent contemporary Qur’anic interpreters of the Islamic world regarding whether the outcome of the council is binding for the government. According to the findings, Rashid Riḍā considers adherence to the majority opinion and the outcome of the council to be obligatory for the Islamic ruler and government. However, in ʿAllāmeh Ṭabāṭabāī’s view, following the opinion derived from the council or the majority opinion is not obligatory, and the final decision, after consultation and consideration of the opinions of experts, rests with the Islamic ruler. This does not diminish the value and importance of the consultative role of the people.

The relationship between “government” and “guardianship” is one of the most vital political discussions in Islam, without which the mission of religion to perfect humanity cannot be realized. In the writings and speeches of many religious scholars, “guardianship” is seen as separate from “government,” and the semantic relationship between the two is overlooked. However, in the political-Qur’anic perspective of the Supreme Leader, the connection between “government” and “guardianship” is an undeniable truth. Drawing upon a descriptive-analytical method, this article seeks to answer the question of how the “relationship between government and “guardianship” is analyzed and proved in the Qur’anic thought of Ayatollah Khameneī. The conclusion drawn from the research is that, according to the leader of the Islamic Revolution, the realization of guardianship necessitates being under Islamic government, and the connection between the two is established based on three principles: “monotheism,” “religious human-centeredness,” and “human perfection-seeking.” The avoidance of polytheism and the rule of tyrants to realize the true dignity of humanity and to actualize all its potentials for the attainment of divine proximity is only possible within a divine society. Furthermore, the reasons why one believes in the theory of separation of government and guardianship are not defensible and contradict the content of the verses and religious foundations.

Violence in the form of individual and group action and reaction to dominate one's own thoughts and desires and ignore others is a matter arising from different contexts and causes, and groups and movements sometimes resort to violence to achieve their goals. Violence among the Islamic movement, especially the Salafist movement, is more prominent; When gaining and maintaining power, they have used violence in a naked and extensive way, so that it can be said that violence in Salafi groups is an inherent thing, therefore this article aims to answer the question that violence in the group What was the function of Islamic Salafis and what goals did they use violence to achieve? The current article is based on the assumption that Salafist groups have used violence as a tool to give identity and legitimize their actions; This article tries to explain its main idea using analytical and descriptive method. Based on this, in order to show the place of identity in the violence of Salafi groups, it first examines the intellectual system of Salafi groups' thinkers in the field of violence and then the role of violence in the identification of Salafi groups.

Using Skinner's intentional method, the present research considers the publication of the articles "Walayat and Za'amat in Islam" and "Ijtihad and Taqlid in Islam and Shia" by Allameh Tabatabai as his speech act in the 1340s, with the aim of formulating the theoretical plan of philosophy. Allameh Tabatabai's politics and understanding of his intention from the publication of these articles has been organized. This research, by answering the question "What is the plan of Islamic government and religious authority in the political philosophy of Allameh Tabatabai?", by examining the contextual (social-historical) and textual conditions (published articles), compares his plan with other thinkers of this period.In the end, it is clear that Allameh Tabatabaei formulates the relationship between the people and the organization of the province by rationally proving the necessity of the Islamic government and the guardianship of the jurist in the age of occultation. The findings of the research show that his intention with this action was "the rational and philosophical stabilization of the social and political system of religion, centered on the formation of the province organization".Using Skinner's intentional method, the present research considers the publication of the articles "Walayat and Za'amat in Islam" and "Ijtihad and Taqlid in Islam and Shia" by Allameh Tabatabai as his speech act in the 1340s, with the aim of formulating the theoretical plan of philosophy. Allameh Tabatabai's politics and understanding of his intention from the publication of these articles has been organized. This research, by answering the question "What is the plan of Islamic government and religious authority in the political philosophy of Allameh Tabatabai?", by examining the contextual (social-historical) and textual conditions (published articles), compares his plan with other thinkers of this period.In the end, it is clear that Allameh Tabatabaei formulates the relationship between the people and the organization of the province by rationally proving the necessity of the Islamic government and the guardianship of the jurist in the age of occultation. The findings of the research show that his intention with this action was "the rational and philosophical stabilization of the social and political system of religion, centered on the formation of the province organization".Using Skinner's intentional method, the present research considers the publication of the articles "Walayat and Za'amat in Islam" and "Ijtihad and Taqlid in Islam and Shia" by Allameh Tabatabai as his speech act in the 1340s, with the aim of formulating the theoretical plan of philosophy. Allameh Tabatabai's politics and understanding of his intention from the publication of these articles has been organized. This research, by answering the question "What is the plan of Islamic government and religious authority in the political philosophy of Allameh Tabatabai?", by examining the contextual (social-historical) and textual conditions (published articles), compares his plan with other thinkers of this period.In the end, it is clear that Allameh Tabatabaei formulates the relationship between the people and the organization of the province by rationally proving the necessity of the Islamic government and the guardianship of the jurist in the age of occultation. The findings of the research show that his intention with this action was "the rational and philosophical stabilization of the social and political system of religion, centered on the formation of the province organization".

One of the moral virtues is "ignoring" and overlooking the mistakes and mistakes of others, which is emphasized by reason and Sharia and is the most desirable of all, but it is more desirable than government officials who have more authority; Because the effects of their negligence have been deeper, it has attracted more people in the society, and it increases their level of satisfaction with the Islamic government. The question of this research is what effect does the negligence of the rulers on the mistakes and errors of the people in the society have on the efficiency of the Islamic government. This research, based on library sources and in an analytical-descriptive way, based on the Qur'an verses and the government history of the Prophet (PBUH) and Imam Ali (PBUH), examines the role of negligence of the rulers in the efficiency of the Islamic government. Among the findings of this research is that increasing the level of people's satisfaction and preventing them from violently dealing with the rulers, preventing people's feelings from being provoked, raising the social and spiritual status of the rulers among the people, and preserving the unity of the Islamic society from the consequences of the rulers' negligence. It is towards the errors and mistakes of the people of the Islamic society and the observance of this moral principle by the rulers has a decisive role in advancing the goals of the government, the most important of which is to guide the people to the happiness of the world and the hereafter, and it will ensure its survival and continuity. The result will increase its efficiency.

Mental or psychological security means preserving an individual’s life, property, honor, social, and family status from risks, threats, and external factors. Any threat to psychological security of society is considered a threat to the health of society leading to disintegration, disruption, and hindering its progress. The crucial question is “what responsibilities does the Islamic government have towards ensuring the psychological security of citizens?”
In this paper written with a descriptive-analytical approach, various aspects of mental security are examined through the analysis of certain Qur’anic verses, narrations (traditions), and jurisprudential documents. The procedures and the context for ensuring mental security of broad interest to the Wise Divine Legislator are also mentioned. The paper also highlights the management and planning of different affairs, the preservation of the security of the government structure, the establishment of security for institutions, values, norms, culture, beliefs, and ideologies prevailing in the government system and society, and safeguarding them against any form of threat or encroachment as part of the responsibilities of the Islamic government in ensuring and maintaining the mental security of the society.

Drawing upon a descriptive-analytical method, this article explores the role of the governing authority in the Islamic society within the family legal system. It aims to explain certain Islamic principles regarding governance and family. In the Islamic legislative system, the ruler or, broadly speaking, the governing authority is the one that clearly directs governmental laws, coordinates institutions, and organizations. Moreover, the ruler is responsible for supervising social and political institutions. In Islamic jurisprudence and law, one of the entities that the Muslim ruler is permitted to enter is the private sphere of the family. The governing authority is permitted to enter the family's privacy only when the legal and ethical standards are overlooked. The question then arises: “What is the basis for the governing authority to enter the family’s privacy based on juridical-legal standards?” This study initially documents the rule “Al-Hākim walī al-mumtaniʿ” [sovereign is the substitute for the person who refrains to perform his obligations] indicating the judicial entry of the governing body into the family sphere before examining and analyzing the supportive dimensions of the governing authority in the family legal system.

The legitimacy of protesting against Islamic government is one of the accepted principles in Islam and the Constitutional Law of the Islamic Republic of Iran. However, if protest turns into subversion, the Islamic government has to confront it and implement divine judgment regarding the subverters. The research question revolves around the Qur’anic foundations of the necessity to confront subverters, with the hypothesis that from the perspective of the Holy Qur’ān, all those seeking to overthrow the Islamic government must be confronted. In this study, we have concluded that any type of practical and deliberate confrontation aimed at striking against the “Islamic government entity” and undermining public security is considered subversion, so, initially, the Islamic ruler, and subsequently, all people are duty-bound to confront the subverters. The aforementioned encounter in the initial stage must be conducted with utmost peace, but unfair peace based on complacency with subverters is not endorsed or divinely approved. Traditions attributing the occasion of the revelation of verses to Imam Ali’s struggle against the Nākithūn (those who broke their covenants), the Qāṣitūn (those who deviated from divine guidance), the Māriqūn (the apostate, those who became renegade by seceding from the caliph’s camp) and enemies of Imam Mahdi (May Allah hasten his noble reappearance) are all indicative of the application of a universal concept on a particular one,  and  also of the fact that the same principle applies to those who want to subvert the Islamic government with no exception. The type of punishment for the subverters is specified by law.

The strategic components of combating extreme arrogance constitute a multidimensional process encompassing various working procedures and methods serving as a political, social, and cultural concept, responsible for articulating the principles and indicators of confronting tyrants. Drawing upon a descriptive-analytical method, the upcoming research has evaluated aspects of struggling against arrogance (istikbār) in the conduct of Shiʽa jurisconsults.  This section highlights 1) the rejection of governmental positions due to opposition to current government methods and policies; 2) participation in political positions aiming to strengthen Islamic political thinking; 3) struggling through issuing religious decrees; 4) exile and expulsion from the homeland, which, in turn, creates a basis for an intellectual revolution in the religious community; 5) theorizing about the the Islamic political thought in order to present new ideas, concepts, and models for explaining and interpreting Shiʽa political thought; 6) laying the groundwork for the realization of justice, as well as cultural, economic, and social development goals within Islamic society, along with other significant components briefly addressed in discussions.

The issue of guiding man and bringing him to happiness has been one of the goals of divine prophets; This is the basis of the call to monotheism, prophethood and the introduction of the next prophet in divine religions and Imamate in Islam, resurrection, their tidings and warnings to realize this goal and great ideal. He sent the perfect man to lead mankind to happiness and perfection and placed him as his guardian on earth and this path was current in all religions until he reached the religion of Islam and with the end of prophethood, the imamate continued the goal of the prophets for the happiness of man. and reason dictates that the successors of the divine ambassadors should be the people most similar to them, who were appointed as successors based on the Shia view, the twelve imams, and in the age of occult jurisprudence, based on reason and religious texts. In contrast to the opinion of the Sunnis, they believed in the theory of election, that they believed in the Shura for election. Mr. Shamsuddin is one of those who accepted this opinion and cited the verses of the Shura to prove it. Emphasis on the thoughts of Imam Khomeini (RA) has examined the implications of his evidence and the legal authority in the age of occultation using the opinions of Imam Khomeini (RA) has proved that he also rejected the Shura theory and at the same time did not ignore

A reflection on the political thought of Grand Ayatollah Mohammad Ali ArakiAbstract :Considering the nature of Islam's religion , Islamic thinkers in general and especially Shi’a jurists have addressed the field of politics and more or less focused on the issues of " government " and " guardianship of the jurist ( Wilāyat al – Faqīh ) " in their discussions . The examination of the political views of Mohammad Ali Araki due to his very close relationship with Ayatollah Sheikh Abdul Karim Haeri , his long life of more than a century , and his witnessing of important events such as the establishment of the institution of religious teaching and guidance ( Ḥawza - ye ʿelmiya ) in Qom , the first and second Pahlavi eras , and the Islamic Revolution , is of special importance and helps to clarify the historical course of Shi’a political thoughts . This article is of the " descriptive – analytical " type , and in it , by relying on written sources and reliable websites to obtain information , the sources are described and analyzed , and the views and political positions of Ayatollah Araki are explained . By organizing the political issues raised by Ayatollah Araki along with the political positions , it is possible to achieve the structure of his political thinking and action , and in this regard , the purpose of the research is to show his cataphatic view of the field of politics , despite his narrow view of the scope of guardianship of the jurist ( Wilāyat al –Faqīh ) , and clarify the wrong thinking concerning the conflict between the two .

Based on the views of Mohammad Baqir Sadr, this essay seeks to reconstruct the thought of Islamic resistance into four conceptual elements. Our study is in the category of qualitative research and relies on the "documentary method" for the data collection. "Thomas Spragens' method" is also used to analyze the data. Based on the four steps of this method, the researchers aim to describe three statuses:"present", "transitional" and "ideal". The main question is how to reconfigure the thought of Islamic resistance based on Sadr's views? There seems to be an important linkage between thought and Sadr's militant views. According to Sadr, due to the colonial domination and the degeneration of the Ummah, a growing gap has emerged between the current society and the ideal society. In such a situation, resistance should be considered as a strategic measure for the transition from the current situation to the desired situation. In conclusion, the final achievement of this research indicates that Sadr's ideas are rooted in the theory of "comprehensive resistance" and encompass all aspects of human life.

The subject of this article is the position of Anfal and its role in the social security system from the perspective of Martyr Sadr in Iran after the revolution. The main question of the article is: What role can the use of Anfal have in government solidarity in the social security system in Iran? The hypothesis that is raised following the mentioned question is that considering the function of Anfal in economic provision, its use can play an important role in providing the financial deficiency of the country's social security system. According to the findings of the research, according to Martyr Sadr, social security is in the subcategory of economic justice, which is the ultimate goal of the formation of Islamic society and is possible in the light of poverty alleviation and distribution of prosperity and wealth in the society. Anfal and public wealth that belong to the prodigal have been placed at the disposal of the religious ruler to be used efficiently for fair production and distribution. As a result, anfal in the way of social security is an obligation for the religious government. In the current social security system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, less attention has been paid to Anfal, while this religious institution is able to be effective as a basic solution in solving the lack of social security financial resources and expanding economic justice. The current research is qualitative and of a descriptive-analytical type and has been written in a library method and by extracting various sources and data.

Contemporary developments in Iran began with the entry of foreign forces into the country in the 20s and the rise to power of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. These developments, which were often anti-Islamic in nature, led to the formation of a group of Islamists under the leadership of Nawab Safavi. There are many differences of opinion regarding the formation and collective action of the community of devotees of Islam; Therefore, the present study tries to explain the said problem with the analytical descriptive method and by applying the Sprignes-Tilly analytical model in the theoretical framework and citing library sources. The main question of the research is "what factors caused the formation of the community of devotees of Islam." The hypothesis of the research is that based on Sprignes-Tilly analytical model, Nawab Safavi decided to form a group with the aim of physically removing anti-religious people and promoters of distortion in Islam and mercenaries of the Pahlavi regime due to the feeling of danger towards Islam and the independence of the country. Islamic government was formed.

obtaining news and intelligence investigation by intelligence agents in the Islamic system is done in accordance with specific and justified purposes and in stages. In this scientific article, with a meta-analytical look at a number of articles and researches conducted in recent years in this regard and using the sources of Imamiyyah jurisprudence, it will explain and define the goals and stages of permissible intelligence investigation in the Islamic system from the perspective of Imamiyyah jurisprudence as a practical model.

Considering the characteristics of jurisprudential texts, it has been tried with the aim of an applied research, the materials using the documentary method and library studies by referring to books, articles and researches and examining and comparing them using the method of sampling in compiling information, the subject of the research has been explored to lead to an approach.

Findings and results obtained from jurisprudential sources and documents, about the cause and why of intelligence, security, and law enforcement officials to investigate information in the Islamic system, based on the central hypotheses of the research, explanation and at the end of these findings lead to conclusions. It has been presented as a procedure to explain the Sharia’s duty of intelligence security agents and to enlighten them regarding the nature of such actions and their correct way. After expressing the views of the researchers in the researches of the last year regarding the investigation of intelligence and the discussion of jurisprudence, the purpose and goals of the intelligence investigation and its place in the Islamic system from the point of view of Imamiyyah jurisprudence, the process of its stages according to the teachings of the fundamentals of jurisprudence and especially the principles of jurisprudence In intelligence matters, it is explained and presented as a practical model of Sharia in correct intelligence investigation for the intelligence officers of the Islamic system.