دموکراسی

With the end of decolonization, an important issue in international law was raised, which was the formulation of separatist demands of minorities in light of the right to self-determination, which was mainly accompanied by violent reactions from states, which could be said to be a threat to international peace and security and involved gross violations of human rights. The end of the Cold War revealed a new approach to the concept of the right to self-determination, which was able to provide a solution to these conflicts by establishing a compromise between this right and the principles of international law such as territorial integrity. In the new perspective, the right to self-determination has been oriented from the right to form a state to the right to organize a state by the people and minorities. With this explanation, the right to self-determination is used as a basis and support for the establishment of democracy and the development of human rights, as well as guaranteeing the rights of minorities. If we want to examine the independence of the Catalan region of Spain as a case, it should be noted that the Spanish legal system has many ethnic, religious, cultural and linguistic diversities. This country can be considered a simple state because it is governed by an open, decentralized system and in the form of a regional system with autonomy granted to 17 regions. The purpose of this article is to research the future of these conflicts in a descriptive and analytical way. At the same time, this article intends to examine the background and concept of the right to self-determination and introduce its new dimensions.

Political development is a process that enhances the responsibility and accountability of the government in fulfilling its roles and duties. This involves not only increasing the number of political actors but also improving their quality. A key component of political development is the promotion of political equality and public oversight. This ensures that all members of society have an equal opportunity to influence the political direction of their society and to monitor the activities, decision-making processes, and actions of the government. Furthermore, the optimal use of both potential and actual human resources is a critical prerequisite for achieving development. Women constitute a crucial part of this effective force, and their optimal involvement is essential. It is important to recognize that human resources in development theories are not limited to men (Afrakhteh & Saraei, 2013). The position of women in the political development of a country is vital for promoting gender equality and ensuring inclusive governance. Thus, increasing women’s participation is essential for advancing political and economic development. Highlighting the importance of women’s participation in political development, the present study aimed to examine the long-term and mid-term consequences of their involvement in development plans. Addressing the research problem is crucial for developing comprehensive strategies, policies, and interventions that promote gender equality, inclusive governance, and sustainable development. The development plan plays a key role in shaping a country’s path toward progress, serving as a practical guide for executive and administrative bodies. Iran’s Development Plans encompass a set of mid-term initiatives, approved by the Islamic Parliament of Iran, that span a five-year period under the current government.

Literature Review:

The issue of gender permeates all institutions, as well as the intellectual and value systems of society. It is essential for values, norms, beliefs, legal frameworks, government institutions, organizations, decision-making systems, and policymakers to be attuned and responsive to the need for equal opportunities, facilitates, and gender equality (Afrakhteh & Saraei, 2013). Amartya Kumar Sen, a prominent institutional economist, emphasizes the importance of making individuals more capable, particularly women. In his book Development as Freedom, Sen dedicated a chapter to the active role of women in driving social transformations (Sen, 1999). A critical factor contributing to various forms of inequality against women is the planning process. Policies, programs, resource allocation, and other aspects of planning frequently result in women receiving a disproportionately smaller share of welfare benefits and occupying a marginal position in development. This disparity is evident across key indicators such as education, health, employment, and political participation (Sen, 1999). Concerning the Persian-language literature, the book Women and Political Participation (2017) by Simin Hajipour Sardovii used a questionnaire, administered to both men and women, to collect and analyze the relevant data. It explored structural barriers and gender issues in the dynamics of male–female relations in society. Moroever, in The Position of Women in the Progress of Society in Iran’s Five-Year Development Plans (2018), Mohammadi critically evaluated feminist theories while conceptualizing Islamic perspectives on women’s roles in society. Using a theoretical framework rooted in Islamic thought, the author examined women’s interactions and the concept of development, focusing on the involvement and support for women within the context of Iran’s First to Fifth Development Plans.

The present study used thematic analysis to examine the content of Iran’s Fifth and Sixth Economic, Social, and Cultural Development Plans. This process involved collecting relevant materials, including interviews, articles, and guidelines, related to women’s political participation and their position in Iran’s Development Plans. The data was then analyzed to identify key themes and patterns concerning women’s empowerment, gender equality, and political development.

Results and Discusssion:

The research hypothesis posits that enhancing political development indicators for women in Iran, through the country’s five-year development plans, will help dismantle structures of inequality and strengthen women’s empowerment. Guided by this hypothesis and a robust theoretical framework, the study yielded several key findings. First, women’s political participation was identified as a critical aspect of political development. Second, the analysis highlighted structural barriers and gender issues that hinder women’s active participation in political processes. Additionally, the study examined the contribution of Iran’s Development Plans in advancing women’s empowerment and promoting gender equality. Fourth, the research explored the strategies and policies necessary to increase women’s political participation and ensure equal opportunities in social and political arenas. Finally, the study assessed the progress made and the challenges encountered in achieving women’s empowerment and gender equality within the framework of Iran’s Development Plans.

The findings can have significant implications for policymakers, government agencies, and organizations involved in development planning and implementation. Drawing on the concept of capability, Amartya Sen emphasizes the individual’s ability to utilize facilities, resources, and goods in alignment with their diverse human characteristics. The current research underscored the critical role of women’s political participation in fostering inclusive governance and gender equality in development plans. The strategies and policies identified in this study provide valuable guidelines for enhancing women’s empowerment and creating an environment conducive to their active participation in decision-making. By addressing both the challenges and opportunities associated with women’s participation, the study contributes to the formulation of comprehensive and effective development plans that benefit the whole societ.

This study examines the reproduction of discursive and political conflicts in contemporary Iranian society and the necessity of reevaluating their intellectual heritage. Given that these conflicts are an integral part of social and historical processes, analyzing the socio-political positions of influential groups and movements in modern Iranian history is of particular importance. The Liberation Movement of the People of Iran (JAMA) is one such influential movement that, during a critical period in Iran's history, presented specific views and strategies for socio-political and economic changes within a distinct discourse. Therefore, analyzing the positions of JAMA not only addresses the academic need to gain deeper insight into this movement but also serves as a tool for understanding and interpreting historical and intellectual transformations in modern Iran. The main focus of this research is to analyze JAMA's socio-political positions and to study the transformations these positions underwent within historical and discursive developments. This study aims to identify and explore the roots, characteristics, and impacts of JAMA’s discourse in modern Iranian history. Additionally, the research seeks to explain the evolution of these positions from a theistic-socialist discourse to an Islamic one during the period leading up to the Islamic Revolution.

This study employs a historical research method to collect and verify data, while adopting Quentin Skinner’s contextualist and intentionalist hermeneutics for the analysis and interpretation of texts. Following Skinner’s approach, which argues that interpreting a text and understanding its meaning is only possible through studying texts in their social and political context with an emphasis on “speech acts” or “performative acts,” this research endeavors to elucidate JAMA’s positions and the transformations they underwent. Skinner’s context-driven and intentionalist hermeneutics hold that the meanings of terms, concepts, and propositions are dependent on and limited to their specific historical period. To achieve this, intellectual currents, prevalent arguments, and the questions and answers of that era must be thoroughly investigated. Accordingly, attention has been given to historical events, as well as the intellectual and practical backgrounds of the movement’s organizers as historical subjects.

Based on its periodic analysis, JAMA assessed Iranian society as being on the brink of a social transformation and promoted a program centered on an ideology aimed at realizing this transformation. The ideology in question was theistic socialism, which emphasized moral and humanistic socialism while grounding itself in a religious identity with a monotheistic framework. Politically, JAMA sought to overthrow the monarchy and establish a democratic system characterized by justice and labor. Socially and economically, it aimed to achieve a socialist transformation that prioritized securing the fundamental rights and freedoms of the people. Its strategy for transition was rooted in the belief that the old regime was incapable of meeting the people's demands and that traditional social classes were unable to seize power through conventional means. Therefore, it proposed that a revolutionary political group must, through widespread and sustained armed struggle, seize political and governmental power from the ruling class, replace it, and bring about comprehensive social transformation. In the final years leading up to the Islamic Revolution in 1979, during the second phase of its activities, JAMA redefined and pursued its stated socio-political positions within an Islamic discourse framed by revolution and Islamic governance.

The socio-political and intellectual transformations in JAMA’s positions were significantly influenced by the linguistic-discursive and intellectual-social context, as well as the prevailing political-historical conditions. Key factors included the failure and overthrow of the national government via a coup, escalating political tensions, polarization between supporters and opponents of the monarchy, traditional-modern discursive conflicts, the ineffectiveness of conventional political approaches, suppression of protests, the pivotal events of June 5, 1963, the turn to assassination plans by revolutionary groups, the establishment of radical organizations, the spread of armed struggle ideologies, and the growth of the clerical movement. These elements collectively shaped and transformed JAMA's socio-political positions over time.

Political, social, economic and cultural developments of the last century and especially the last few decades in the world arena which in many ways has led to the humiliation of man and humanity, subsequently it has led to the formation of a metaphorical and mythical atmosphere, which on the one hand with the help of religiosity and on the other hand with the help of secularism, pursues human freedom as central and fundamental signs. Two dominant and hostile discourses, namely the discourse of contemporary political Islam and the discourse of western liberalism (despite stretching in and taking root in the heart of history) from the heart of such an inflamed atmosphere, they have matured again and been rebuilt and highlighted. Discourses that, despite having formal similarities, are always in conflict with each other in theoretical and practical dimensions. This article explains the basics of resistance theory by purposefully using "Laclau and moff" discourse analysis methods and will show its points of conformity, especially its inherent conflict with western liberal democracy in areas such as the way of looking at human beings, rationality, government, sovereignty, culture, economy, society and individual and thus the quality of formation and inevitable birth of the theory of Islamic resistance against western liberalism will follow as a model for the flow of the middle circle of modern Islamic civilization. In this research, a descriptive-analytical method is used and based on the documentary and library method, data and documents have been used.

Studies on the relationship of American foreign policy to human rights and the democratic developments of nations show contradictory evidence. In this context, many literature promote the idea that the American government is a supporter of human rights and democracy. Political developments in the Middle East in the 2010s have been a good and difficult field to test this relationship to know what the US government's approach to the right to self determination and transition to democracy in political developments in Tunisia and Bahrain in the 2010s was like The results of the study show that the behavior of the US government in this field is not the same and based on democratic values, but is placed in a specific spectrum according to the level of interests of the US government: where the relationship of the US government with the ruling political system is good, the behavior of the US government varies with the level of its interests and the depth of the revolution. As American policy in the process of revolution in Tunisia was ambiguous and ambiguous, as soon as the defeat of the established political system emerged, the song of support for democratic values was played. It should be noted that recent research has used descriptive - analytical methods and library collection methods.

  According to many sociologists, the political press is one of the most important indicators of political development and it is mentioned as one of the main pillars in democracy. An active press, while accelerating the improvement of political development, prevents tyranny and political stagnation in a country. The press, as one of the most important tools of mass surveillance, makes the sphere of power more transparent, and those in power will be accountable for their performance. In this regard, the main question of the present article is, by what mechanism do the press and media influence the process of political development? In analyzing and answering this question, first by using the existing theories in the field of political development, the relationship between the press and analysis and evaluation was established. Then, while examining the activity of the press in Kurdistan province after the Islamic revolution, the extent of their effectiveness in the process of political development of this province has been examined. One of the indicators of political development that is discussed in the current research is the level of political participation of citizens in elections. To collect and analyze the data of this issue in Kurdistan province, the statistical research method has been used. The findings of the research show that at any point in the Kurdistan province, during the years after the Islamic revolution, the activities of the press and news media have grown, and the process of upgrading the indicators of political development has also improved. Of course, it should be acknowledged that the mere quantity of the press is not effective in improving the process of political development, but what is important is the degree of freedom of the press and media and the threshold oftolerance of regulatory institutions.

The aim of this study is to analyze the impact of World War II on political development in Iran and Turkey. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the findings indicate that, despite the numerous similarities in the political modernization processes of Iran and Turkey following World War I, it was expected that the political modernization paths of the two countries would proceed similarly, leading to comparable outcomes. After World War I, an authoritarian regime emerged in Iran, while a republican regime was established in Turkey. Although Western-style modernization in various fields was carried out similarly in both countries, after World War II, democracy in Turkey evolved, while authoritarianism persisted in Iran. World War II led to the occupation of Iran, the loss of its independence and national sovereignty, insecurity, chaos, and subsequent efforts to divide the country. This war halted the modernization process in Iran and intensified security concerns, even after the war ended. In contrast, Turkey was spared the disastrous consequences of World War II and, guided by aspirations such as Westernization and membership in the European Union, gradually achieved greater political development. Overall, World War II caused Iran to focus more on security issues while Turkey pursued political development.

The present research aims to critically examine the modern thoughts and interpretations of Abdolkarim Soroush and Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd regarding the relationship between religion and politics, democracy, and human rights. The main question of the research is: how do Soroush and Abu Zayd challenge and critique traditional religious interpretations in these areas? This study is based on the hypothesis that Soroush and Abu Zayd, by employing modern Western approaches such as hermeneutics, have paved the way for introducing new topics into the political thought and practice of Muslims, compelling traditionalists to respond and adapt more to modernity in light of new needs and changing societal conditions. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the results indicate that the modern interpretations of these Islamic reformist thinkers, influenced by Western philosophy and thought, are in contradiction with Islamic principles and, therefore, are subject to criticism in various ways. These reformist thinkers, with a flawed understanding of religion, have opened the door to any incorrect interpretation of religion. Western modern sciences, by using attractive symbols such as civil rights and promoting the seemingly appealing achievements of secular societies, convey and impose their concepts. Given the growth of modernity, postmodernism, and emerging social issues, it is essential for authentic jurisprudence to further align itself with these new developments, and Islamic scholars must adopt an appropriate academic and scientific approach to engage with contemporary global issues.

When on January 20, 2017, Donald Trump entered the White House as the 45th president of the United States, many analysts and thinkers of this country's politics and culture considered it a clear sign that the United States was entering an era of isolation and decline, and citing the conditions After September 11, they came to the conclusion that the political order at home and the political system abroad are endangered. Farid Zakaria, Francis Fukuyama, and Timothy Snyder are among these prominent figures who believe that understanding the reasons for the formation of Trumpism's ideology, also from the democratic heritage of this country, requires serious reflection and investigation. Based on this, the current research is trying to refer to the facts raised in recent years, and using the theoretical framework of psychological pathology and historical sociology To answer this important question, from the point of view of the prominent thinker of political science, Alexey Dutoqueville, what are the factors and contexts in the American democracy model or the democratic heritage of this country that have contributed to the deterioration of its position in the new century? The obtained results show that the idea of democracy means equalizing the conditions of society and promoting this model as a political lifestyle, by fueling mass habits, thoughts and emotions, disregarding public affairs and intensifying partisanship, etc. It can cause the decline and isolation of this country. The research method is based on text analysis.

Moral realism is a meta-ethical debate and is very influential in the field of ontology of moral judgments and in understanding theories. In order to distinguish between realism and non-realism, theories are distinguished in the field of value. In this article, we classify the contemporary theories regarding religious government in terms of realism and non-realism. The importance of the issue is that, firstly, the confusion of ideas such as jurisprudence and secular ideas is avoided, and secondly, the essentials of each idea are recognized from the other. Few researches have discussed the theories of theocracy from this point of view. The views regarding the government structure can be divided into three categories: realist, unrealistic and dualist. Theories such as pure contractualism are unrealistic, and theories that present a secular interpretation of religious democracy, such as the argument on the distinction between universal beliefs and personal beliefs, or the theory of Islamic democratic government, and other similar theories are dualistic. Shiite jurists, despite the difference in interpretations and differences of views in the field of religious governance, are all realists. Those who believe in absolute velayat or limited velayat, those who believe in hasbiyyah matters or non-hasbiyyah matters, those who believe based on al-faragh region or any other jurisprudential point of view have spoken based on realism. Therefore, according to the jurists' point of view, firstly, democracy has nothing to do with pure contractualism or dualism; Secondly, the rulings of Sharia are subject to real benefits and corruptions; Thirdly, God's commandments are a reliable source for understanding real values and recognizing real advantages and disadvantages; Fourth, people's opinion will be a matter of value in order to have a real effect on real materials; Fifth, the role of the individual will of the rulers or the will of the people is not the source of value, and in a sense, it is unrealism and incorrect individual and social relativism; Sixth, the evaluation criterion of all rulings, including the rulers' vote and the people's will, is a real criterion; Finally, people will be the owners of rights and obligations based on the true criteria of Mukhtar.

Researches on the subject of "governance" are expanding in the scientific space, but this subject has not yet found a clear literature. For this reason, this research tries to approach some important aspects of governance in its new meaning, so as to firstly create a correct understanding of them, and secondly, to clarify the relationship of the Islamic Republic of Iran with those aspects to some extent. The main question of this research is as follows: What challenges and opportunities do the fundamental features of the new governance create for the Islamic Republic system? Due to the scope of the aspects of governance, this research will only clarify the relationship of governance in the new sense with authority and democracy as two important aspects that have the most contact with the current political system of Iran, so that with a degree of self-awareness, we can understand governance in the field of political and Social life. This research has shown through analytical-descriptive method and with the help of reliable library documents and by introducing three rationalities as three types of governance that governance in the new sense is compatible with the third rationality. The findings of this research show that governance based on the third rationality challenges and opportunities such as greater participation of people in decision-making, increased productivity in the implementation of policies, increased socio-political legitimacy, lack of attention to Threats in the field of culture and fixed religious values create a severe limitation in policy-making related to transcendental values.

Abstract Globalization of rights, at least in some areas such as human rights, is taking place as an indisputable fact. This globalization is shaped based on the closeness of human beings culturally to each other and the acceptance of the presence of values, beliefs and awareness of the common behaviors and natures of human beings to each other throughout the world. Democracy is a new model that the United Nations, governments and states have considered in the last decade of the twentieth century and the beginning of the new century to avoid war and bloodshed as well as the establishment of international peace and security. In the democratization approach, the war, insecurity and global conflict stems from lack of democracy. In fact, democracy is a necessity of time and modern world is moving towards it. The UN Security Council, which is primarily responsible for maintaining the international peace and security,.

Today, development, and during it, political development is one of the most important topics related to politics and statecraft. In relation to political development, various components are mentioned, one of which is political participation with the help of parties. For this purpose, both positive components and recognition of obstacles are followed. Therefore, this research has raised its main question in relation to the pathology of the position of partisanship in the political system of Velayat al-Faqih. The hypothesis of the article is that the political system based on Velayat al-Faqih not only has no conflict with Tehiz, but they can have complementary relations with each other. The findings of the research have shown that the political system based on velayat al-faqih, which emerged from the heart of the Islamic Revolution, provided the possibility of real political participation for the first time, which itself became the basis for the formation of political parties. However, due to reasons such as the election law, the position of the party has not found its true position in this political system as it should and perhaps so far, and this issue is not necessarily related to the institution of religious authority. The approach of descriptive-analytical research and the method of data collection was documentary.

The issue of guiding man and bringing him to happiness has been one of the goals of divine prophets; This is the basis of the call to monotheism, prophethood and the introduction of the next prophet in divine religions and Imamate in Islam, resurrection, their tidings and warnings to realize this goal and great ideal. He sent the perfect man to lead mankind to happiness and perfection and placed him as his guardian on earth and this path was current in all religions until he reached the religion of Islam and with the end of prophethood, the imamate continued the goal of the prophets for the happiness of man. and reason dictates that the successors of the divine ambassadors should be the people most similar to them, who were appointed as successors based on the Shia view, the twelve imams, and in the age of occult jurisprudence, based on reason and religious texts. In contrast to the opinion of the Sunnis, they believed in the theory of election, that they believed in the Shura for election. Mr. Shamsuddin is one of those who accepted this opinion and cited the verses of the Shura to prove it. Emphasis on the thoughts of Imam Khomeini (RA) has examined the implications of his evidence and the legal authority in the age of occultation using the opinions of Imam Khomeini (RA) has proved that he also rejected the Shura theory and at the same time did not ignore

Free elections and democracy in Europe and globally can be detrimentally affected by malicious use of new technologies, in particular artificial intelligence (AI). AI can be used as a tool to produce and spread disinformation or facilitate psychographic micro-targeting of voters in the run-up to elections. At the same time, AI can effectively counter such uses of technology. This article discusses the ways in which freedom of elections and democracy can be impacted through the deployment of AI.

The study of the factors that affect the political development of countries, such as the positive and negative effects of imperialism and domination by colonial countries, can be very important for other political structures to model. For this purpose, after retelling the theoretical issues related to the domination and colonialism of European countries in countries like India, we will discuss the signs and factors of India's political development and the positive and negative effects of imperialism on it. This research tries to investigate this issue by using descriptive-analytical research method and library information collection method. Some of the obtained results indicate that the role of imperialism in the political development of India is multifaceted and while expanding some concepts such as democracy, political weaknesses based on traditions are still observed. In general, by relying on their long-standing political traditions, they have been able to organize a successful model of combining tradition and modernity in the process of shaping the power structure and the process of formulating a unique model of political development based on their native characteristics.

Development, particularly in its political aspect, appears to be a future that most elites of undeveloped nations aspire to move towards and achieve its objectives. Taking step in this path full of difficulties necessitates certain conditions. From the political sociology perspective, perhaps social cohesion is the key condition. This is also applied for Iranian society and Iranian elites’ concerns. In the present study, our main assumption is that Iranian society does not have organic cohesion for articulating the political and social demands. Hence, the fundamental questions of the discussion include what are the causes for the lack of social cohesion in Iran and what is the impact of this lack of cohesion on the political development process? Influenced by Ferdinand Tönnies’ theory, the base of the hypothesis of the present research is that since Iranian society has not evolved in the scientific sense and our country’s social/historical formulation is more similar to Iranian communities than to a united Iranian society, political development appears to be impossible. Thus, in the current study, the researchers are aimed at answering the research question through applying the theory of social divides, using a descriptive/analytical method, and collecting the required sources using a library approach.

The monopoly of governments in the hands of a ruling class has become a political and general tradition throughout history, however, in every society there are many citizens who are eager to play a role in the administration through paying taxes and serving the duty and time system through elections. To have a community. On the other hand, the right to determine the fate of the people, which is one of the natural and innate rights of all nations, gives them the authority and right to demand a government that obeys the law and leads them towards a lawful democracy. In this regard, since centuries ago, the institution of Parliament, Majlis, and Senate; Mehestan and Ghoriltai were formed so that the elected representatives of the nation and the citizens could demand their legal demands on their behalf. The best tool for the realization of these dreams has been the election based on the law, which today has become a completely conventional and usual issue and is the basis for the realization of democracy in all fields. The real concept of democracy in the third millennium is the rule of law and the establishment of human values centered on distributive justice. The research method in this study was descriptive-analytical. The findings of the research prove that the right to self-determination of the people by participating in free and informed elections can be the basis for the gradual establishment of democracy in societies, relying on the law.

After the United States and its allies' attack on Afghanistan, the Republic government replaced the Islamic Emirate of the Taliban. One of the gifts of the Democratic Republic to Afghanistan was holding elections with the presence of eligible women and men as voters and election candidates. Based on this, the fourth presidential election in Afghanistan in 2019 was held amidst the confrontation between the central government and the Taliban in peace talks in Doha and war in various parts of the country. Approximately ten million eligible voters had registered to vote. The elections, which had been delayed for several months, were finally held in September 2019. The low voter turnout quickly made headlines. Only about two million six hundred thousand people, or just twenty percent of eligible voters, had turned up to the polls. This lack of enthusiasm signaled a major shift in Afghanistan's political situation. Given that elections are one of the most important symbols of democracy, the behavior of Afghan voters sounded an important alarm for the central government and, consequently, the survival of democracy. An alarm that no one paid attention to, and less than two years later, its result was evident with the fall of the republic and the return of the Taliban.
In this regard, the research question has been raised as to how the grounds for the collapse of the republican system in Afghanistan were formed in the behavior of voters in the 2019 presidential elections? The research method is qualitative with a descriptive-analytical approach. The data has been collected from library and internet sources. The theoretical basis of this research is also based on the views and opinions of Robert Dahl, Inglehart, and Pippa Nouris in the field of voting behavior.
Robert Dahl's theory, based on the principle of cost-benefit calculation, denies the approach of sociability and emphasizes the importance of rational choice. Overall, this approach seeks to demonstrate a direct relationship between citizens' inclination to vote and their benefit from participating in elections.
Inglehart's theory focuses on changing the values of generations. He believes that over time and with changes in the international climate, the desires and thoughts of generations change. These changes are reflected in the social and political behavior of individuals.
Finally, this research has sought the help of the Pippa Nouris views, which has proposed a model for examining political participation and, consequently, voting behavior, which is one of the most comprehensive theoretical models in the field of elections to date. The popularity and acceptance of this model is due to the use of three groups of macro, meso, and micro theories. With such characteristics, it is possible to examine the voting behavior of citizens at different levels.
The research findings indicate that a set of factors has influenced the voting behavior of the people of Afghanistan. These factors not only illustrate the people's disillusionment with the 2019 elections but also reflect a general sense of hopelessness and distance from the republican system among the people. This hopelessness ultimately led to the fall of the republic to the Taliban less than two years later.
 
These factors and backgrounds included the following:First, "political and economic inequalities and imbalances" resulting from the monopolization of power by the Pashtun ethnic group.
Second, "undermining the religious identity of the people" resulting from the Western democratic system's governance, which incited bias and religious sentiment among the people of Afghanistan, ultimately paving the way for the acceptance of the Taliban.
The third factor was the "negative effects of the engineering of the 2014 presidential elections." The engineering of these elections dealt a heavy blow to the framework of democracy imposed on Afghanistan, the consequences and effects of which were evident five years later with the people's lack of enthusiasm for the fourth presidential elections.
In the lead-up to the 2019 elections in Afghanistan, the legitimacy and acceptance of the republican system had reached its lowest point.
Fourth, "the failure to achieve peace and national tranquility" after the US invasion of Afghanistan, which, with the continuation of military confrontation between the US and the Taliban, was never realized, and the security of Afghanistan was severely undermined.
Fifth, "Deepening ethnic divides" as a result of the Pashtun-centric policies of Afghan presidents (Hamid Karzai and Ashraf Ghani) intensified ethnic nationalism and division, impacting societal cohesion and unity. In reality, on the brink of the 2019 elections, democracy in Afghanistan brought about systematic and modern ethnic biases, fostering increased division and significantly diminishing political participation.
Sixth, "Multiplicity and weakness of parties." The emerging parties in Afghanistan were predominantly ethnocentric and focused on individual interests. In the 2019 elections, rather than uniting society to find the best presidential option, parties engaged in political maneuvering, leading to division along ethnic and religious lines.
Seventh, "Exclusion of women from political participation." Despite efforts during the republican system to uphold women's rights, an anti-women culture hindered active female engagement. Women's involvement in political and social spheres was notably low on the eve of the 2019 presidential elections.
Eighth, "Emergence of a new generation." Educated and well-informed, the new generation perceived the current Afghan government as ineffective and untrustworthy, prompting a boycott of electoral participation.

The lack of enthusiasm for the 2019 fourth presidential elections in Afghanistan served as an initial indication, signaling reduced legitimacy and acceptance of the republican system amongst Afghan citizens.
In this regard, the actions of the central government, opposition groups to the republican system, and the interventions of foreign countries were three crucial elements contributing to the diminishing desire for political participation among the Afghan people. Over the past two decades, the central government, through the monopolization of power within a specific ethnic group and the marginalization of other ethnicities, fostered a cold war scenario among various groups, political parties, and ethnic factions both against the central government and the favored ethnic group. Concurrently, the Taliban and ISIS, serving as the primary opposition forces to the central government, gained significant influence and power in Afghanistan.
The shift from military confrontation to soft negotiations with the Taliban, coupled with the government's unaccountable concessions to this group, further demoralized the populace regarding the republic and democracy. This led to political and social distrust towards the democratic system. By the time of the 2019 elections, democracy lacked a solid track record among the citizens. The voting behavior showcased that the downfall of democracy or the republican system in 2021 was not unforeseen. Issues like poverty, corruption, insecurity, and inequality had peaked prior to the 2019 elections. These problems exacerbated post-elections, resulting in the central government losing its primary asset - public trust.
 
The election results and the voting tendencies of the Afghan people underscored that democracy cannot be imposed without substantial foundations in place. There was a disenchantment with Western democracy, with the populace anticipating a new political structure following the elections and the Doha peace accord. However, less than two years after the elections, Afghanistan found itself back under the same autocratic Taliban rule from a quarter of a century ago.

Although the increase in foreign currency income due to the increase in the price of oil in the world markets has increased the ability of this government to carry out measures such as paying cash subsidies, distributing equity shares and implementing the Mehr housing project, but it has inadvertently led to the authoritarianism of the government, which now considers itself the guardian of the people. He saw it, until the excessive oil wealth overshadowed the need to be accountable to questioning groups, and as a result, with the spread of the subordinate political culture, the government found itself without the need for democratic legitimacy."Benefiting from oil revenues is the support of the plan of popular ideals which, by strengthening the rentier nature of the government, increased the dependence of the weak and middle classes of the society on the government, and reduced the accountability of the government to the people, which is one of the essentials for the realization of democracy in any society", the hypothesis of this article. In response to the main question, why should democracy be included in the government claiming to be democratic? The findings of the current research, which has been conducted using descriptive-analytical methods, show the lack of fair distribution of wealth from oil revenues in the Bahar government, and as a result, people face new forms of "crony capitalism" reproduced by wealth-oriented political powers, while Decreasing the necessity of the government's accountability to the citizens, by denying the possibility of turning Iranians into knowing agents and subjects and continuing to remain in the state of objects and subjects of criticism, the autumn season of democracy took place during the rule of the Spring government