رادیکالیسم

 ince the second half of the 2010s, social protests in Iran have experienced increasing radicalization, characterized by escalating violence, structural shifts in slogans and demands, spontaneity, lack of organization and leadership, shorter intervals between protest waves, widespread distrust toward civil society organizations and formal grievance mechanisms, and a preference for direct street demonstrations. These features signify profound and foundational changes in the dynamics of claim-making processes. This study seeks to provide a comprehensive and multidimensional analysis of the factors driving the radicalization of social protests in Iran, with a specific focus on structural determinants.The core research question is: What are the primary factors contributing to the radicalization of social protests in Iran? To address this question, the theoretical framework of Craig Parsons is utilized. This framework emphasizes a holistic analysis that integrates structural, institutional, psychological, and attitudinal dimensions in understanding political and social phenomena. The study employs a qualitative methodology based on thematic analysis. Key themes and influential factors were identified through the analysis of expert interviews and scholarly literature pertinent to the subject.The findings reveal eleven macro-level structural factors contributing to the radicalization of protests in Iran: the crises inherent in transitional societies, the resurgence of the state-nation cleavage, structural economic dysfunctions, generational shifts and the distinct influence of Generation Z, the accumulation of social cleavages, structural transformations in the public sphere, the rigidity of the political system and failed reform initiatives, environmental and infrastructural crises, and Iran’s geopolitical and international positioning.These structural factors interact with institutional, psychological, and attitudinal dimensions, collectively creating the context for the emergence and intensification of radical protests. Policy recommendations to address and manage these challenges include: reforming political and economic structures, reducing dependency on rentier revenues, enhancing public participation in social and political processes, effectively managing generational and cultural transitions, and establishing formal and legal frameworks to channel grievances and facilitate peaceful expression of dissent.

The purpose of writing this article is to criticize and review the political thought of constitutionalism by considering the external-political reforms of this movement. The method used in the research is Skinner’s Philosophical hermeneutics. The method allows the understanding of political texts by considering the external events. We tried, therefore, to analyze the political thought of constitutionalism in relation with the changes occurred in Tehran and Tabriz, in order to obtain a correct understanding of fluctuations in the political thought of constitutionalism, by interacting the events in both cities. This research aims to negate (disapprove) this negative notion about the political thought of constitutionalism, which has been evaluated a non-generating, passive, and confusing one. The research seeks to prove the political thought of constitutionalism as a relatively coherent, moving, generating, and considerable thought by reviewing the strategies provided by the constitutionalist leaders, particularly the clergymen. An idea that may have faded temporarily in the post-constitutional period. But in the following decades, the above thought was able to improve itself and show itself in the form of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution. constitutional political thought, which was a legal, moderate, and conservative thought during the time of Muzaffaruddin Shah, changed its direction to a radical, fast, and revolutionary movement when Muhammad Ali Shah came to power.

In this research, the aim of the authors is answer to this question: "What does the challenges and opportunities Taliban's strategic model in the second state-building in Afghanistan? And what are the challenges and opportunities for the Islamic Republic of Iran? The research method is mixed. The statistical population of this article was the elites and researchers in the fields of political science, regional studies, international relations and geopolitics, who were interviewed in-depth with 40 experts using the theoretical and purposeful sampling method until reaching theoretical saturation. Quantitatively, to evaluate the model, a researcher-made questionnaire with available sampling method was distributed among 90 people from the samples. The data were analyzed in the qualitative part with the qualitative method of database theory and MAXQDA10 software, and in the quantitative part with the method of structural equations, partial least squares algorithm with SMART PLS software. The findings indicated that the strategic model of the Taliban in the second state-building period in Afghanistan has 11 components and 35 indicators as follows: Causal conditions (1. The presence of American and NATO forces, 2. The failure of the state-building process in Afghanistan) Background conditions (3. Emphasis on the realization of an Islamic state 4. Efforts to strengthen the social and popular base) Strategic conditions (5. Efforts to realize a moderate Islamic state 6. Efforts for ethnic unity in Afghanistan 7. Efforts for an alliance with the Republic Islamic Republic of Iran) and intervening conditions (8. International coalition's renewed attack on Afghanistan 9. Intensification of confrontation between Taliban and ISIS), consequences (10. Opportunities of the Islamic Republic of Iran 11. Challenges of the Islamic Republic of Iran)

Although the conflict between Russia and Ukraine is mostly interpreted based on geopolitical propositions such as NATO’s expansion towards the Eastern Europe, the cultural identity and the inference of the political elites in both countries also play a significant role in escalating this battle. In some cases, the way of interpreting identities, which are defined on the basis of a sense of individual affection to the society or a specific group according to a set of cultural and social features such as religion and language, has been influential in creating friction in human societies. In addition to expansion of “self and the other” in the mental situation of the citizens, this interpretation has a great impact on the perception of politicians about their ego and its function in relation to other countries. Meanwhile, the conceptual dimensions of this research have been based on cultural revanchism and radicalism. In order to answer the main question of the research, a descriptive-analytical method has been used and the data has been gathered through library and statistical resources. The findings of the present research indicate that reactional policies of both parties regarding one another and in ties with past humiliations and present threats have roots in “contradictory and converging” Russian and Ukrainian cultural identities. These roots, within the framework of historical, ethnic, lingual and religious perceptions, pave the way for escalating the current conflict between the two countries.

It seems that Islamic Fundamentalism is still one of the problematic issues of the world. Fundamentalists not only kill the “others” but also kill Muslims who are different from them. From my perspective, the fall of the Islamic State of Iraq and Sham(ISIS) does not mean the fall of Islamic Fundamentalism. The author of this article believes that Islamic Fundamentalism is still a threat to the world’s security. The main question of the article is that what has been securitized by Islamist Fundamentalists? I tried to examine this question through the “securitization theory of Bary Buzan”. I argued that “Modernity and Modernization” have been securitized by them. It seems that modernity is a kind of existential threat for Islamists Fundamentalists like the Taliban and ISIS

The aim of this research is to study Radical theory ideals in Global political economy with emphasis on development. Thus, the main research question is the nature and meaning of development in the various Radicalism approaches including (such as) studies Colonialism and Imperialism, Dependency theory, Neocolonialism, Globalization, and the evolution of development concept in each theories. As his research is done in descriptive-analytic method and by desk research, the findings show that all theories has been presented (raised) permanent connection (relation) and links between dynamics of Capitalism system and its functions and the concept of development and underdevelopment in different national and international levels, and the inherent characteristics of capitalist system including exploitation, inequality, and inhuman relations has described in all theories. While understanding Radical’ ideals of  Radicalism theory in global political economy or international relationships has many complicated philosophy, but it contradict ideal western human as development basis, and the emphasis is on relative and indigenous nature of different communities ideals in relation to the issue of development. The concept of development, as how to make society equal in the light of economic relationships and production is not in the focus (heart) of attention, but the important matter is the emphasis on humanizing the existing relationships at all levels. However, Radicals have key role in development and promotion of literacy and philosophy related to development and underdevelopment issues, but in fact, they cannot provide an example of development model based on their opinions and assumptions on the national and international level.

The Islamic world, especially Afghanistan and Pakistan, has seen the formation and growth of various currents with different thoughts in the last few decades, most of which have come to be known as "religious extremism", "Islamism", "radicalism", and perhaps "terrorism". The benevolent goals of some individuals, centers and religious institutions as well as malicious policies of colonialism and arrogance can be mentioned as the most important factors in this field. Meanwhile, perhaps between the terms "extremism" with its similar titles may be confused, desired or undesirable; whereas many religious currents have the demands of the rightful and legal standards, and their policy is different from those who promote religious and ethnic unconventional violence. Therefore, in the present article, while studying the character of extremism and its main features, especially in Afghanistan and Pakistan, the role of two factors of foreign interposition and the method of teaching governing religious schools, as the main platforms and stimuli in this field, Attention has been paid.

A complication in the face of the achievements of the founder of modernism, which has sometimes led to the recapture of radical groups by terrorist and Mujahdat methods for realizing the utopia of the era of righteous predecessor. Understanding radical groups, their tools and their implications require a multidisciplinary, networked, comprehensive, and a comprehensive set of studies. To this end, the answer to the question of what is the ratio of current religious radicalism to postmodern flows. Can these groups be placed in the postmodernist streams or, according to current views, belong to the modern age, or even derived from the traditional order? This research by a descriptive and analytical method, while studying documents inspired by Lacquer and Shental Mouffe, showed that, in explaining the current extremes, modern tight molds are inadequate and, more importantly, they are inspired by the imperatives of the modern world, Even the revival of the caliphate in religious radicalism from the perspective of the believers is a means to the ultimate goal of changing the modern world order, and since the current extreme phenomena are phenomena of identity, oppression, and oppression, which, with antagonism and with a different conception of Identity also seeks to define and prove itself in violent ways, so the analysis of radicalism the present is more comprehensible in the post-modern era of postmodernism.

Various reasons have led to the radicalization of some Islamist groups in some Islamic countries like Syria. These factors can be found in elements such as identity, depression and distrust, the perception of insecurity and irresponsibility, the expansion of Western culture in Islamic countries and the contradiction of Islamic values with Western culture, the lack of consolidation of the culture of rationalism and democracy in Islamic Countries. Also, the humiliating and insulting attitude of the West towards Muslims, as well as the dependence of some leaders of Islamic countries, especially Arab, on Western countries, and the lack of attention of some political systems to the needs of the people have affected this. The support of the Arab media for the spread of extremism in the Muslim world and the Western media and the interventionist policies of some regional countries, such as Saudi Arabia and Qatar, have contributed to the spread of terrorism. In the Syrian crisis, there are various influences of internal and external conflicts that can be grouped into different criteria, such as historical and modern, geographic criteria, and regional affiliation.

Since the beginning of the Syrian crisis in 2011 so far,Many analysts consider this crisis as a result of a conspiracy from outside this country that by America and Britain and their regional allies, Israel and Saudi plan has been implemented. But despite driven out of crisis ,Existence some social gaps in Syrian society Such as ethnic and religious gaps in the form of internalgroup conflict Shiite - Sunni and outgroup Kurdish - Arabic expression had Affected in Increased range of crisis and faster growth of radical groups. The main question is that the social gaps in Syria Especially ethnic and religious gaps how effect on the formation and growth of radicalism in this country? assumption of this article is It seams There are two major ethnic and religious gap in Syria and State's inability to manage them and Extensive involvement of foreign Causing a sharp rise in the country's level of conflict and social unrest.So at the beginning of the crisis in 2011and The massive influx of foreign insurgents into the country,Religious Ethnic gaps have also been extremely active and was an influence on the growth of radical groups.

The Syria crisis is passing through its sixth year and during these years several theories have been given to explain the causes of this crisis. One of these theories considers the existence of wide and extensive ethnic and religious differences and conflicts which shows itself in intergroup (Shiite-Sunni) and outer group (Kurdish-Arabic) differences. The present paper wants to examine how the existence of ethnic and religious differences has led to the growth of radicalism in Syria? The underlying hypothesis is that the existence of extensive ethnic and religious differences in Syria and the inability of the government to manage them have led to an increase in the level of conflict and social discontent. These differences and conflicts have become sharper and deeper after Syria got its independence from France (1946) and then the rise of Baath Party (1963) and subsequently the domination of Alawites on the Syrian government (1970). Eventually these ethnic and religious differences led to hostility and formation of radical groups against the government in Syria.

Now almost five years have passed since the beginning of the crisis in Syria And in all these years different ideas and theories about the causes of the crisis in this country have been raised. This article argues that among other things one main factor is the social polarization and ethnic-religious Gap in the Syrian society which is manifested in the conflict between Shiite - Sunni and also Kurds and Arabs.
The main question is that how this social gaps in Syria Especially ethnic and religious gaps affected the formation and growth of radicalism in this country? And the assumption of this article is that the State's inability to manage gap, and then the extensive involvement of foreign factors contributed to a sharp rise in the country's level of conflict and social unrest. So the existence of the gap on one hand and the massive influx of foreign insurgents into the country on other hand can be seen as two main reasons for escalation of conflict in Syria.

Social and political movements are categorized under social changes. At the same time، in the contemporary Eastern and Islamic societies، these movements are considered as a kind of reaction towards transition process from traditional societies to new ones. Every Islamic movement with emancipator and anti-colonial orientation has adopted strategy and tactic on the basis of two components i. e. “structure” including systemic factors، s+ociopolitical pressures، identity crises، and “agent” including leadership and ideology. These strategies and tactics have been either revolutionary or reformist. On this basis، some of them have tried to adapt themselves to their environment and some others have chosen to adopt a reaction strategy in order to confront with critical conditions. As one of Islamic movements emerging in the critical conditions of Lebanon، Hezbollah has tried to use two reaction and adaptation strategies towards Lebanon’s historical developments in the framework of radical and realist approaches. Anyway، Hezbollah’s stances regarding Lebanon’s problems in relation to the governments of this country have taken place within the framework of radical or reaction pattern and realist or adaptive one. On this basis، Hezbollah has not adopted a unified sstrategy towards the governments of Lebanon but it has taken stances according to Lebanon’s political and historical needs which are affected by domestic and international conditions. In all eras، Hezbollah has adopted an approach accompanied by interaction and confrontation within the framework of radical and realist patterns. Therefore this article seeks to examine the political and historical relations between Hezbollah and Lebanon governments in a descriptive and analytical way by using Herier Dekmegian’s crisis theory.

Security threats are parts of international political realities. Countries with strategic goals focused on changing the status quo، or not synchronized with the big powers objectives and regional actors are subject to security threat. The Islamic Republic of Iran is among countries with geopolitical threat. These countries are subject to conditions and interacting with actors who have different security and strategic objectives. Iranian security situation in the historic circuit of the last hundred years has indicated such a situation. In the period after the Islamic Revolution victory we have witnessed a «combined threat» of national security that is caused by ideological and strategic components of the Islamic Republic. Great powers have sought to control Iran>s security environment، while regional actors like Iraq، Saudi and Israel are doing a great effort to limit and deal with Iran>s securityapproaches. Such a process although different، has continued in the 21st century. In this article the U. S. security threats against Iran>s strategic objectives during George Bush and Barack Obama will be compared. To explain the matter، U. S. national security doctrine in these two stages is used. On the other hand، behavior patterns and strategic positions of the U. S. and itsallies in the framework of politics and international institutions will be considered. Political literature used by the U. S. rulers and strategists shows that there are some aspects of the threat، confrontation and coping in the two mentioned historical periods. These threats were proposed by a more aggressive literature during the Bush era، while the possibility of threat to become operational was limited. Security threats during Obama has a more flexible literature compared to Bush era but the possibility of threat to become operational has increased. In this paper، based on «defensiverealism approach»، comparison of the American threats during the Bush and Obama has been explained.

It is possible to classify the Islamic trends-established in the contemporary era in terms of relation between religion and modernity- into three types of religious new thinking, religious modernism, and religious radicalism. Taking this classification for granted, we can say religious modernity is an intellectual trend which- in the process of confrontation with modernity and in its attempt to adapt the religious intellectual tradition with modernity-makes a transition from the above- mentioned tradition with a sort of breakaway from the traditional reading of religion. Asserting the inconsistency of the traditional reading of religion with modernity along with its characteristics and requirements, and being influenced by the epistemological and methodological foundations of modernity, religious new thinkers have suggested a new reading of religion the outcome of which is transition from the religious intellectual tradition in Muslim societies. This transition rests on certain theoretical foundations which are taken into account in the present article.