روسیه و آمریکا

Iran and Russia have some common issues due to their geographical proximity; on other hand, these two countries have nearly identical perspectives on some regional and global political and security issues, and they can use their capacities to create a model of complementary cooperation between the two countries.Yet, political-security concerns on the regional and global levels, particularly with regard to US policy towards the two nations, have always impacted these collaborations. Examining the history of relations between Iran and Russia over the last four decades reveals that the United States of America has consistently played the most important and influential role in Tehran-Moscow relations.However, an examination of America's influence on the ups and downs of Iran-Russia relations reveals that this factor has established milestones in increasing Iran and Russia's common understanding of being on the same axis.The existing assumptions also show that, as a result of regional and international trends, cybernetic logic has emerged in the development of Iran-Russia relations with the goal of balancing the threat against America, which may lead to the realization of the Iran-Russia strategic alliance scenario.In this study, the trend effect analysis method is used to identify the role of the United States in the process of Iran-Russia relations, and the new and potential dimensions of Tehran-Moscow relations are identified as a result of the American component.

The war crisis in Ukraine and the sanctions imposed on Russia following this crisis have prompted this country to seek ways for avoiding more threats from the West and the United States by getting closer to China and cooperating with it in large-scale strategic plans and projects. The numerous contracts and coalitions that have been made between these two countries have effectively helped to further advance the Chinese Silk Road initiative. On the other hand, Russia has always tried to bar the influence of the West and NATO in the regions under its influence, but now despite its initial unwillingness to participate in the Silk Road initiative, it has started cooperating with China in various economic and political fields so as to launch a Soft Balance against America. Therefore, in its close cooperation with Russia, China is taking advantage of this country's maximum potential. All these actions are considered attempts for developing and expanding the economic super-project of Silk Road. Thus, the main question in this study is "what effects does the war in Ukraine have on the cooperation between China and Russia in the field of the Silk Road initiative?" The proposed hypothesis is that in response to the widespread sanctions from the Western nations, Russia is seeking to deepen its relations with China in various fields, including oil and gas energy, and this provides a suitable basis for the Chinese government to keep its cooperation with Russia in the direction of further implementing the Silk Road initiative.

Afghanistan experienced a new experience of state-building from 2001-2021. During this period, the Afghan government, with its international and mainly Western partners, tried to establish a liberal state in Afghanistan. Although there were high hopes for the formation of a modern state from 2001-2003, since 2003, disappointment in the efficiency of the state has slowly emerged; because since 2003, insecurity has been intensifying. Some have considered the reason for insecurity to be the inability of political leaders to manage the country; some have pointed to the negative role of neighbors; and others have spoken of the Great Game. The purpose of the current article is to explain this issue. Therefore, the main question in this research is how has the competition between Russia and the United States in the three dimensions of politics, military-security, and economy affected the security of Afghanistan? The research hypothesis is that these two powers, considering the differences over the US presence in Afghanistan, the issue of the Taliban and Afghan peace, the transfer of energy through Afghanistan, and American democratization, have pursued a confrontational policy in Afghanistan, which has led to a decrease in security in Afghanistan. This article, using a qualitative method and library data, has reached the conclusion that the competition between Russia and the US in Afghanistan in the three aforementioned areas has caused both countries to seek to balance and limit each other's influence and pursue a complex multi-level game in Afghanistan. This has damaged the country's relative security and rendered peace talks fruitless. Because the alignment of interests of domestic groups (whether political parties, part of the government, or the Taliban) with these two countries has complicated security policymaking and measures to ensure security.

TheSyrian crisis is one of the most complex international crises in terms of the multiplicity of regional and extra-regional actors and the presence of conflicting interests in it. Russia and the United States are trans-regional players in this crisis who, with conflicting approaches and conflicting interests,seek greater influence in the West Asian region through intervention in the Syrian crisis. In this regard, thetwo countries are seeking to take advantageof this crisis with hard and soft policies and strategies.he conflicting interestsof the two actors have made them try to make the most profit by considering the resources and costs and benefits. In this paper, an attempt will be made to deal with the strategic and intelligent combinationof Russia's soft and hard power against the United States, focusing on the Syrian crisis. The main questionishowRussia asused smart power against American intervention in the Syrian crisis (2011-2023)? In order to examine the issue in the framework of the intelligent power point of view, from Joseph Nye's point of view, the soft power of Russia in the dimensionsofculture,valueandforeignpolicyand thehard powerinthemilitaryand economic dimensions have been discussedThe outcomesof thisresearchshows that in the Syrian field,Russiassoft power has been discussedindimensionsofculture,valueand foreignpolicyand hard powerinthemilitary and economic dimensions.Russia's smart power ha beenusedwithmoreemphasis on soft power to restrain America, and the most important achievement of Russia fromtheuse of smart power, without serious military involvement withAmerica, isto preserve Basharal-Assad'sregime and prevent extensive military action. America against Syriahasbeen taking the initiativeofpeacenegotiations and gaining strategic advantage by signing militaryand conomic contracts

Occurring the war among Russia and Ukraine, not only the world has faced a serious crisis, but also the relations between great powers, the U.S., Russia and China have entered a new phase since February 24, 2022. The question being examined in this paper is that “how and upon what considerations has China managed its approach to both the war in Ukraine and the relations with the US-Russia axis from February to September 2022?”. The answer is “China's attitude to the aforementioned issue is preferably based on the logic of two-dimensional interdependence (China-US and China-Russia) along with the soft management of the political balance during that period of time”. With descriptive-analytical method, the essay shows China's policy in regard to this crisis in the given few months has been concentrated on the continuation of economic growth and stabilization of the emergence, preserving the economic cooperation systems with the United States of America, continuing cooperation and coordination with Russia, as well as pacifying the political tense atmosphere in favor of Russia in order not to impair the international political balance

The Russian army is developing some reconnaissance and interceptor vehicles such as the S.300 systems to defend strategic areas belonging to some of its allied countries. Another defensive shield system was also produced on a regional scale, such as the S-400 which is more capable than the S-300 system. During this process, the Russian military began production of the S-500 defense system. Production sites of S-300 and S-400 missile systems were established in some vital regions of Russia (in Kaliningrad and Crimea) and the territory of some allied countries. However, the Russian defense shield is technically weaker and more limited compared to the Western countries defense shield, but without a doubt, this plan will not remain at these levels.  The development of Russia's defense shield means that Russian leaders intend to defend their country against the threat of Western ballistic missiles. Of course, these equipments increase the offensive power of Western countries, especially by carrying tools and increasing missile defense systems. One of the main tools of Russia's defense shield is the S-300 missile system.The PMU S-300 model is capable of countering an attack missile with a speed of Mach 2-8 and a range of 1000 km. This system was established in Armenia, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan and Belarus. The S-400 system is also capable of shooting down stealth aircraft, ballistic missiles, hypersonic missiles and drones with a range of 400 km. But two tools only work on atmosphere.The S-500 system is also in the final stage of production with a range of 600 km and a speed of Mach 7, which is capable of shooting down hypersonic missiles and spy satellites. It is expected to be fulfilled by 2025. In addition, the Russian military has developed some ground-based early warning radars called Voronezh.The Voronezh MD model has an inspection area of 6000 km and has the capacity to detect 500 targets. Of course, this radar is only an early warning system and is not compatible with any interceptor device. Reconnaissance satellite technology has also been used for defense. Currently, several Cosmos class satellites are in service and will be deployed in outer space for this purpose. The Russian military plans to upgrade this technology and surveillance. The plan to deploy Russian missile defense systems appears not as a tactical plan, but as a strategic plan. This plan is simultaneously qualitative and quantitative in the development of detection and interception systems as well as early warning systems.Research Question: “Why is Russia thinking of creating a missile defense shield?

The hypothesis of the article is that "the concern of Russian leaders about the Western plan to create a missile defense shield has led to the development of their own missile defense tools."

This is a historical and descriptive method with an emphasis on monitoring Russia's anti-ballistic systems, as well as examining the country's official doctrine in the field of security and foreign policy.  This research also deals with the situation of the Russian authorities.   

The research results show that the US and NATO defense shield was the main motivation of the Russian authorities to create missile defense systems. The US and NATO missile defense shields consists of SM3 interceptors, Aegis radars and early warning satellites. However, each part is separated but they are connected by all. They will be deployed in four stages in the mentioned areas, which can defend the American forces and its allies. Those regions are American homeland, Alaska, Greenland, South Persian Gulf and South Korea. They are also carried by destroyers in the Mediterranean and the Pacific. In parallel, NATO is building its own defense shields in some places in the center and east of the continent, which are: The radar station in Turkey, the Aegis radar system in Poland and the THAAD system in Romania and the command section in Germany. The four Aegis radar systems installed on the ships they command are in the port of Rota (Spain). Some say that the third and fourth parts of the defense shield are capable of targeting Russian intercontinental ballistic missiles. The defensive shield also protects Western countries that have developed their offensive capacity in conjunction with defensive tools. Due to the withdrawal from the INF Treaty, there are no restrictions against the West. Putin’s opposition to Trump’s extension of the New Start Treaty without any conditions and Trump’s insistence on concluding a comprehensive agreement annoyed Russian authorities. In addition, Russian authorities are not happy about the establishment of a Western defensive shield near the country’s western borders. These actions cause Russia to react in the same way.

Russia's action in the development of defense systems is one of the main factors of change in the military doctrine of this country. Previously, the Russian military organized its strategic tools around the doctrine of nuclear deterrence and parity. But Russia is trying in the same direction in response to the deployment of Western missile defense elements in some strategic parts of the continent. As a result, Russia's new doctrine is based on an offensive and defensive strategy. Nevertheless, the current interactions between the West and Russia have created a new round of arms competition, especially in strategic defense tools. Russian defense systems are not at the level of their Western counterparts either in terms of content or technical quality. But these are accompanied by offensive tools that have been developed in strategic areas to pose the same threats against the West. According to this emerging trend, the Russian missile defense zone will also cover more strategic areas in the future.

Since the beginning of the war and the crisis in Syria, the Zionist entity has regularly and continuously attacked sites in the territory of this country. These attacks mainly targeted military centers and bases, especially weapons and ammunition depots, and sometimes led to the death and wounding of members of the Syrian army, as well as elements of the Revolutionary Guards and the Lebanese Hezbollah. The pretext of the usurping entity authorities for these attacks - which are considered a clear violation of the unity and official sovereignty of Damascus - is the presence of Iran and the resistance in Syria, which it considers a threat to its security, and for this reason, in addition to political and diplomatic efforts, they are trying to exert pressure on the Syrian government as well as Iran through military attacks. Given the lack of strategic depth, Israel has always adhered to theories such as deterrence through military superiority, preemptive attacks, and finally aggressive neo-realism to ensure its security. In this article, while studying a theoretical concept related to the motives and objectives of the Israeli attacks on Syrian territory, we will discuss the causes of these attacks as well as the prospects for this conflict.

Russia's massive invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 and the severe financial sanctions imposed against Moscow have not only had an economic impact on Russia; but, the consequence of this crisis has also affected the international economy, including America and Europe’s markets. The inflation caused by the Ukraine crisis, which has currently disrupted most of the world's economies, including the United States and Europe, is constantly increasing due to the sharp increase in the prices of oil, gas, industrial and agricultural products. This article tries to examine the economic impact of the war between Russia and Ukraine in 2022 on the key players of the global economy, especially the United States and Europe, which have imposed severe financial sanctions against Russia. Therefore, the main question of this research is: What effect will the Russia – Ukraine war have on the international economy, especially for the U.S. and Europe?The hypothesis of the research is that given the fact that the conflict in Ukraine has the political and military dimensions, the leaders of these countries have prioritized the political issues over the economic issues in their decision making process to address this crisis. This has caused the economy to be affected again by high politics issues and faced stagnation and increase in global prices which once was considered as a low politics during the Cold War and then, it became more relevant in the decision-making process of governments after the Cold War.This paper has applied the descriptive-analytical method to analyze the data.

This research based on a descriptive analysis method, focuses on the ICT aspects of geopolitical tensions and therefore selects the Russian case in the field of information warfare. The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the information and ideological tensions of the West against Russia in the academic discourse of Russia on the basis of conflicting narratives and ideological-geopolitical paradoxes.The main question of this article is how and through what tools the West has spread Russian phobia in the academic discourse of Russian and non-Russian social sciences? The analytical background of this paper is the views of some Russian ideologists and thinkers, and the main hypothesis of this research is that the West has managed a successful information war against Russia through six thematic-narrative areas. Accordingly, in the discourse of Russian elites and ideologists, Russia has been, in most cases, the main victim of the West in the information-media war and on this basis, Russia today is also trying to counterbalance with West by designing a new ideological narrative and expanding media influence - information-centric against the United States, though Russia's power and capacity in this field is limited against the West.

US strategic relations with Egypt peaked during the time of Anwar Sadat, and it was after the peace talks at Camp David (September 1978) that military and economic cooperation between Egypt and the United States intensified and the two countries established close ties. US interests in Egypt include securing Israel and maintaining the 1979 peace treaty, fighting terrorism and controlling fundamentalism, countering the expansion of Russian influence in Egypt and the Middle East, maintaining the US gateway to the region and leading the Arab world, and improving bilateral relations. Maintaining stability and balance of power in the region and military cooperation. The question that the authors of the present study have tried to answer with a descriptive-analytical method and using the theory of defensive realism is what was the foreign policy of the United States towards Egypt after Al-Sisi came to power and what are the goals of the United States? In response, it can be pointed out that US foreign policy is to exploit Egypt for its own interests, and that the US approach has been to pursue a dual and contradictory policy; The United States, on the one hand, is calling for democracy, and on the other, endorsing al-Sisi's government, whose first priority is to ensure stability and peace, maintain a peace treaty with Israel, and maintain its position in Egypt. US-Egyptian relations are aimed at maintaining regional stability, maintaining the 1979 Egypt-Israel peace treaty, and improving bilateral relations.

The purpose of this article is to examine the challenge to hegemonic order in the Middle East and the impact of Iran-Russia cooperation in redefining order and strategic stability through balancing, focusing on the Syrian crisis. In recent years, the US-centered order in the region has increasingly been challenged, and as a result, strategic stability and balance in the region have changed too. Iran and Russia, either individually or in the form of tactical alliance, have been effective in challenging the hegemonic order and on the state of stability and balance in the region. This article examines the cooperation of the two countries in this field with a realistic view to the concepts of order, stability and balance, and with a systematic approach, considering the interrelationship of these concepts at different levels and regions. Although in many texts, order and strategic stability have been studied at the macro level and in the realm of great powers politics, this article, emphasizing the evolution of international relations and these two concepts and focusing on complex and multifaceted definition of the stability and order in the Middle East, states that stability in this region is not necessarily ensured by agreement or balance between great powers, and regional powers, including Iran, have their own impact on these two concepts by influencing the balance system through their own capabilities or by interacting with great powers. Accordingly, the article emphasizes that Iran-Russia cooperation for balancing at macro level in the face of US destabilizing policies and actions and at the regional level by emphasizing a broad regional balance system is effective in moderating and ensuring strategic stability. Although Moscow's policy in this regard imposes restrictions on Tehran, some aspects of it, including deterrence against US and its allies’ destabilizing behavior are in Iran's favor.

Russia has enjoyed a relatively good standing in the foreign policy of Iran over the past years. Part of this position relates to Iran's position in the international system, especially the imposition of international sanctions, and partly because of its relatively uniform stance on important global issues. Meanwhile, US unilateral sanctions against the Islamic Republic of Iran, which have been imposed since Washington's exit from Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPA), have created difficult conditions for Tehran-Moscow relations. Especially since the sanctions are not limited to Iran and include companies and countries that cooperate with Iran. Therefore, given the importance of the relationship with Russia in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the present paper addresses the question, "What capacity does Russia have to circumvent or mitigate US sanctions against Iran?" The research findings show under sanctions, Russia can help Iran in four areas: oil sales, banking, providing strategic goods and expanding regional cooperation.

The purpose of this article is to examine the dimensions of containment and deterrence policies in Russia-US relations and analyze their impact on Iran's interests and security. Considering Russia as a revisionist power that challenges its superior position in the international arena, the US is trying to contain Russia with the same nature of the Soviet era, aiming to limit influence, reduce strategic weight, constraint geopolitical power and change its behavior to serve its own interests. On the other side, Russia, which stands for the restoration of its great power status, sees the policy of containment not only as a threat and an obstacle to the realization of this ideal, but also as a challenge to good global governance. Moscow's response to US containment policy is deterrence, which is pursued proportionately to the type of threats differing from military to economic and at various domestic, regional, and international levels. This paper, with a descriptive-analytical approach, focusing on Putin's third and fourth terms, will examine containment and deterrence polices in Russia-US relations in theoretical framework of these concepts and their consequences on Iran. It is argued that although the application of containment and deterrence in new trends in international relations has been problematic due to diversification and simultaneous threats and threatenings, given the continuing competition for power and sensitivity of geopolitical and security matters in Russia-US relations, these two polices will continue with greater complexity. In summary, it is emphasized that containment and deterrence have different consequences for Iran. Russia's resistance to Washington's aggressive policy and its willingness to cooperate with Iran as an anti- hegemonic force is the positive side and being a subject to possible US-Russian reconciliation, for example under strategic stability concept, to avoid the costs of containment and deterrence is the negative effects of these two strategies on Tehran's interests and security

In the age of Globalization Soft power has an Equals important like as Hard Power. According to Joseph Nye''''s Theory, the result of Hard and soft Power Combination is Smart Power. So Russia and USA along with hardware competition, are rivals in the field of soft power. Although mentioned Competition dose not limited to the Specific Area But it has Double Importance in the Geopolitical Zone like South Caucasus Because by Soft influence Exploitation of long standing interests become Easier. According to Russia and USA tries to Apply their soft power in south Caucasus. Present article Answers the following Question; What these Moscow and Washington''''s tools to apply their soft power in the South Caucasus? And what are the differences and similarities with each other? To Answer these Question we use the Joseph Nye''''s Soft Power Theory. The result of this research indicate that "USA Soft power has political, Cultural and Economical Elements with Universal Dimension But Russia''''s Soft Power has more Historical- Cultural Dimension with Regional range. The soft power in the United States has a civilian background, but in Russia it has a more governmental character." So the manner of Applying the soft power in south Caucasus is Different. The present study was conducted by using library and internet resources

In recent years, we have witnessed widespread developments in Egypt that not only affected Egypt and the Middle East, but in the international dimension has affected the great powers. After Islamists failure and Morsi’s defeat in less than a year and the arrival of General al-Sisi, Russia has welcomed these developments and Putin sought renewed political, military and economic relations. As a result, Russia and Egypt are growing closer. Defensive realism has been used as an analytical framework for understanding the foreign policy of Russia toward Egypt. This research seeks to answer this question “What is Russia’s foreign policy toward Egypt after the arrival of al-Sisi and what goals does Russia pursue?” According to the findings of the research, Russia, after the coup d’état, sought to take advantage of Egypt’s developments for its own national interests, and Russia’s foreign policy in Egypt is based on cooperation and coalition with an old and strategic partner. Russia’s goal is to strengthen political, economic and military ties with Egypt under al-Sisi.

Recent geopolitical developments in West Asia have led the region into military conflicts. Syrian developments are at the head of these crises, and as a result of these developments, the political system in Syria has suffered severe stagnation, so that after seven years, all UN initiatives have failed to set fire to the internal forces. Concerns about the persistence of violence in Syria are caused by internal and external factors. On the one hand, there is the Russian, Iranian and Iraqi axis, with political and military support from the administration of Bashar al-Assad in an effort to preserve the territorial integrity of Syria. On the other hand, there is the Arab-western axis, wich supporting the Syrian opposition's movements seeking to eliminate the Assad government. The contrast between these two trends, along with the social and economic context within Syria, has made the country as a place of proxy war among powers. The main question of this article is that what are the reasons and causes of the violence in the Syrian crisis? In response, the hypothesis is that, the undemocratic nature of the Assad government, the incomplete state-building process, the presence of takfiri currents, and the outsourcing of external powers have contributed to the formation of a civil war in Syria.

The military-security orientations of the Russian Federation and the United States of America have always been of particular interest in analyzing and interpreting international issues in the post-Soviet era, especially during the last decade. In fact, the collapse of the Soviet Union was the end of the Cold War in Europe and the end of the global divisions; as a result of which the various dimensions of confrontation between these two great powers of the world has been considered by the academic circles. Therefore, the present study seeks to address the issue through the descriptive-analytic approach in order to answer this question that what has been the nature of the Russian-American relations and where does it take the international system? To reply this question, by using the offensive realism theory and focusing on the military-security policies of the two countries in various crises, it will be explained that Russia and the United States of America are in a serious opposition path; which can lead to a new Cold War in the international system.

According to Halford Mackinder’s theory of the Heartland, dominating of the Eastern Europe is key to dominate the Heartland, and dominating of the Heartland is key to dominate the world. Ukraine is one of the main components of the so-called Heartland. The recent Ukraine crisis is an important US-Russian geopolitical confrontation followed by various international disputes. This competition reminds expert the Cold War. This study is conducted using the descriptive-analytical method. Data are gathered from library sources. This research investigates the geopolitical importance of Ukraine for Russia and the US. The results show that the main reason for the conflict in Ukraine is the US-Russian geopolitical competition.

Relations between Russia and the United States have been accompanied by ups and downs in recent years, and issues such as maintaining and expanding influence in the periphery of Russia, geopolitical energy transmission lines, the deployment of the US missile defense system and NATO in Eastern Europe, the nuclear issue of Iran, and North Korea has had a great deal of influence on these relationships. In the meantime, the crisis in Ukraine can be regarded as a turning point in the development of relations between Russia and the United States, indicating a peak of disagreements and geopolitical rivalries on both sides. Given that the international nature of the crisis in Ukraine will have profound consequences on international relations. In the era of globalization, regional and global conditions have been interwoven. Therefore, the crisis in one region affects the interests of actors in other areas. Ukraine has faced several crises since its independence, with its peak in 2014 and the US-Russian opposition to it. Accordingly, the previous article seeks to answer these questions, which is the origins of the 2014 crisis in Ukraine. What has the Russian-American opposition to the crisis in Ukraine affected the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The hypothesis of this study is that the crisis in Ukraine was rooted in the Russian-American rivalry that appeared in the Orange, Blue and the Crisis of 2014, so that the crisis would strengthen the Moscow-Tehran relationship in line with Realization of national interests of Iran.

Iran-Russia's seems very integrated and warm now, but during last 25 years there were many up and dawn in the course of their relations. Historical realities indicate these relations permanently have experienced very different stages. Many diverse factors have affected their relation in domestic, regional and international levels. The two countries relations in 19 century have shaped their perceptions about others goals and aims. The events of the final stage of the world war II have a very deep impact on Iranian people and government. The Soviet supportive policy in the case of Azerbaijan and Kurdistan separative movement are very important factors in this regards. Policies and activities of Communist Tudeh party has a constant influence on this relation, both before and after the Islamic Revolution in Iran. These historical legacies in Iran- Russia's relations after the collapse of the Soviet Union continue its influence on the two countries relation, that shapes the main question of this paper. the authors use descriptive- analytical methodology for their research.