سازه انگاری

International crises and the resulting crimes often raise questions about the underlying causes that threaten regional peace and security. Understanding these root causes is crucial for both strategically preventing future conflicts and managing current tensions. Theories, when applied to specific events, provide a valuable framework for analyzing complex realities and developing more effective interventions. The ongoing Palestinian-Israeli conflict, deeply rooted in ideological and identity-based differences, exemplifies this need for in-depth analysis. This research, employing a descriptive-analytical approach and utilizing documentary and library methods, aims to address the following question: What are the criminological and political roots of the persistent instability and recurrent crises in the Middle East, with a particular focus on the Israeli-Palestinian crisis? The historical and strategic depth of the conflicts in the Middle East, often intertwined with issues of identity, contribute to its perpetual state of conflict and crisis. This volatile environment also facilitates the commission of other international crimes in the region. Research findings indicate that to prevent future international crimes in the Middle East, this study identifies three critical strategies: bolstering the integrity of international organizations by ensuring their neutrality, promoting regional political and religious discourse without external influence, and facilitating the recognition of the State of Palestine through peaceful, politically-negotiated in accordance with international legal frameworks.

The main issue in this research is to investigate the distinct identity of the two Russian October Revolutions and the Islamic Revolution and its impact on adopting different strategies in issuing the revolution as an external consequence in the international arena of the two revolutions. In this article, by using the theory of constructivism and relying on concepts such as identity and examining the process of its construction, as well as paying attention to the special nature of political structures, the distinct cultural and social contexts of the two Russian October Revolutions and the Islamic Revolution, the impact of revolutionary actions in examine the issue of the revolution. In the Russian Revolution, a kind of post-apocalypticism based on Marxist teachings led to the strategy of issuing the revolution according to the conditions of the Russian Revolution as a guarantor of the survival of the October Revolution. It can be interpreted as a concept of revolutionary action with partial priority, but in the Islamic revolution, the strategy of issuing the revolution is formed as a duty-oriented principle and with the priority of consciousness over revolutionary action. The current research shows the consequences of this distinction in the use of tools and methods and the place of issuing the revolution in a comparative process based on constructivist theory. Documentary method has been used in the process of collecting information in this research. The type of research is descriptive-analytical.

Although known to the scholars of Politics and International Relations, the concept of ‘exceptionalism’ has remained ambiguous and bereft of theoretical and conceptual boundaries. The term is mainly limited to the United States, having made it an instrument for the reproduction of American hegemony and the Americanization project. The fact is against the clues that help make understanding of ‘exceptionalisms’, i.e. exceptionalism applied to more than one nation. Theorizing exceptionalism will, in addition to invalidating the exclusive American exceptionalism, enhance the explanation and prediction power of IR via providing a theoretical framework for building intersubjective understanding. The interaction between internal and external policies, states' behavior in times of crisis like that of Iran’s nuclear energy, states' approaches towards peace, their attitudes towards institutionalism, the mechanism of cultural influences through international relations, deciding the mentalities of anarchy versus order, equity, cultural pluralism, etc. are among the problems that a new definition and a ‘theory of exceptionalism’ is expected to deal with. This paper attempts to evaluate the hypothesis that ‘Exceptionalism is categorizable as a theory within the constructivist meta-theory of international relations’, by comparing and contrasting the two in conceptual, ontological, and epistemological senses. The findings of this documentary research guide us to meaningful overlaps between exceptionalism and constructivism. The verification of the hypothesis paves the way for replacing American exceptionalism with the belief in exceptionalisms, a shift from the realist to the constructivist approach in IR.

Despite the existence of international institutions and legal mechanisms in the form of collective security,international security has always faced challenges and threats, mainly military,as one of the most important concerns of governments and international organizations.Meanwhile, with the emergence of the globalization process,new concepts such as international socialization It has been formed in the international relations literature that,as a new variable, has challenged the traditional studies of security from the perspective of rationalists.Therefore, the current research seeks to answer the question of how the expansion and increase in the level of international socialization among governments leads to stability.Will security become international?Using the theoretical and meta-theoretical approach of constructivism and in the form of an explanatory method, the upcoming research is based on the hypothesis that the expansion and increase in the level of international socialization among governments can stabilize the international security through the consolidation of the collective security mechanism. So that from the point of view of constructivism, international socialization is considered as a process that by internalizing international values ​​and norms, and as a result, the formation of global common knowledge,norms and ideas and its transfer from one actor to another,ultimately leads to the construction of a collective identity.This leads to the promotion of the status of international norms and shared values ​​as well as increasing the functioning of international institutions.So that during this process, with the realization of the security community,the stability of international security is achieved through the consolidation of the mechanism of the collective security model.

Japan's foreign policy is influenced by various factors. History, geography, political and economic interests are among the factors influencing Japan's foreign policy. In the meantime, the factor of religion has played a prominent role in the formation of Japan's relations with other players in the international arena. As a powerful religion throughout Japan's history, Shinto has influenced the country's foreign policy. Indeed, how has this religion been able to play a prominent role in Japan's foreign equations? It seems that concepts such as the divinity of the emperor, emphasis on patriotism and national identity were very prominent and emphasized in this ritual before World War II. The change in Japan's approach after World War II coincides with the depoliticization of this religion and emphasis on pacifist concepts, including the spirit of tolerance, preservation and protection of the environment, and emphasis on the pure nature of man. With a constructivist view, this religion has somehow sought a peaceful reflection in the acceptance of another. The acceptance of change of approach and companionship with the United States of America after World War II is an example of the truth of this matter. The current research, using the descriptive-analytical method and using internet and library resources and using the framework of constructivist theory, seeks to answer how Japan's foreign policy is formulated under the influence of the said ritual.

Following the Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979 and the occupation of the United States Embassy in particular, Iran, and the United States emerged as primary rivals in the international system, particularly in West Asia. After the withdrawal of England in the 1970s, the United States and Iran sought to counterbalance each other's influence in the region. During the 2010s, the Arab uprisings posed a complex challenge to the foreign policy apparatuses of both countries, adding several variables to the ongoing political and historical conflict between the two states. This research aims to explore the differences between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States of America in their responses to the Arab uprisings. The study employs the conceptual framework of constructivism and uses descriptive and analytical methods to address this query. According to the findings of this study, both states, from a constructivist standpoint, seek to maximize their interests through new regional variables in an intersubjective structural framework. For the Islamic Republic, this intersubjective structure represents the notions of “Islamic awakening,” and “axis of resistance,” and, thus, removing the United States from the region and dismantling the Israeli regime considered the Islamic Republic's primary rival. For the United States, on the other hand, it denotes “democracy and secularism,” thus the prevention of “religious fundamentalism and terrorism” and “revolutions akin to Iran's Islamic Revolution.”

Guided by the theory of Saza Angari, the result of a drift, this style is like a shoor, in a new shape, a change or continuity with it, I will choose the meanings of your identity as a shoor in a system between boredom, an inscription in an important car. The main concern is that in the era of connections and information, to make a statement about this situation, to keep track of the interactions between the sects, to establish goals and policies that have many benefits, and to make a lot of use as a professional diplomat. ; The title of “Islamic Republic of Iran” has the title “Bazartrin Sasman Rasana”, which is a basic inscription in the diplomatic process of “Islamic Republic of Iran”, and brings about the protection of public ideas internally and among the mullahs. This is a present article investigation that clearly states the purpose of Carberdie and the nature of the descriptive-analytical investigation, and this is the subject of the most important topic in Bronmersian Sadism and the benefits of the Islamic Republic. Is this diplomatic system used in Iran when it is rotated and engraved? A theoretical and linguistic analysis of this topic, the theory of Saze Angari. This is a weak foundation, with a precise understanding of the differences between the sects, the relationship between the sects and the identity of reconciliation seeking an Islamic republican system in Iran (horizontal, vertical, structural persuasion), there are benefits.

The field of human rights studies is shaped by various ideas based on conceptual and theoretical developments. The issue of human rights has been of utmost significance for both Iran and Saudi Arabia in recent decades. Iran and Saudi Arabia, as Islamic nations, have different perspectives on human rights within the international context and the framework of human rights driven by Islamic principles. Such that this can be considered a major factor influencing their relations with each other and with entities such as the United Nations, the Human Rights Council, and national/international powers. Research question: In view of constructivism, what are the effects of human rights policies on governance in Iran and Saudi Arabia? Research hypothesis: The human rights policies and their monitoring mechanisms in Iran and Saudi Arabia have significantly influenced their behavior in adhering to and accepting human rights norms. Therefore, their similarities and differences in this regard can be identified by comparing the state of human rights in these two countries. Findings Research findings indicate that Iran demonstrates a more flexible stance on human rights issues compared to Saudi Arabia, which can be attributed to differences in their government type and civil society structure.

Islamic movements are popular and organized movements whose goal and strategy is to implement the orders of the society with the orders of Sharia in all political, intellectual, social and economic dimensions. Western colonialism, intellectual degeneration and tyranny are the causes of these movements. The Muslim Brotherhood movement is the most powerful movement among the Islamic movements that came to power at the same time as the victory of the revolution. Also, in terms of the connection of the Muslim Brotherhood movement with Iran, Saudi Arabia and Turkey, the investigation of this movement is of particular importance. The analysis carried out in this research is the result of the construction of descriptive information obtained from previous studies, so that by analyzing the strategy of Islamic movements, especially the Muslim Brotherhood, it is possible to correctly establish Iran's political relations with Turkey and Saudi Arabia. By examining the influence of the Brotherhood's strategy on the relations between Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia, we find that Turkey supports moderate Islam and aligns with Iran, and Saudi Arabia promotes extreme Islam or Wahhabism and is in conflict with Iran and Turkey

Identity is one of the factors that has always been influential in the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia. But the victory of the Islamic revolution made this factor more prominent. Especially, the Islamic revolution of Iran is based on the Islamic-Iranian identity with an emphasis on the Shiite factor. An identity that is in conflict with the Islamic-Arabic identity of the Saudis with an emphasis on Wahhabism. In addition, the political identity of the Saudis is defined in closeness and unity with the West, but the Iranian identity is introduced with the unity of the Islamic world and in conflict with the West. Therefore, the question is raised, what are the consequences of the different political-social identities on the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia after the victory of the Islamic Revolution? The findings of the research indicate that different political and social identities are influenced by the ideology of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, centered on the Shiite religion in confronting the domination system and striving for a culture of resistance, and Saudi Arabia, centered on Wahhabi thinking, in cooperation with the domination system and in opposition to The culture of Islamic resistance has led to the adoption of confrontational policies by both sides in bilateral relations, regional crises and international competitions. The research method of this article is descriptive-analytical and the data collection tool is library-documentary.

Since the Safavid era, the Eastern Mediterranean region, has affected the Iran's national security and interests. The current research seeks to answer the question, "What are the components of the continuity of Iran's foreign policy in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Safavid period and the Islamic Republic?" The temporary answer that the researchers put forward as a hypothesis is that "Security-strategic needs and cultural-religious commonalities have been the most important reasons for the continuity of Iran's foreign policy in the Eastern Mediterranean, and the difference in Iran's approach to Europe has been one of the differences between Iran's policy in the two periods." The findings show that the similarity of the type and role identity of the Safavid statesmen and the Islamic Republic of Iran led to the definition of common interests and similar foreign policy approaches by them. Iran's continuous strategic competition with other regional powers and the need to contain their threats far from the borders, the role of Shiites in the Eastern Mediterranean in advancing Iran's goals, economic interests and the dependence of Iran's geopolitical competition on identity and ideology are the most important reasons for the continuity of Iran's foreign policy during the two periods.

This research, which was based on a qualitative approach and relied on library and documentary data collection tools, tried to investigate the process of building a distinctive identity of the Islamic Revolution in the context of the eight-year war between Iran and Iraq, focusing on the issue of issuing the revolution. , considering the centrality of the existence of the revolutionary system, is the most important consequence of this situation among the revolutionaries and actors. Based on this proposition, the present article was trying to first address the theoretical principles and foundations of issuing the Islamic revolution and then examine the actions of the revolutionary leaders regarding the strategy of issuing the revolution in the context of events such as war. According to the findings, it can be said that the imposed war provided a platform for the identity of the Islamic Revolution to bring the most explicit actions and reactions to the arena based on two ideas of itself and other ideas at the same time; Therefore, since identities are constructive and influenced by the structure, this interaction between actors and understanding of self and others in the most ideal external arena of the revolution, i.e. the issuing of the revolution, has left a qualitative impact, and the mission of this research is to investigate this influence process in the context of a war. It was imposed.

In this article, based on the social structure presented by Vent in the constructivist approach, the analysis of the formation and expansion of the power axis of the Islamic resistance in the West Asian region has been analyzed. Based on this, the triple infrastructures of semantic, material and interests have been analyzed in relation to the West Asian region in order to understand the role of semantic and identity factors, the material environment and the type of interpretation of its actors and the structure of quadruple interests including ontological security, security Material, development and identification in the formation and expansion of the axis of Islamic resistance with emphasis on the leadership of c. AA evaluated. The author starts compiling this research with the premise that one or more material or semantic factors alone cannot be effective in the formation and expansion of the axis of Islamic resistance. The main question of this research is: From the perspective of structuralism, how did the social structure of the West Asian region play a role in the formation of the expansion of the power axis of the Islamic resistance? This article is written in an analytical-descriptive way.

After the victory of the Islamic Revolution, the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic is based on stable and stable principles, including supporting the deprived and oppressed of the world, having peaceful relations with non-belligerent countries, prohibiting interference in the affairs of other countries, and peaceful coexistence with neighbors and other governments. These principles include the beliefs and convictions of the Islamic Republic about facts or causes, correctness of action and behavior in the field of interactions and the international system that arose from the Islamic religion. The basic issue that needs to be addressed is whether the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic has been successful in the field of dealing with Shia-phobia based on the aforementioned principles. For this reason, this article tries to evaluate the role of environmental factors of the Islamic Republic's foreign policy in the four components of identity politics, political actors, social actors, agent and structure based on the theory of constructivism and through identifying the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and possible threats. Help to promote the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic to deal with Shia-phobia. This research is of applied type and has been done with a descriptive and case-based method. The collection tool was field and library, the sample size was 25 people and the data was analyzed by SPSS method.

Theory is the most important tool for analyzing human actions and phenomena of international relations. Practice Theory is one of the most recent efforts in the field of theorizing international relations and has attracted many fans. Rather than being considered as a structured and articulated theory belonging to a specific person, Practice Theory, is considered a new theoretical field with its own metatheoretical issues. Generally; The main focus of This Theory is on the analysis of international political relations by highlighting specific procedures and patterns in which human actions take place. Undoubtedly, the most important metatheoretical element of any theoretical framework; It is its ontological basis. Based on this, in this research, by describing the ontological foundations of the Practice theory, we are trying to answer this basic question: What are the criticisms and in what dimensions are the ontological foundations of the Practice theory and, if possible, how can these flaws be resolved? The tested hypothesis is as follows: despite the claim of its supporters, the Practice Theory does not have an independent ontology and the emphasis on common bodily procedures and standard verbs in international interactions is ultimately another expression of the construction of the social world; By adopting a constructivist approach and basically a deep constructivist understanding, it explains all the ontological claims of Practice Theory well, and in fact, This Theory should be examined under constructivism and not even neo-constructivism. The method of conducting this research is Analytical-Explanatory and with an emphasis on criticizing the views of practicalists.

AbstractIran-Taliban relations can be divided into three periods. The first period includes from the early 1370s to the end of this decade. Relations between Iran and the Taliban were competitive during this period. The second period includes the early 1380s to 1400s. In this period, despite the initial divergence, Iran and the Taliban moved towards cooperation. The third period includes from 1400 onwards. In this period, the cooperation between Iran and the Taliban in the previous period has given way to competition. The question of this article is, what are the reasons that made the relations between Iran and the Taliban more competitive in this period? The hypothesis of the article, which has been investigated in a descriptive-analytical way, is that the disappearance of the common threat and the formation of incompatible interests have made the relations between Iran and the Taliban more competitive. The findings of the article showed that the cooperation between Iran and the Taliban in the past period was due to the existence of a common enemy called America, as well as the compatibility preferences that were created in the decision-making apparatus of Iran and the Taliban. Now, with the disappearance of the common threat and the return of incompatible preferences that existed in the first period of Iran-Taliban relations, the relations between the two sides have become competitive.

The change of conditions and the emergence of new and influential elements in the field of international politics indicate the importance of the category of culture in promoting national interests and goals and improving relations between countries.Today, culture is referred to as soft power, which brings the influence and influence of governments.Cultural interactions, by creating platforms based on identity and common cultural values, have the ability to influence the process of convergence in the regional and international arenas.Central and South Asia (which has Tajikistan and Afghanistan in its heart) has long been a part of Iran's civilizational and cultural territory, so that it has been far beyond Iran's current political geography.This research is based on descriptive-analytical nature and method, and the required information has been collected in a library manner and based on referring to reliable sources of books, articles and documentary reports.The results of the research show many cultural and identity commonalities, such as Persian language, music, ancient and common customs, between Iran and the above-mentioned countries, which can provide the necessary foundations for Iran in the field of regional interactions and the construction of a new region in this geographical area.