سیاست خارجی

National interests, as common and long-term goals of the state and nation pursued in the global arena, shape the orientation of foreign policy of countries; the most important of these goals are the preservation of independence, territorial integrity, national sovereignty, social system, security and welfare of citizens. With the 1979 revolution, political elites presented a new definition of national interests in the form of the ideology of the system, which was incompatible with the norms and requirements of the structure of the international system. Accordingly, it is necessary to conduct the following research so that through such a way, the country's diplomatic apparatus can reconstruct itself theoretically to secure national interests. The authors intend to conduct a realistic reinterpretation of the country's national interests by taking a look at the idealistic and ideological definitions of the Islamic Republic of Iran of national interests on the one hand and paying attention to the objective developments that have brought today's world to the "post-ideological" era on the other. In this regard, the main question of the research is: Given the incompatibility of national interests with the structure of the international system, what strategy in the field of foreign policy can best serve the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The main hypothesis is based on the fact that in the political structure of the Islamic Republic of Iran, national interests consist of two parts: subjective and objective. Creating a balance and equilibrium between these two parts provides the basis for securing and continuing national interests.

The research ahead is a theoretical/applied research that uses the theoretical foundations of pragmatism to explain the subject of the research, and the research method is qualitative content analysis. In this research, three categories of variables play a role; the independent variable is the realist structure of the international system. The dependent variable is the foreign policy strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The intervening variable itself is divided into two parts: A - The internal intervening variable, which is the continuation of the ideological strategy in the structure of the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran. B - The external intervening variable will be the action and reaction between the forces interested in the discourse of the Islamic Revolution and the international system. Therefore, the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran are located in the center of a square whose sides are domestic policy, foreign policy, ideology, and the international system.

The four main characteristics that are effective in formulating the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran and give direction to its foreign policy are: "independence and negation of domination", "Islamic globalization", "Islamic internationalism", "anti-hegemonicism" (Mahmoudikia and Dehshiri, 29:2010-22). In total, by considering two factors, a general understanding of the nature of the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran can be achieved, including: first; the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran and second; the perspective of its leaders.A - The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran:The highest goals and ideals that constitute the main infrastructure of the Islamic Republic of Iran's government's grand planning in the field of foreign policy are stated in Article 3 of the Constitution as follows:- Complete rejection of colonialism and prevention of foreign influence;- Elimination of any tyranny, autocracy and monopolization;- Development and consolidation of Islamic brotherhood and general cooperation among all people;and most importantly, "Regulating the country's foreign policy based on the standards of Islam, fraternal commitment to all Muslims and unwavering support for the oppressed of the world."B - The leaders' perspective:B 1- Imam Khomeini: Imam Khomeini does not recognize the definitions of the term "national interests" in the literature of politics and international relations and offers a new explanation of national interests. The main axis of Imam Khomeini's political strategy, on which the definition of national interests is also based, is political Islam. Accordingly, he considers securing the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran dependent on the interests of the Islamic Ummah.B 2 - Ayatollah Khamenei: Regarding national interests, Ayatollah Khamenei's view is not much different from that of Imam Khomeini. In general, his view on national interests can be explained around several elements:- National interests as a religious identity- National interests as a revolutionary identity- Compatibility of the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran with the national interests of other Muslims- Synchronization of ideology and national interests in the diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of IranThe national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran are in conflict in two areas:A - Incompatibility of idealism with realismB - Incompatibility of ideology and rationalityThe incompatibility of the national interests of the Islamic Republic with the international system has faced the country with serious challenges at three levels: national, regional and global.

The incompatibility of national interests in the dictionary of the Islamic Republic of Iran with national interests in the global system is natural because this incompatibility is rooted in the deep difference between the principles governing the international system and the Islamic principles and ideals and revolutionary values ​​governing the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. What solution can be adopted in such circumstances? Obviously, a solution must be adopted that, while maintaining ideological ideals, also resolves the incompatibility with the international system. The proposed solution is the application of a result-oriented pragmatism approach. Based on this approach, prior beliefs about national interests and foreign policy must be reviewed or de-prioritized so that posterior beliefs that are the result of practical interactions between the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the international system can replace them. The axis of achieving such an understanding is this principle: "What is true is put into practice and what is put into practice is true." In this approach, it is sufficient for the Islamic Republic of Iran to update its reading of the ideal, classify its ideals based on the criterion of "practicality or impracticability" and give priority to practical goals. The Islamic Republic of Iran would do better to make the most of its relative advantage in the field of soft power and its relative advantage in the cultural field, rather than focusing on a military approach that is not a suitable basis for creating a balance of power with regional and global powers.

The relationships between countries are fundamentally reflected in their foreign policies. Essentially, a country's foreign policy is influenced by a combination of internal factors and the regional and international environment. In reality, numerous factors affect the decision-making process in the foreign policy of countries, and in particular, there is a strong connection between geographical factors and the policies of governments. Therefore, governments formulate policies according to the geographical situation of their country. More precisely, geopolitical realities have always played a fundamental role in determining the political behaviors and strategic decisions of countries. One of Iraq's important neighbors is Saudi Arabia, and the two countries have had a wide range of relations over the past three decades, from alliance and cooperation to rivalry and tension; although a specific characteristic, namely the mistrust of the two countries towards each other, has been preserved in various political, economic, cultural and other fields.   This research, using a descriptive-analytical method and relying on library resources and field studies, seeks to investigate and analyze the role of geopolitical factors in the relations between Iraq and Saudi Arabia over the past three decades and prioritize them. In the library study section, the geopolitical factors affecting the relations between the two countries were identified, and in the next stage, to find out the extent of the impact of these factors on the relations between the two countries, a questionnaire in the form of three dimensions of political-security, economic and cultural was prepared and provided to experts. To examine the research hypothesis, the first type of confirmatory factor analysis method was used in LISREL software, and SPSS software was used for inferential test and descriptive statistics.   The research findings show that there is a significant difference between the degree of influence of each of the main dimensions of security-political, economic, cultural and corresponding geopolitical factors of each dimension, on the relations between the countries of Iraq and Saudi Arabia in the past three decades, and the descriptive findings of the research based on the influence of the variables of the cultural dimension in the first rank, the political-security dimension in the second rank and finally the economic dimension in the third rank, are confirmed. In order to fit the research model and determine the factor load of each of the research items, the first-order factor analysis has been used, the accepted factor load of each of them must be more than 0.3, and the t-statistic, which indicates the significance of the relationship between the item and the main variable of the research, is also more than 1.96. The most important variables affecting the improvement or weakening of Iraq-Saudi relations have been calculated based on descriptive statistics (based on the average score of each variable) and inferential statistics (based on the factor analysis value and t-statistic of each variable).   In the "political-security dimension", the variable "Persian Gulf regional organizations and Arab countries" has played an effective role in improving relations between the two countries, both based on descriptive and inferential statistics. However, based on descriptive statistics, the variable "formation of the Saudi-Iraqi Cooperation Council" has also played a role in improving relations between the two countries, with an average higher than normal. In contrast, the two variables "Saudi support for fundamentalist extremist groups, ISIS, etc." and also the variable "different political ideology of the two countries (Shiite-Wahhabism)" have had the greatest role in weakening relations between Iraq and Saudi Arabia, both based on descriptive statistics (average criterion) and also based on inferential findings (factor analysis value and t-statistic criterion).   In the "economic dimension", the status of the variables affecting the relations between the two countries is different based on descriptive and inferential statistics. Thus, based on the results of descriptive statistics, the variable "reopening of border crossings between the two countries" with an average of 3.65 and the variable "re-launching of the communication route between Najaf province with Saudi Arabia (land Hajj project)" with an average of 3.52 have had the greatest impact on improving the economic relations of the two sides. While based on inferential findings, the three variables "supplying Iraq's needs from Saudi Arabia" and the variable "construction of the first free economic zone with Iraq in the Arar border region" and the variable "joint investment of the two countries in energy projects" have had a greater impact on improving relations between the two countries. This difference exists in the output of descriptive and inferential findings regarding the variable weakening relations as well. Accordingly, while the variable "disagreement over the exploitation of shared border resources (water, pasture, etc.)" with an average of 3.15 from the perspective of descriptive statistics has played an effective role in weakening the relations between the two countries. Based on inferential findings, considering that the factor load of the variable "disagreement between the two countries over the exploitation of shared border resources (water, pasture, etc.)" is equal to 0.14 and less than the standard value of 0.3, and also the value of the t-statistic of the variable is also equal to 1.42 and less than the significance level of 1.96, therefore, it can be said that the impact of this variable on weakening the relations between the two countries is not confirmed.   Finally, the results of the field findings in the "cultural dimension" are as follows: the two variables "presence of Iraqis in Hajj ceremonies" and the variable "common culture and language (Arab nationalism)" both based on the output of descriptive and inferential statistics from the perspective of the respondents have played an effective role in improving the relations between the two countries of Iraq and Saudi Arabia. In fact, the mentioned variables, due to strengthening cultural and social ties, have had a positive effect on improving the relations between Iraq and Saudi Arabia. In contrast, the status of the cultural variables affecting the weakening of the relations between the two countries is as follows: the variable "Saudi support for Sunnis in Iraq" both based on the findings of descriptive and inferential statistics has had the greatest role in weakening the relations between the two sides. However, the results of descriptive statistics show that the second variable affecting the weakening of the relations between the two countries is the variable "behavior of the Saudi government with Shiites in Saudi Arabia" with an average of 3.69. While based on the results of inferential statistics, the variable "existence of a Shiite majority population in Iraq" with a factor load of 0.75 and a t-statistic value equal to 4.52 has played an effective role in weakening the relations between the two countries. In total, it can be said that Saudi support for specific Sunni groups in Iraq and the majority of the Shiite population in Iraq, due to strengthening religious and ethnic differences, has helped to weaken these relations.

The foreign policy of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in Africa can be explained from various dimensions. In this article, the author explains the UAE's foreign policy in Africa based on the country's grand strategy documents (official and public documents). By studying these documents, we can gain a deeper understanding of the motivations, strategies, actions, and impacts of the UAE's foreign policy in Africa. Ultimately, this leads to a better understanding of the interactive patterns of the UAE with various African countries. These documents, which include strategic frameworks and initiatives, aim to delineate the UAE's goals and interests in foreign policy across multiple domains—political, economic, security-military, and cultural—in Africa. This research seeks to answer the question: how can the UAE's foreign policy in Africa be explained through its grand strategic documents? (while presenting an extracted model for the UAE's foreign policy objectives in Africa), the proposed hypothesis is that the central aim of all UAE documents and initiatives in Africa is ultimately economic development on the continent, with improving the lives of African people at its core.To test the hypothesis, in the first step, the UAE's high-level documents are examined, and in the second step, the country's initiatives in Africa are reviewed. under each document, the intended objectives are explained, particularly focusing on economicobjectives and contributing to improving the quality of life for people. In the third step, an interpretive conceptual model is extracted, and finally, a conclusion will be presented.

Methodology:

The methodology employed in this article is the objective analysis method. This involves analyzing objectives derived from studying initiatives, programs, and documents designed by the government of the United Arab Emirates. This approach is particularly useful when the researcher lacks direct access to the individuals, groups, and organizations. In such cases, studying their plans, programs, and documents can reveal their objectives and motivations.Studying high-level documents can help better understand the foundations, objectives, strategies, and frameworks of foreign policy by identifying fundamental principles, values, broad objectives, grand strategies and policies, coherence and coordination between domestic and foreign policies, priorities, developmental approaches as well as establishing legal frameworks for foreign policy. This can clarify the trajectory of foreign policy and its underlying principles.

UAE Top Documents The UAE has developed numerous strategies and documents to advance its foreign policy objectives and interests. As previously mentioned, under the leadership of Mohammed bin Zayed, the country has implemented significant changes in its regional and international policies. The UAE has formulated several strategies to achieve its foreign policy goals, focusing on stability, economic growth, technological innovation, and social development. By creating multiple strategies and documents, the UAE aims to increase its influence at both regional and international levels. The country seeks to its national interest and To be recognized as a key player in the Middle East through security cooperation, active economic diplomacy, and interventionist policies. Key strategic documents and visions that influence the UAE's objectives and foreign policy interests include: Economic Vision 2030 "We the UAE 2031" Projects of the 50 Vision 2050 United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) UAE Initiatives for Africa The UAE outlines its engagement with African countries through various foreign policy documents and strategic initiatives. The UAE has been actively involved with Africa through different initiatives and documents to achieve its objectives. The following are some key documents and initiatives:UAE Consortium for Africa Support for G5 Sahel Joint Force Agriculture Innovation Mission for Climate (AIM for Climate) Food and Agriculture Organization’s “Hand-in-Hand” Initiative UAE-Africa Connect Written Statement to the UN Security Counci

The UAE's objectives in Africa can be broadly categorized into four main areas: security-military, political-diplomatic, cultural, and economic. However, the central goal of all UAE initiatives in Africa is ultimately economic development, with the improvement of African people's lives at its core. If these objectives are visualized in concentric circles, security and military goals would form the outermost circle. Moving inward, the next objectives would be political-diplomatic and cultural, with economic goals closest to the center, aimed at achieving the central objective of enhancing the quality of life for African people. These concentric circles can be illustrated by combining the important goal of "preserving and enhancing stability" into a model.The arrangement of these layers does not mean that one area is more important or has higher priority than another in the political relationship process between the UAE and other African countries. Rather, it means that all objectives are aligned to achieve the central goal of economic development, ultimately improving the quality of life for African people. This "concentric circle model" illustrates a reciprocal, interactive, and synergistic structure among all dimensions. This multi-layered model represents a complex structure where each layer influences the ones above it. Through efforts to enhance the quality of life for people, the UAE aims to create a positive and reasonable image of itself among African countries and the international community.The UAE has adopted a comprehensive and strategic approach to engaging with Africa, which can be seen as part of its broader grand strategy for the continent. This approach includes various initiatives across diverse sectors, reflecting the UAE's long-term vision for its role in African development and its geopolitical position. Based on the study of UAE's high-level documents and initiatives, it can be said that the central goal of all UAE's security-military, political-diplomatic, cultural, and economic initiatives in Africa is ultimately economic development, with the improvement of African people's lives at its core. The UAE's multidimensional approach to Africa, including economic investments, strategic partnerships, military cooperation, and diplomatic initiatives, clearly demonstrates a well-calculated grand strategy. These tactics are designed to position the UAE as a key player in Africa's development landscape, secure its economic interest, and enhance its global geopolitical standing.Through this approach, the UAE aims to present itself as an important, reliable, strategic, and benevolent economic partner in Africa's economic development and humanitarian efforts. The UAE's approach in providing financial investments and humanitarian aid portrays it as a committed, multi-dimensional ally dedicated to Africa's long-term welfare and future, a mid-tier global power with significant influence beyond its region, and a model for other Persian Gulf countries on how to use economic diplomacy to strengthen regional influence and security.While this grand strategy and vision have been promising, its long-term success depends on how effectively the UAE navigates the complex political and economic landscape of Africa, balances its interests with those of African countries, and addresses criticisms and challenges it faces. These challenges include accusations of neo-colonialism and exploitative economic arrangements, concerns over human rights issues, support for leaders with bad records in Africa, and potential conflicts with the interests of other regional powers such as Egypt, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia. However, in general, what is important is that the development of numerous, diverse, and specialized documents across various fields and regions by the UAE can serve as a model for other countries.

The establishment of a close relationship between sociology, political science and economics was established with the beginning of the new institutionalist debates in the mid-1980s and in particular with the efforts of Douglas North. Research findings show that this economic growth, increased foreign investment, trading partners (imports and exports), etc., is configured with attention to the internal environment. The Scandinavian economies (Denmark, Norway and Sweden) are among the richest economies in the world. Scandinavian people enjoy the highest living standards in the world due to a relatively low wage gap, very high employment and high taxes, along with good quality education and social security. From a regional perspective, Scandinavia is a cohesive region that performs much better than the average of the European Union and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). However, these countries differ on a number of important parameters: Sweden has the largest economy, followed by Norway and Denmark. Norway, on the other hand, has the highest level of GDP per capita, while only Denmark has shown a positive GDP growth rate since the 2008 financial crisis. Accordingly, a look at the statistics and data on foreign trade, the total value of exports and imports, and the economic performance of these countries helps to a great extent to formulate development-oriented approaches based on institutional patterns, the embedding of the economy in politics, elite perception, and a development-oriented foreign policy. For example, statistics on exports and imports of goods and services in Scandinavia show that in the period 2010-2020, we see a significant growth in the total value of exports of these countries.

The present research method will be developmental in terms of purpose, descriptive-analytical in terms of method, and library in terms of data collection. The author's approach will be descriptive and analytical.

Classical approaches hold that foreign policy is separate from domestic policy and that states are like billiard balls on the international stage that are in a state of flux with respect to their domestic relations. This is while recent approaches hold that domestic policy and foreign policy have an inseparable relationship with each other. Institutionalism in political economy is one of the approaches that, while paying attention to social traditions and institutions, emphasizes the importance of domestic relations over foreign practices and approaches. This issue becomes more important when examined in the context of Scandinavian countries. The research hypothesis, while utilizing an anthology method and resorting to institutional, perceptual, and development-oriented approaches, is that foreign policy and domestic policy have intertwined and "etched" relationships with each other, in such a way that domestic policy, by offering cultural, political, economic, and social attractions, has been able to create an environment receptive to a dynamic economy, and foreign policy, with its mobility, has been able to advance the goals of developmentism by attracting foreign direct investment, national branding, international coordination, the greatest amount of international communications, neutrality, and de-securitization of economic relations. Institutionalism emerged in the late 1870s and in response to the mechanical rationalism of the classical and neoclassical schools of economics.

Institutionalism gradually defined development from a non-classical perspective, given the major importance it gave to the cultural, social, political, and economic contexts and infrastructures of society. Institutions emerged as a product of human behavior and therefore were important. In the institutionalist model, political institutions are of great importance due to their importance in the formation, consistency and application of rules, both formal and informal, and therefore the role of the state in institutional economics becomes important.

The Islamic Republic of Iran and Russia, as two influential actors in the current international system, seek to enhance their roles and standings in global affairs. The United States, as a superpower since World War II and especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union, has significantly expanded its influence globally. As a global power, the U.S. aims to achieve greater interests and promote global processes in line with its objectives and needs, maintaining presence and influence in various regions and fields. The Middle East and the Persian Gulf, as key focal points, have attracted significant attention from the U.S. Iran, with its critical geopolitical and strategic position in the Persian Gulf and the Middle East, has played the most influential role in interactions with the U.S., a power beyond the region. Meanwhile, it is observed that while Iran-U.S. relations are characterized by tensions and conflicting policies, Russia has sought interaction and cooperation with the U.S. at various stages. This study employs a descriptive-analytical method and gathers information through library research, with the primary objective of conducting a "comparative analysis of the foreign policies of Russia and Iran towards the United States from 2011 to 2020." The main research question is: How have the foreign policies of Iran and Russia towards the U.S. been, comparatively, from 2011 to 2020? The research results and findings indicate that Russia has maintained a more balanced foreign policy towards the U.S. compared to Iran. Russia is willing to engage and cooperate with the U.S. when its interests are at stake, whereas Iran has pursued an aggressive foreign policy towards the U.S., perceiving the issues between the two countries as insurmountable.

Iran's nuclear crisis with Western countries has been one of the most important political and economic challenges in recent years, which has had a wide impact on the country's development process. This research examines the different dimensions of this crisis and its impact on Iran's development processes. In this regard, international pressures, economic sanctions and restrictions caused by the nuclear crisis have been analyzed. Also, the research examines the impact of this crisis on key sectors such as economy, energy, industry and technology, environment and diplomatic relations of Iran and shows how these factors have hindered the achievement of sustainable development goals. The findings of this study show that despite Iran's efforts for independent development, international sanctions and pressures caused by the nuclear crisis have created major challenges in the country's economic and political development. In the end, possible solutions to reduce tensions and facilitate the path of development are also discussed.

Strategic culture is the quintessence of the attitude of elites and society towards the concept of power and its use in the world and surrounding environment.The indicators of strategic culture are influenced by four main sources, including religion and ideology, the structure of the international system, geography and geopolitics, and historical experiences. The question of the article is that how the influence of religion and ideology was on the strategic culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Russian Federation and What are the similarities and differences between the both together? The hypothesis of the article is that the Russian Orthodox discourse and the Shia Islam discourse, by shaping the Russia and Iran strategic perception, has defined the boundaries of their thinking and behavior in a way that has acquired a quasi-divine status. The most important common dimension of the religion role in the strategic culture of these two countries is “Determining collective identity and demarcation of identity” and "Strengthening the sense of exceptionalism" And the most important differences are based on "geopolitical expansionism vs justiceism" and "Inspirationism and semanticism vs profit-oriented pragmatism and materialistic goal" and "ethnic nationalism vs Islamic internationalism. In this article, the research method is Explanatory-analytical and the data was collected through a library.

The Iran nuclear agreement, which was concluded in 2015 between the 5+1 countries (the United States, Russia, China, France, the United Kingdom, and Germany), has been suspended with the unilateral withdrawal of the United States from the JCPOA. Although Western and European countries were initially opposed to Iran's nuclear energy, countries such as China and Russia also supported the Iranian nuclear issue. Russia, in particular, is concerned about Iran's nuclear power on the one hand, along with the United States, and supports Iran's nuclear energy on the other. The main objective of the study, focusing on Russia's position, is to evaluate the country's foreign policy towards the Iranian nuclear issue in the post-JCPOA based on James Rosen's theory of continuum of analysis. The research findings show that although Russia supports Iran's nuclear energy program and does not agree with the US sanctions against Iran, it has chosen a dual policy due to its interests and commercial and economic interactions with European countries. In other words, this country is opposed to a nuclear Iran and seeks to achieve its superpower status. The research method is qualitative, the data collection method is library and cyberspace data, and the analytical method is descriptive-explanatory.

Most theories of international relations have been formulated solely with the aim of acquiring "power", "security" and "wealth", without paying attention to "self-respect and self-esteem". If we assume self-esteem as one of the constants of Islamic foreign policy principles, the main question of the present research is based on the following: by reflecting on the verses of Surah At-Tawbah, can other concepts such as "self-esteem and status-seeking" be extracted in addition to acquiring "power", "wealth" and "security" in Western theories in order to explain foreign policy and understand international relations? The present article seeks to prove the hypothesis that the concept of self-esteem can be transformed into three components: "self-willed limitation in conflicts", "priority of identity" and "status-seeking" and they can be considered in Surah At-Tawbah as a sign of "self-esteem and status-seeking" as constant principles of Islamic domestic and foreign policy. The importance of the discussion goes back to the fact that in recent years, considering the guiding and guiding role of political theoretical structures in national and global strategies, reflection on security theories of international relations has been given more serious attention by policy-making centers in many countries. The general approach of this research is derived from the descriptive-analytical method and the data collection and library method; and it is of the type of text reading (Quran text).

The hierarchy of power in foreign policy decision-making includes the leadership, the executive branch but According to the Iranian constitution, the Islamic Council, and the Supreme National Security Council, the Guardian Council, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs are also very important. The nuclear conflict is one of the most important issues of Iran-US foreign policy. Therefore, the main question of the current research is this: what factors are effective in determining the approach of the parliament in the Iran-US nuclear conflict? In response to the mentioned question, this hypothesis is proposed that: The role of the parliament in nuclear decisions depends on the factional affinity of its majority with the government, the approach of the speaker of the parliament, and domestic and international conditions. The findings of this research show, in some periods, the parliament followed the government's foreign policy, sometimes accompanied it, and finally tried to have a decision-making and policy-determining position. According to this article, Graham Allison's theory, which gives importance to the domestic influencing factors in foreign policy decision-making, is a suitable approach to deal with this issue. Also, this research has investigated the topic in an explanatory way using documents and library and internet resources.

The rise of Donald Trump in the United States and his foreign policy positions represent the most significant departure from internationalism in Republican administrations' foreign policy since the end of World War II. This shift stands in stark contrast to the highly internationalist and interventionist approaches of the three preceding Republican administrations. Such a notable change raises the question: Why did the Trump administration choose a foreign policy path different from its predecessors? To address this question, the present study employs neoclassical realism as its theoretical framework and utilizes a historical research method. It examines three historical periods in U.S. foreign policy in which Republican inclinations toward internationalism declined. By analyzing intra-party dynamics in these three periods, the study aims to identify the key factors influencing shifts in Republican foreign policy. The findings indicate a direct relationship between the reduction of threats to U.S. security and interests and the decline of internationalism in Republican foreign policy. In all three periods, following the decline of a major threat to the U.S., there was a growing shift away from internationalism in Republican foreign policy preferences, which subsequently influenced the foreign policies of Republican administrations. In this context, Trump's foreign policy discourse emerged due to the diminished threat from terrorist groups and the Republican Party's reluctance to bear the high costs of the War on Terror. From this perspective, Trump's foreign policy discourse represents a balance between security concerns and cost aversion within Republican policy preferences.

This article attempts to analyze the discourse of resistance in Iran's foreign policy as a model for protecting the Islamic Revolution from internal and external threats. The main goal of the research is to explain the functions of the discourse of resistance in creating strategic deterrence. The main question of the research is how the discourse of resistance as a model in foreign policy can help protect the Islamic Revolution? The research hypothesis states that the discourse of resistance, by strengthening revolutionary identity, creating deterrence, and expanding regional coalitions, has been able to help form a defensive structure to preserve the achievements of the Islamic Revolution. The research method of this research is descriptive-analytical and uses qualitative tools to examine the theoretical and practical dimensions of the discourse of resistance in Iran's foreign policy. The research data were collected from library sources and analysis of Iranian policies. The research findings show that the resistance discourse has helped to hedging the Islamic Revolution by supporting regional resistance groups, preserving the ideological identity of the revolution, and confronting the aggressive policies of the great powers. In addition, this discourse has played an effective role in strengthening the geopolitical power position. The research conclusion indicates that the resistance discourse is not only a defensive strategy, but also an offensive tool in Iran's foreign policy to strengthen the regional position and prevent the vulnerability of the Islamic Revolution.

This study examines the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Latin America, with an emphasis on Venezuela, Brazil, and Argentina during the Rouhani administration, through the lens of James Rosenau’s Linkage Theory. The research employs a descriptive-analytical method and finds that the Rouhani administration, due to its focus on the nuclear dossier and lifting sanctions, pursued a foreign policy towards Latin America and the Caribbean that differed from its predecessor by avoiding political grandstanding, anti-Western slogans, and confrontational measures. Instead, Rouhani sought to expand economic relations with countries in the region through a pragmatic approach. Among the various factors influencing Rouhani’s foreign policy towards Venezuela, Brazil, and Argentina, the international system played the most significant role. Individual and role-related factors had a moderate impact, while government and societal variables played a minimal role.

Citizen diplomacy is a concept based on which every individual citizen has the right and responsibility to contribute to shaping their country's foreign relations, even "through a single handshake." Citizen diplomats participate as unofficial ambassadors in exchange programs abroad and establish person-to-person relationships; in other words, they create a network of human connections that later serve as the foundation for dialogue and official negotiations. In this regard, the present study aims to develop an Islamic model of citizen diplomacy within the domain of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The research method employed is descriptive-analytical, and the research proposition asserts that given the precedence of public diplomacy in the Islamic world compared to the Western world (dating back to the early Islamic era and the governance of the Prophet Muhammad), it is possible to extract the capacities of citizen diplomacy from the foundations of Islam and propose an Islamic model for citizen diplomacy. This model consists of the principles of "unity, faith-based brotherhood, human brotherhood, peace and friendship, financial contributions, invitation (da'wah), honoring humanity, and reconciliation of hearts (ta'līf al-qulūb)."

The present study seeks to conduct a comparative evaluation of the nuclear policies of the Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and Hassan Rouhani administrations from the perspective of David Easton's systems theory. The primary research question is whether systemic factors have led to differences in the approaches of the Ahmadinejad and Rouhani governments toward nuclear energy. The hypothesis posits that considering the systemic impact of domestic and international factors and the primacy of internal and international structural constraints over foreign policy decision-makers, despite the political and ideological differences between Ahmadinejad and Rouhani, the two presidents' approaches to nuclear energy have not significantly diverged. The research method employed in this dissertation is explanatory and utilizes a causal-structural mechanism. The results indicate that the Ahmadinejad administration, from the outset, pursued its nuclear policy by severing relations with major powers and disregarding sanctions imposed by the United Nations and the United States. However, with the rise of Hassan Rouhani to power, although he initially pursued a path of engagement with major powers regarding nuclear energy—ultimately culminating in an agreement known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) with world powers—his administration eventually reverted to the same policies and orientations that had been adopted by the Ahmadinejad government. The reason behind the similarity in nuclear policymaking between the two administrations, despite their distinct political perspectives, lies in the structure of the international system. The behavior of the Rouhani administration toward major powers on the nuclear energy issue, particularly after the U.S. withdrawal from the JCPOA, followed the same trajectory previously experienced by the Ahmadinejad administration. Given the primacy of structure over agents in the international system, political ideologies and partisan affiliations have not significantly influenced the foreign policy decisions of the Islamic Republic of Iran regarding nuclear energy. Instead, the structural constraints of the international system have been the determining factors shaping Iran's foreign policy in this domain.

Identity has a fundamental place in the understanding of security and the institutional regulation of policies and actions in the framework of values, interests, norms, interests and goals. Security policies in the era of the Islamic Republic of Iran, looking at the sub-discourses of dominant identity in each of the governments, shows the quality of their perception and policy towards the issue of security. The comparative study of security policies helps to know and evaluate the process more accurately. Using the theory of regional security complexes (at the case level of " societal security"), this article will compare the security policies of the governments of Seyyed Mohammad Khatami (1995-2005) and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (2005-2013). Khatami's security doctrine emphasizes on components such as culture, wisdom, pacifism, de-escalation, trust building and dialogue, and Ahmadinejad's security doctrine specifies components such as justice, pacifism and threat reduction. This article seeks to answer the question, what position did identity have in determining and drawing the security policies of Khatami and Ahmadinejad governments? The hypothesis of the article is that the distinct approaches governing the security policies in the governments of Khatami and Ahmadinejad are derived from the identity approaches that have brought different knowledge, solutions and strategies to the fore in the field of security policies.

With the advent of the ninth government, the Approach of Look to the East has gained prominence in the foreign policy arena of the Islamic Republic of Iran and is also emphasized in the thirteenth government. However, during this period, the behavior of Eastern countries in various contexts has shown that they either lack the necessary capacities to secure Iran's national interests in the face of multilateral pressures, including economic, political, military, and security pressures from Western countries, or they do not see this confrontation as compatible with their own national interests and therefore do not have a tendency to meet the defined demands of the Islamic Republic of Iran under this approach. Therefore, this research delves into the reasons for the choice and continuation of this approach by the Islamic Republic of Iran despite the lack of full cooperation from Eastern countries. To achieve this goal, a future-oriented approach and a layered analysis method using defensive realism theoretical framework and decision-making theory have been utilized. The results show that the main reasons for the Approach of Look to the East in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran can be identified in four layers or functions, structures and systems, worldview and discourse, and metaphors.

The Republic of Turkey and Syria have many similarities and differences due to their common history and being within the geopolitical framework of the Ottoman Empire. Syria was the only country that separated from the Ottoman Empire and had long-standing territorial and border problems with the successor of the empire, the Republic of Turkey, which brought the two countries to the brink of war many times. Relations between Turkey and Syria have always been tense since the country's independence from France in 1945, except for a limited period at the beginning of the 21st century. Issues such as: territorial disputes over Hatay province, border rivers between the two countries, the Kurdish issue, Turkey's proximity to the United States and, on the other hand, Syria's proximity to the Soviet Union were among the most important reasons for the deterioration of relations between the two countries. Although Turkey’s role in the civil war and its interference in Syrian affairs have been widely discussed in Iranian academic circles due to Turkey’s involvement in Syria and the conflict between its interests and those of Iran, less attention has been paid to the fact that the history of the conflict between Turkey and Syria dates back decades before the start of the civil war and to the mid-twentieth century. The following descriptive-analytical study attempts to examine the history of Turkey-Syria relations by using a library method and various books and articles in the fields of international relations, history, and political geography, and to explain various aspects of this issue.

In the Islamic government model, the goal is to humanize and guide people towards the pursuit of truth and justice. In this model, the ruler and the government must not only be just and exercise justice in the realm of power, but must also be a "good example" and assume the highest role in educating people. Performing these duties is possible in a context of spirituality, morality, and interest in society and with behavior combined with mercy and kindness. The Persian Gulf region has always been of interest to major players due to its strategic importance in global politics. In the past few decades, China has been able to increase the level of its economic cooperation with countries in the region within the framework of its peaceful development policy. This joint cooperation includes a diverse range of bilateral political and economic relations, which has paved the way for the expansion of China's economic influence in this strategic region. Of course, this expansion of influence for China has not been limited to gaining economic benefits, but China has used it as one of the necessary tools to create a soft balance against the United States so that in the long term, by gaining influence in the geopolitical superiority region, it can eliminate the hegemony and balance of power of the United States. Given the importance of this issue, this article has attempted to examine China's foreign policy and examine what factors have caused the importance of the Persian Gulf region to increase for China's soft power balance policy and how China is seeking to use the soft power balance policy in this region for geopolitical influence and challenging the hegemony of the United States.

The position of a country in a constantly changing and evolving region plays a cruial role in determining its status and role in the international system. Generally,It is believed that small states act more as power recipients rather than, sources of power,in international affairs.Qatar is one such country.It is known for its bold and adventurous policies in the Middle East and beyod. throughout history, policymaking and international interactions have been guided by conscious human actions and social organizations. However, recent advancements in artificial intelligence have brought fundamental changes to this landscape.Artificial intelligence,as one of the most important emergin technologies, has had widespread effects on all aspects of human life, including the foreign policies of nations.This trend is particularly expanding in developing countries.Qatar,as a key countries in the Persian Gulf region, especially in the fields of diplomacy and security,seeks to leverage this technology to strengthen its position in the international system.The country has made significant investments in research development, and the implementation of artificial intelligence across various sectors, and has integrated its as part of its national strategy. form the perspective of political theorists,this technology is regarded as a powerful tool in realizing Qatar,s national vision for 2034 playing a key role in its achievement.This research examines Qatar,s investments and advancements in artificial intelligence. Using the theoretical framework of the Copenhagen School and a descriptive-analytical approach, it is based on the assumption that Qatars investment in artificial intelligence can elevate the country to a superior position in various fields, including foreign policy