شکاف نسلی

Today, one of the important issues of developing societies, including Iran, is the category of generational relations. This research compared the attitudes and social values of the fourth generation with the first generation of the Islamic Revolution of Iran (case study: university students of Tehran province). Therefore, the question is what are the differences and similarities between the attitudes and values of the fourth generation of the Islamic Revolution and the first generation from a social point of view.The aim of this research is to compare the social attitudes of the fourth generation with the first generation of the Islamic Revolution (statistical sample: university students of Tehran province). The type of applied research and its method is a survey using documentary sources and a questionnaire. Based on this, two indicators in the social field were proposed as research hypotheses. In the social field, two indicators "mass communication tools and virtual space" and "social vitality" were determined and selected.The results and findings of the research show that the social index of access to social media and virtual space of the fourth generation of the Islamic Revolution is different from the first generation, and the social happiness index of the fourth generation is similar to the first generation.

The present study seeks to explain and evaluate the components of the generation gap in interaction with virtual social networks with emphasis on the political component (Case study: Citizens of Tehran(. From this perspective, after expanding the conceptual space of the subject, An integrated theoretical approach has been used to explain the subject.Using a survey study, the research datas were selected using a researcher-made questionnaire from 384 citizens with age15 years and older in Tehran who were selected using the cochran sample size estimation formula and multi-stage cluster sampling method. The instrument was validated through Qualitative formal content validity. The Reliability was Also estimated by Cronbach Alpha.The descriptive findings of the study have shown that the average of the total index of differences in the values of the generation gap is low among the studied age groups and therefore indicates the generation difference rather than the generation gap.Besides that; The inferential findings of the research in the Bivariate analysis section have shown that the duration of more use, news, scientific and educational use, having a Instrumental motivation (purposeful) in the use of virtual social networks, has caused a generation gap (generational difference) between different age groups. Also, the research findings in the multivariate analysis section showed that the independent variables of duration, type of use, motivation and purpose of use and age had a significant effect on the dependent variable at the error level of 0.01..

This research aims to identify the difference in the views of the different spectrums of the Muslim Brotherhood towards the Islamic resistance, and seeks to answer the following question: "What is the relationship between the different aspects of the Muslim Brotherhood with the Islamic resistance and what is the framework for thinking, social behavior and political construction they propose in this field?" The hypothesis is: "The existence of different schools of thought within the Muslim Brotherhood (Qutbi and reformist spectrum) and the creation of several internal factions and a generation gap (the flow of elders and youth) caused by the revolutionary events of the Arab Spring caused a difference of opinion between the different currents in the Brotherhood regarding examples of Islamic resistance. The present article, in the manner of historical sociology and with the tools of collecting documentary and library information, seeks to identify the differences of opinion between different spectrums of the Muslim Brotherhood movement regarding examples of Islamic resistance, and specifically, to introduce four intellectual spectrums that are effective in the views of the Muslim Brotherhood, including: Hassan al-Banna School , Azharist school, Qutbi school and Wahhabi-Salafi school. Also, studies the views and opinions of the two main intellectual spectrums in the Muslim Brotherhood (reformist and Qutbi) regarding examples of Islamic resistance against modernity and the manifestations of Western civilization, the issue of revolution and reforms, the issue of Islamic Jihad, as well as their view and interaction with the axis of resistance and Islamic revolution. In addition, it shows that the deepening of the generation gap in the Muslim Brotherhood after the 2011 revolutionary events and the 2013 coup led to the formation of three Brotherhood currents with three different approaches to resistance and revolution: "relatively traditional Qutbis", "reformers critical of the regulatory system, but moderate" and "youth with a revolutionary and resistance approach".

Demographic changes are one of the social phenomena that cause changes in identity in society. Population as a geographic element changes over time in addition to quantitative changes - qualitatively. The most important qualitative element of a population that affects a social political identity within a country is the population gap. The population gap in Tehran in the last decade has impacted the social, political, social identity of society in its form, nature, and effects and effects. This effect has shown better than any of its corollaries in student identities. Symbol students of the most recent generation of society are more influenced by new identity symbols and are therefore considered to be a good case study as a statistical society. Tehran, as a demographic composition, is a typical example of Iran's population, is a good place to conduct an empirical study in this field. This research uses a descriptive-analytical method of two hypotheses; A: The Relationship Between the Generation Gap of the Population and the New Social-Political Identity in the New Generation of Tehrani Students; and b. Socio-Political Identity in the New Generation of Tehran Students toward the Identity of the Generation Before considering the shape, the action, and the root of the incidence, it is more global and in terms of the consequences is more politicized. The results show a direct relationship between population gap and socio-political identity in Tehran metropolis. In this way, with the increase of the generation gap and the separation from the first decades of the Islamic Revolution of Iran and the presence of a new generation in the metropolitan community of Tehran metropolis, political and social identity has also undergone changes.

One of the ancient and vital sociology phenomena throughout the human life is the generation gap. Applying different ways for establishing interactions, expanding communications as well as social relations, and internalizing values ​​and norms in different ways can be causes of such a phenomenon which have lead to the formation of the process of dissonant socialization and, eventually, generation gap. The present study aims to investigate the generation gap among the male students of some English language institutions in Southeast of Tehran and its effective factors through survey method. Students were selected by multistage cluster sampling method in which 300 students participated. The required data were collected through a questionnaire; the content validity of which was approved by 3 experienced teachers of the institutes. The results showed that the variables of the study such as religiosity, the proportion of mass communication tools and social media usage, the culture and economic support, the education of parents and the age have significant correlations with generation gap.

The present study aimed to examine the attitude of parents and their children towards the political values of the Islamic Revolution. In this regard, at first, the political values of the Islamic revolution in Iran were conceptualized based on Imam khomeini's viewpoint and seven dimensions were considered for it. Theses dimensions included freedom and the proportion of religion with people's idea, Islamic unity, duty orientation and its relation to the outcome orientation, independence and non-interference of foreigners, the link between religion and politics, fighting arrogance and supporting revolutionary militant groups, and defending the suppressed all over the world. Then, the data of the research collected from the 17-25 year-olds of Ilam city along with their parents through the quota sampling method was statistically analyzed. The findings of the research showed there was no significant difference between parents and their children in terms of the sense of belonging to these values only in the dimension of freedom among all seven abovementioned. In other dimensions, there was a significant difference in the degree of belonging of parents and their children to these values. In other words, parents had more sense of belonging to these values than their children. Findings of the research also indicated that despite differences in the degree of belonging of parents and their children to the political values of the Islamic Revolution, they were not so much to be called the generational gap, thus, the generational difference is a better phrase for representing the findings of work.

This article intends to express the origin of the Iranian Youth Movement during 1981-2001. During these three decades, the Youth Movement has been one of the most significant social movements in the political realm of Iran. For elaborating the source of this movement, “generation gap” and “democracy” have been surveyed as the two factors; while the results show that the origin of the Youth Movement in Iran has been the opposition of democracy and authoritarianism; and not generation gap. This article has used the results of some formal research inquiries in addition to the official statistics as well.