شکاف های اجتماعی

In the process of politicization of ethnic groups in Iran, Baloch is one of the main political ethnic groups in Iran. Balochs, like any other society, have some internal social cleavages that affects the political behavior of this ethnicity. Knowing these distinctions and their political consequences is the purpose of this article. This research was carried out with the approach of political sociology and thematic analysis method, along with the use of library studies and the technique of interviewing ethnic researchers. Results of this research show that among the Baloch in the pre-modern era, divisions related to traditional construction such as "tribal conflicts" and "regional differences" exist. In addition, in the Pahlavi era political divisions caused by the period of transition such as "elite conflict" and "ideological and organizational conflicts" took place. Finally, after the revolution new divisions such as the "gender gap" and "generational gap" along with other factors have influenced the political behavior of the Baloch people. Providing grounds for foreign interference and the presence of the central government, creating obstacles for pursuing ethnic demands, preventing ethnic identity from becoming extreme and fluid, and plural political identity are the political consequences of the social cleavages among the Baloch.

The increasing spread of social gaps in the heterogeneous society of Israel and casting doubts on identity symbols of Zionism have challenged the ontological security of this regime. By applying racial discrimination policies, Zionism has faced social elements with structural separation, it has reduced the desires of social forces to support this regime. Assuming various gaps in Israel and with a descriptive-analytical method, the present article answers the question, in Constructivism theoretical framework, that what is the role of identity crisis in formation of the Israelite ontological insecurity? According to the findings, inability to resolve the problems and gaps resulting from internal, have led to make the structure of this regime security-oriented. The formation of this securitized environment along with the use of violence emanating from the Zionist ideology has caused Israel to have a strong tendency to belligerence in such a way that threats and tension have become a part of the ontological security of this government, and the efforts to security been included in Israel's foreign policy. Solving the crisis of ontological insecurity requires a change in the rigid Zionist approach to a soft approach, as well as going through the process of making the government non-security-oriented.

Ethnic groups in Iran have internal social cleavages that affect their political life. The Arabs living in Iran are no exception to this rule and despite their linguistic and religious unity, they have some internal social cleavages that have political consequences at different levels. Examining these cleavages and their political consequences is the main concern of this article. Therefore, in this regard, we raised the question, what kind of social cleavages do the Arabs living in Iran have within their ethnicity, and what political consequences did this issue have?

This article is written using descriptive-analytical method and based on library sources and interview technique.

To reach this goal, we tried to investigate the historical process of intra-ethnic cleavages and its political consequences with the approach of historical sociology and using the technique of library studies along with interviews with researchers. The research results showed traditional and modern social cleavage such as "Tribal cleavage"; "City-Tribe cleavage"; "generational cleavage"; and "gender cleavage" along with some political cleavages such as "ideological and organizational cleavage" which can be categorized as "modernity" and "convergence-divergence" cleavage. These cleavages among the Arabs have caused their political identity should be plural.

From the beginning of the formation of ethnic movements, one of the important factors in the failure of some separatist currents in bringing all ethnic groups together is the existence of intra-ethnic pluralism and diverse intra-ethnic political currents.

The issue of the Kurds has been one of the most challenging ethnic issues in contemporary Iran. Most of researches that have been done in connection with the Kurds, have focused on how this ethnic relate to the sovereignty, and less has been done on the internal socio-political life of the Kurds. In other words,the main assumption of most of the researches related to the Kurds emphasizes the homogeneity of the Kurdish community, while from the point of view of this article, the Kurds are not a homogenous group like many other communities. The dynamics of Kurds' social transformation, which are based on the two distinctions of tradition-modernity and convergence-divergence, have led to the emergence of social cleavages among them. Therefore, in this regard, we have tried to examine the most important social cleavages and their political consequences among the Kurds with using the Historical Sociological approach, and the library studies and interview techniques. The results of this research showed a set of traditional and modern social construction cleavages such as tribal, religious, linguistic, generational, and gender cleavages along with some political cleavages such as ideological conflicts, political elites' competitions, and conflicts. Party and intra-party differences among the Kurds have caused the political identity of the Kurds to be a plural political identity and no political movement among the Kurds can ever become hegemonic.

A series of events since 2011 made the international world undergo changes that affected the Middle East and North Africa region more than before; From Syria, to Yemen, and today, when the crisis has spread in Sudan, this country with a complex population composition, although it is generally divided into Arab and African descent, but the social layers of the population are more diverse and add to the internal chaos of this country and the background It has become a source of foreign interference. So this question is important that why and how the roots of this internal turmoil become the basis for foreign interference? It seems that the main reason for this problem is the political structure and the lack of authority in this country, which still remains in a pre-modern tribal-monarchy system; Although modern institutions such as parliament, army, etc. can be seen, many coups in this country have increased the severity of this intolerance and the lack of formation of institutions based on political function and prevented the construction of a rational bureaucratic system and the emergence of tolerant political agents. In this regard, this research investigates and analyzes by collecting the necessary data through library and internet data and using a descriptive-analytical method, and at first it has an overview of Sudan's past and internal problems (economic, political, etc.) and then deals with current events and discusses and interprets the set of influential factors and interventions; This discussions will show why the internal disturbances and foreign interventions of this country have been talked about.

The holding of the 25th Knesset elections on November 10, 1401 and the formation of Netanyahu's cabinet with the alliance of the Likud party with three other religious parties that have 64 parliamentary seats, on the one hand, has caused this hope among the Zionists that finally after holding 5 elections in the last 4 years , have a relatively stable government, and on the other hand, the presence of 50% of religious parties in the cabinet for the first time in the history of this regime has caused severe concerns among secular Zionists. In recent years, with the tendency of the Zionist regime society towards the right-wing, in the governing circles of this regime, a challenge to its alleged democracy has been faced, which has shown itself in the form of a conflict between the extreme right-wing religious Zionist parties and the Likud party on the one hand, and the leftists on the other hand. . A behavioral analysis of the actions and statements of various parties and cabinets of the Zionist regime in the past few years shows that three general axes can be proposed regarding the nature of conflicts. The first and most important axis of conflict among parties and social groups has been the issue of "the legal and judicial position of the Supreme Court of the Zionist regime". Even now, with the dominance of right-wing and religious parties over the cabinet, this issue has become the most important issue of dispute between them and the opposition parties at the level of governmental and social structure. The second axis refers to the "efforts of religious parties to direct the Knesset's approvals and the actions of the government towards Halakhic orders." These parties have taken on a new color, especially in the new cabinet of Netanyahu, who have taken over many ministerial seats and executive positions. The third axis in the issue of the conflicts between the Zionist parties is the issue of "Palestinians, including Palestinians living in the territories of 1948 and the occupied territories of 1967." With these explanations, the main question of this article is: What is the prospect of cooperation or conflict between the current parties of the Zionist regime? In response, as a hypothesis, it can be said that due to the rise of religious people in the current cabinet, differences and conflicts among Israeli parties in the political, social and security fields will develop and we will witness an increase in Arab- Jewish, religious-secular and leftist-rightist divisions. In this article, the library method and the theoretical framework of Kevin Kraus's social gaps are used.

The different viewpoints of the jurists of the constitutional era, regarding the nature of the government during the absence and the difference in their starting point from the basic principle of the inadmissibility of forming a government, caused a difference in the way the government was formed. This article is in response to the question that the approach of these jurists about the nature of government had an effect on the process of formation of constitutional monarchy. Using the descriptive-analytical method in the framework of interpretive historical sociology studies, the article believes: the lack of theoretical coherence of the jurists of the constitutional era in the face of the constitutional monarchy, gradually created boundaries in the society; In such a way that some considered the establishment of new institutions to be against the Shariah standards and to fight against it, and some believed that the preservation of the foundations of Islam depended on the establishment of such institutions. According to the findings of this research, the sanctification of political behavior under Sharia titles led the society towards social, political and legal gaps and gave a stable state to the created gaps. A situation that caused the removal of platforms for peaceful dialogue between the two groups of supporters and opponents and created disruptions in the process of institutionalizing constitutional monarchy as one of the indicators of the rule of law and overshadowed the process of political development in contemporary Iran.

The emergence of social divisions have been effective in the emergence of social-political currents, determining the type of political, party, electoral systems and the nature and process of competitions, etc. Political-social competition of political-party and civil organizations and political-social currents in modern societies claiming democracy is inevitable. This thesis seeks to answer this basic question with explanatory-analytical and descriptive method, why the participation and competition of political, social and intellectual currents in Iran is mainly due to the crisis of institutional trust (to civil institutions and political organizations) since the middle of the 1370s. Has it lasted until 1400? The hypothesis of the research is that inflexible polarization and power-hungry, law-abiding, non-transparent, unorganized and non-committed to civil and democratic principles and ethics, national independence and cohesion lead to a crisis of institutional trust in the government and civil institutions, lack of peaceful political dynamism. It has been in the political processes of the country. The findings of this research show that the polarization between two competing social and political currents, fundamentalist and reformist, leads to relative instability in the social-political system of the society, a significant decrease in social capital centered on public trust in political-party currents and It has even been ruled.

One of the most challenging issues in US political history has been the issue of blacks. An issue that from time to time is generally accompanied by the murder, arrest and torture of some of them. Despite slogans, bills, and laws in support of black Americans in the House of Commons, the plight of American blacks continues to show deep divisions between the white and black populations. Among US presidents, even the presence of people of color like Barack Obama could not untie the knot of broad black challenges. Finally, with the arrival of Donald Trump in the White House in 2016, black Americans openly reached the brink of complete political isolation and the most economic deprivation and maximum cultural and social challenges with the federal government. This article is an attempt to provide a reasoned answer to the question: What was the situation of black Americans like under Donald Trump? The authors' hypothesis suggests that from the beginning of Trump's presidency until the end of 2020, the deprivations, challenges and discrimination of blacks in this country have intensified. The findings of article by using social gap theory and interpretive method (research method) show the deep challenges of blacks in political, economic and security could pave the way for two major crises in the United States.

As an elitist concept in the traditional approach, foreign policy does not have any relation with socio-political life. Such interpretation is not necessarily a political lie, but a cognitive bias. Despite the transition of social movements’ researches to the literature of foreign policy in recent years, the influence of this social force on foreign policy is still neglected. Such interpretation is due to overlooking the social forces and the lack of alternative arenas of political action and irrationality of democratic politics in the traditional approach. However, social movements as an expression of modern societies’ cleavages and continuity of politics with other tools, have a unique status in the ontology of foreign policy. Thus, the main question of this paper is to appraise whether the social movements lead to changing foreign policy or are just as the symbols of change in the preference of foreign policy? Based on the main hypothesis, liberation and changing the public discourse by social movements will not only shift the power but also pave the way to alternate politics. By employing the theory of sociology of social movements and the analytic method, this paper will test the hypothesis. The findings show that social movements and foreign policy are interdependent. Accordingly, foreign policy affects the formation of social movements and vice versa.

Over the past few decades, the world has undergone a wide range of social, economic, and political changes. Many experts believe that due to the changes that have taken place in various areas of human life, adopting a vision commensurate with these developments is necessary for any kind. The ruling elite movement in Iran in recent decades is no exception to this rule, and this movement, which includes ordinary and informal individuals and families without institutional power, seeks to improve livelihoods. The poor are more likely to enjoy more cohesive social and cultural relations, as do other Third World countries, as they live in low-income or non-privileged Third World areas, especially in large cities, and struggle with shared pain, including unemployment and poverty. This common pain has created a kind of unity for mass mobilization, and all these movements took the form of protests to improve their livelihood a few years before the revolution, especially since 1340. In this article, an attempt is made to form social contexts. The empty-handed movement should be examined and analyzed by examining the protests of the last 5 decades from (1348 to 1398).

The young Iraqi government, which is the outcome of the post-2003 state-building process, has always been affected by a number of structural and institutional problems in the social and political fields and has encountered numerous security crises. Employing an explanatory-analytical method and relying on data collected through interviews and documentary studies, this research is intended to answer the question of what the Iraqi security and political-social vulnerabilities are. The social gaps in Iraq, as well as its political-legal system, have resulted in security crises. The erupted social gaps in Iraq have increased social divergence and have prevented the development of national identity as a prerequisite of the establishment of a national government. Furthermore, the associative democracy that has been traditionally imposed on the Iraqi political structure has resulted in deeper social gaps while creating a crisis of inefficiency and illegitimacy.

The present paper is organized to answer this question of how the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood movement has had an impact on Afghan jihadist groups? The study of this issue is important because many of the political and social problems in Afghanistan are rooted in the friendships and relationships of social forces with flows outside the borders. To find the answer to this question, we use an analytical descriptive method. The obtained results indicate that the jihadist groups influenced the Muslim Brotherhood in their goals and ideals, organizational structure, and methods of struggle, and six factors influencing these groups had a significant role in the influence of the Brotherhood: The central position of Egypt and al-Azhar in the Muslim world, the modernization of the Brotherhood leaders in interpreting religious teachings, the absorbent political ideology of the Brotherhood, the devout and religious affiliation of Egypt with the Afghan sunni community, the cultural intellectual poverty in Afghanistan, and Western support for Islamist ideas against Development of the influence of socialism. The Brotherhood's thoughts have been transmitted through religious scholars, Arab expeditionary forces, and the translation of books and magazines into Afghanistan, and specifically affected the three groups of the Muslim youth movement, the Gulbuddin Islamic Party, and the Islamic populace. The spread of extremism and the deepening of social gaps in Afghanistan can be seen as two important consequences of the jihadist groups’ influence of the Muslim Brotherhood.

After the fall of Saddam, active participation of the Shiites and Kurds along with the minimal and passive participation of the Sunnis led to the formation of a new structure based on democratic principles. At a time when it was thought that Iraq will find peace by eliminating one of the biggest dictators of history, the country experienced political and security crises emerging one after another. It disrupted democratic process of state-building and dragged Iraqi government into the abyss of despair. Using exploratory method, library tools and interviews, the paper is to answer the question "what are the obstacles to the process of state-building in Iraq?" In order to answer the question, it was hypothesized that “social gaps activated by ethno-sectarian distribution of the population in Iraq and the lack of infrastructure required for democratization, as well as the tribal and nomadic structure of the country, obstructed state-building process in Iraq”. Besides confirming the hypothesis, the results showed that consensus democracy as a dominated pattern of political system, not only exacerbated social gaps but also led to the ineffectiveness of the political system of Iraq and it is one of the barriers to state-building in the country.

Social gaps and splits have long been the cause of social dilemmas and crises in various societies, and threatened the convergence and social cohesion of those societies. Therefore, the desirable management of these gaps has been consistently targeted by government officials through the adoption of efficient strategies. Meanwhile, the management based on concluding social treaties is one of the most important strategies for managing social gaps, as the administration of the prophet of Islam (PBUH) is a graph of the implementation of this strategy. The present paper will attempt to answer this question that what is the contract-oriented position in managing the internal gaps of prophetic society and how does this kind of management affect the creation of social convergence in the same Islamic society of the Prophet (PBUH)? In this regard, while presenting a conceptual model, it first addresses the social divisions of the prophetic society and then focuses on the interactive strategy benchmarking of the Prophet (PBUH) in managing social divisions. It should be noted that the authors of this paper will use the documentary-library method to collect information and use the descriptive-analytical method to answer the above question.

The papers discusses first theories of possible analyses of the Saudi Arabia’s society from a political sociology perspective and then tackles active and inactive gaps in the field of religion and its sectors, tradition and modernism, pros and cons of the government and finally the generations gaps and tribal ones. The main argument of the paper is that due to the lack of proper political, social, cultural and economic bed, and also with the short of a significant external crisis – like oil price drop- the social gaps in Saudi Arabia will not be activated and rather will be in a low profile mode and so the socio-political forces will not be strong enough.

Iraq is a country with the low social heterogeneity. Plurality of ethnic and religious groups and quotas each of these groups of power has causes multiple gaps formation in Iraq. This paper tries to answer this question that what are the effects of Iraq's social gaps on Iran's foreign policy in terms of terrorist groups? with analytic method and defensive neo realism theory. and it is hypothesized that Iraq social gaps in the emergence of terrorist group such as isis has been faced Iran with internal, regional and international challenges and increased its security aspects. The findings illustrate that Iran's Foreign Policy is faced with deepening Shiite and Sunnis gap and the possibility of disintegration of Iraq. This issue in regional level has been fallowed creation gap in Shiite geopolitice and axis of resistance on the one hand and caused the threat to the Iran's regional security environment that fallowed Iran reaction in frame of offensive active. This issue resulted in formation regional coalition against Iran with a focus on isis and other terrorist groups. Finally in international level, it has been increase of U.S presence in Iran's regional environment in support of isis and proxy war strategy of its foreign policy against iran.

Given the recent developments in Turkey, the question is that how the clash between the government and the Kurdish opposition party as well as the failed coup de eta against Erdogan government will affect the internal gaps and future politics of the country. According to the hypothesis of this paper, the authoritarian and ideological approach of the AK party (nationalistic and Islamist), Especially of its leadership, i. e. President Erdogan, and it's not willingness to solve the problems caused by the gaps between the Alavids, Sunnis, Turks and Kurds, welcome pie did domestic gaps more and more and so will extend and escalate the political crisis in Turkey.