عدالت

Consensus, as the central slogan of the fourteenth administration, has undoubtedly yielded numerous achievements. These accomplishments span critical issues in both domestic and foreign policy. Among them are internal empathy and harmony, and the ability to engage in dialogue with major powers and neighboring countries to dispel the specter of war and political or military violence. However, consensus in contemporary Iran—especially in the context of the fourteenth administration—requires critical analysis. The aim of this is to better understand the existing deficiencies in order to address them and improve the current situation. The pathology of consensus can be examined in two spheres: domestic and foreign policy.In addition to conceptual ambiguity, the main challenges to consensus in these two areas include: The risk of interpreting consensus as power-sharing with political rivals, A lack of sensitivity to fairness and justice in various dimensions, The failure to connect consensus with party politics and the institutionalization of democracy, Ambiguity regarding the boundary between transnational responsibilities & national interests, An unclear stance on alignment policy, & Vagueness in defending proxy forces. This article uses a descriptive-analytical approach, drawing on texts & interviews as its methodology.

Most written constitutions and human rights treaties explicitly emphasize equality in the rights of men and women, and even the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, emphasizes that this should be incorporated in the constitutions and ordinary laws of the member states. However, the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran only provides for equality between men and women in terms of legal protection and does not provide for equality in the rights.The first group considers any explicit statement of equality between men and women to be contrary to Islamic law.The second group believes that if the constitution explicitly states that men and women are equally protected under the law, the conflict with Islamic law can be resolved.The third group, which constitutes a very small minority, believes that, like in other countries, the constitution should explicitly include equality between men and women in terms of rights.

Justice has been one of the most precious values ​​known in the fundamental concepts in the history of thought and social and political theory. Saadi considers Adl to represent a healthy society that does not focus on a specific group, but rather on all social strata and classes. In such an age, Saadi is the flag bearer of a school in which he has expressed peace, justice, order, benevolence and truthfulness of service on one side and hatred, malice, injustice, disorder and escape from human rules on the other side. He places justice as the middle ground between the government and the people, and considers the behavior of rulers to be the axis of justice. He has expressed the characteristics of a just ruler as the main pillar of an ideal society in justice. Saadi emphasizes worldly and religious affairs, has a reformist attitude and relies on religious teachings to achieve a superior model of lawful government. Saadi considered the indicators of the concept of optimal justice as the virtue of rulers and considered justice between the people and the government. In order to establish a desirable society in Golestan, Saadi devotes a chapter to the biography of the kings, and in Bostan, he recounts the issue of justice, planning, and voting as one of the most important political ideas. Golestan has written a view of the real society and Bostan has written a view of the ideal society. This article examines the place of justice and good governance in Saadi's works. The research method of this article is a descriptive-analytical method and the collection of sources and documents is a library.

The nature of the state, with regard to human nature, from the perspective of some sociologists and political scientists, is in some ways intertwined with coercion and violence (albeit legitimate and legal), to the point that Max Weber believed that the state means a monopoly on the use of force; on the other hand, some thinkers, such as Foucault, consider the institutions of coercion (such as prisons) to be in fact devices for disciplining subjects and have a critical and negative view of them. Therefore, criminal policy and how to punish offending citizens is one of the functions of the state that needs to be considered and re-examined. In this regard, the main question of this article has been whether social approaches have been used in criminal policy in Iran or not. The hypothesis of the article, with reference to Gabriel Tarde's theory of imitation, is that some recent criminal policies, such as the reduction of punishments and alternative punishments, have been adopted or at least can be justified by relying on a social approach. The research findings have shown that not only can part of the criminal policy in the legal system of Iran be theoretically supported by Tarde's theory of imitation, but also, based on the strength of this theory, it is better to re-examine criminal policies in other cases as much as possible by relying on the results of this theory. The approach of the article is descriptive-analytical and the method of data collection has been documentary and library-based.

One of the disputed concepts throughout history is the concept of justice, and since injustice is associated with oppression and hegemony, these two concepts are often used together. Different schools have defined these concepts in different ways and have emphasized their specific dimensions and angles, so that the true and transcendent concept of justice has always been disputed. In the meantime, some theories such as neo-realism, representing the positivist approach, have clearly defined these concepts in the form of instrumental rationality, which has caused the reaction of post-positivism theories. They object to instrumental rationality and the calculation of material profit and loss, which is the basis of action in positivist theories.The purpose of the current research is to investigate the position of justice and hegemony in different theories of international relations with descriptive-adaptive method. Since all theories have some sort of meta-theoretical commitment and present their discussions through this lens, the current research has examined the concepts of justice and hegemony in the theory of neorealism, in addition to critical theory, the English school and constructivism representing the post-positivism spectrum, as well as Islam through the lens of meta-theoretical issues. The article seeks to understand whether Islamic justice is conceptually compatible with the definitions of justice presented by non-religious thinkers, especially Western ones, or whether it basically expresses a different concept.In this sense, the ontological, epistemological and methodological topics of different theories have been proposed and compared with each other, and based on this, the concepts of justice and domination have been examined.The main question is, considering the meta-theoretical issues, what are the views of positivist, post-positivism and Islam theories about justice and hegemony? The hypothesis is that all schools and theories have only dealt with one dimension of a multi-dimensional truth and have not paid attention to its other dimensions and pillars; While Islam has dealt with this issue with a comprehensive approach and has paid attention to justice from different angles.

It is generally assumed that the judiciary, as one of the three branches of government, only has a reactive function. That is, events must occur within society and a dispute must arise before the parties involved can approach the judiciary to seek justice and resolution. It is from this point onward that the role of the judiciary begins. However, beyond resolving disputes between parties, it seems that the judiciary can—and indeed should—also play a proactive role. In other words, there are duties for the judiciary that are conceivable before a crime is committed or a dispute arises. Therefore, the main question of this paper is: What is the role of the judiciary in crime prevention in the Islamic Republic of Iran? The hypothesis of the paper is that, according to the role assigned to the judiciary by the Constitution, its functions can be divided into two categories: reactive (administering justice) and proactive (preventing crime and resolving disputes before they occur). Based on this, the judiciary's proactive functions can be identified. The findings of the research show that, despite the fact that the judiciary has a range of preventive duties that are essential for achieving a healthy and just society, the lack of a cohesive approach on one hand, and parallel efforts and institutional disorganization on the other hand, have prevented the achievement of desirable results. The research approach is descriptive-analytical, and the data collection method is library-based and documentary.

The concept of justice has long held a special place in human thought and has always been a subject of discussion and examination among philosophers,theologians,and intellectuals.Given that one of the analytical shortcomings of critical theoretical approaches is the influence of assumptions and viewpointsofreligious leaders,the present research endeavors to examine this issue from such a perspective.Undoubtedly, Martyr Motahhari and Martyr Sadr are among the prominent thinkers ofthe present centuryin the fieldof the philosophy of justice,who have played a significant role in explaining and interpreting justice and its analytical indicators.Therefore,the examination of the philosophical ideas of these two thinkersin studying the subject of justice in comparison with Western intellectuals has been highlighted. Hence, the main question ofthis article is what are the differences and similaritiesin the concept of justice between the perspectives of Western thinkers and the Islamic thoughts of Martyr Motahhari andMartyr Sadr?The research findings indicate their commonalities inthe divine nature of the basis of justice, criticism of models such as communism and liberalism,the necessity of justice forthe happiness of humanity and society,and the government's duty to establish justice.However,the criticism leveled against them isthat they have only addressed one dimensionof the multidimensional truth and have not paid attention to other aspects and elements,while Islam has addressedthis issue comprehensively anddiscussed justice from various angles sothatno one's right is violated in Islamic society.This article, using a descriptive-analytical and comparative method and benefiting from library resources,first examines the evolution of justice in the West and Islam and then logically compares them.

Justice in general concept has divisions, one of the most important types of which is social justice, which is one of the most significant cases due to the governmental nature of Islam. Similarities can be seen in the general definition of justice among Islamic religions. The types of justice have been discussed in the fatwas of Shia and Sunni jurists.

This research is of a theoretical type and the research method is descriptive-analytical and based on the collection of information in a library and by referring to books and articles.

In some criteria and foundations, there are the same opinions from the point of view of the parties, and in some other cases, including the justice of the rulers and jurisprudence, we come across obvious contradictions between Imami jurisprudence and Sunni jurisprudence, while social justice as The common basis in the jurisprudence of the parties is significant.

Justice is a moral concept and man seeks justice. The concept of justice in the Shia tradition has a high position as far as it is included among the principles of religion and sits side by side with monotheism and is considered a sign of Shia.

The desirable model of governance based on Islamic values has been one of the ideals of Muslim thinkers to promote justice. The Islamic Revolution can be seen as a manifestation of this model in today's era, which emerged in the form of a government in an effort to revive Islamic values. In this scope, of course, the good governance proposed by the United Nations has been one of the closest ideas to the ideal model of governance based on Islamic values, regardless of the fact that Islamic values have no place in good governance and the basis of that is Western values. From this point of view, the necessity of this research is that in order to meet the basic needs of the society, it highlights justice, security and stability, and the desired Islamic governance gains meaning and the place of people and justice in it becomes more internalized. The goal is to present a model based on the ideal model of Islamic governance. The question is, to what extent has the desired model of governance, based on Islamic values, been implemented in the development of justice and the status of the people after the Islamic Revolution? Although the Islamic revolution appeared with the slogan of justice, it seems that in the course of its progress in this regard, it has become ill with monotony, which must be treated and critics and protesters who are people are allowed to express their opinions on the issues. economic, political and cultural

Recent political developments in Europe show different characteristics of political currents. The increase in popularity of extreme right parties compared to extreme left parties is one of these cases. This article examines the factors that have led to this difference. The main question of this realization is what factors have contributed to the success of extreme right parties compared to extreme left parties in attracting the support of European people? In response to this question, we hypothesize that extreme right parties have been able to build a base by using economic crises and unemployment, concerns about immigration and national identity, economic consequences of globalization, cultural concerns, and terrorist attacks get a wider social. But on the other hand, extreme left parties have focused more on social issues and justice. These may attract fewer people. In this article, the method of qualitative research and causal explanation is used. The data has also been collected from various library sources. These data are analyzed using content analysis and interpretation of success factors of extreme right parties.

Good governance is one of the most debated issues regarding the way of managing societies and there are various narrations regarding its patterns and components which is not able to be implemented in Islamic societies due to its materialistic perfectionism and human-centered tendency.Islam has repeatedly emphasized governance as the most important and necessary measure to implement God's religion in the Qur'an, the Prophet's (PBUH) way of life and the Sunnah and neglecting Islamic sources is the missing chain of governance in the Islamic world.Due to the substantive difference between the components of Western and Islamic governance, the main goal of the current research was to examine the Quranic components and the Prophet's life in governance.

Descriptive-analytical method of the content analytical type, which, in addition to what is the concept of good governance and its components, analyzes governance from the perspective of the Qur'an, the Prophet's (PBUH) way of life, and the Sunnah and has presented a model for the Islamic world

Sublime governance seeks to achieve closeness to God. The mentioned model indicates the convergence and co-evolution of the components of accountability, transparency, participation, rule of law, efficiency and justice along with other components

The results of the research show that in supreme governance, providing justice was the biggest goal and concern after monotheism.

Gender equality is a pivotal issue in the field of women's studies that has occupied the thoughts of many intellectuals and defenders of women's rights in the Islamic world. As a rational and innovative thinker, Nasr Hamed Abu Zayd, has emphasized this issue and considers the most significant factor of gender inequality in Islamic societies, to be ignoring of human, historical and social dimensions of religious texts in favor of intellectual escape. Consequently, he critically examines religious discourse and by interpreting the Quranic decrees and teachings in a historical context, such as, dominion of men, marriage, inheritance, and considering the chang status of women in contemporary era, he deems these teachings ineffective and contradictory to the principles of Quranic equality and justice. However, it is essential to note that Abu Zayd's perspective, despite its positive and contemporary aspects, faces numerous criticisms. such as conflict between the principle of gender equality and Quranic justice, as well as the non-acceptance of the historical context of Quranic rulings and fundamental teachings. Therefore, by understanding the importance and necessity of this issue, we analyze and criticize gender equality from Abu Zaid's view in this article, employing a qualitative method and a descriptive -analytical approach. Additionally, the method of gathering information involves library method and studying and reflecting on Abu Zayd's works and compilations.

One of the basic questions in the field of political thought is the issue of the concept, origin and goal of justice. In the foundations of Islamic political thought, justice has a special place as the fundamental and inseparable principle of religious teachings. Imam Ali (a.s.) in spite of the chaotic situation of the time and as one of the models of justice, in the reign of his ruling, he paid the most attention to the realization of justice and its correct implementation with divine and natural interpretations. Therefore, the concept and purpose of justice from Imam Ali (a.s.) point of view can be better understood in the context of a comparative analysis with justice in the policy writing tradition of Nizam al-Mulk. Therefore, the current research is trying to find an answer to this question, what is the difference between justice in the view of Imam Ali (a.s.) and justice in the type of attitude in “Siasatnameh”? So, by collecting qualitative data in the documental way as well as descriptive-analytical case method, justice in the view of Imam Ali (a.s.) is closer to the concept of Justice in the Qur'an and is a type of social justice. Justice is defined in Books of Politics and specifically Siral Muluk Khaja Nizamul Malik with the aim of protecting and supporting the system of power.

The present study seeks to explore the concept of statehood in the intellectual tradition of policy-writing of the middle period of Iran; to answer the question of what characteristics the components of the model of policy-writing in terms of statehood, in the written works of this period, in view of the weakening of the Islamic caliphate and the formation of semi-independent monarchies include and how it is related to the thought of the state in Iran. After explaining the four components of "the unity of religion and politics", "Kingdom and monarchy", "just observance and interaction" and "maintaining power and denying opponents", these indicators were examined using the "adaptive method" among the works (Sier ul Mulook, Alnasaeh and Nasaeh ul Mulook). The findings of the study indicate that the Khwaja sought to Farrah-izadi culture and religious legitimacy for the king, Onsorolmaali replaced the earthly kingdom with religious legitimacy, and Ghazali is a middle ground in the form of the theory The shadow of God. All three thinkers have centered their idea around the king, but the creation of a wide court is specific to the Khwaja, and the Onsorolmaali and the Ghazali are placed in the next places respectively. In order to "observe and interact fairly", Onsorolmaali and Ghazali have referred to the control of the subjects and the army through the systems of taking tribute and issuing orders, but Khwaja has paid less attention to the issue of justice than others. Respectively, Khwaja, Onsorolmaali and Ghazali sought "expansion", "acquisition" and "preservation" of power in their works. finally, it can be concluded that the processes governing the formation of the government in Iran show that the government was an establishment and in the continuation of the policy texts, it reflects the experience of the Iranian government to respond to the requirements of new political systems in "practical politics".

Social justice has been a long-standing demand in Iran's contemporary history, which entered Iran's political culture since the constitutional revolution and under the left discourse. During the second Pahlavi period, the desire for justice was strongly intertwined with political trends and found deep connections with the issue of political legitimacy. This led to the delegitimization of the established regime with a justice-seeking approach and the use of justice policy as a sociological source of legitimacy in the alternative system. In the following article, the mentioned historical process is analyzed with a sociological approach and descriptive and analytical method. The article aims to answer the question that how the distributive justice policy directed towards the poor, became one of the most important sources of legitimacy in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The findings of the research indicate that the aforementioned policy is not the exclusive creation of the Islamic Republic, but rather the product of a historical process that the majority of contemporary Iranian political forces have played a role in creating it. The Islamic Republic of Iran has had the opportunity to take advantage of this legitimizing source due to its wide base among the lower classes since its establishment.Analyzing the link between political legitimacy and social justice as a historical matter, from before to after the revolution, is the main goal of this research.

The desired model of governance based on Islamic values ​​has been one of the ideals of Muslim thinkers to expand justice based on authentic Islam. The Islamic Revolution can be considered a manifestation of this model in today's era, which articulated Islamic values ​​in the form of a government. Therefore, the necessity of this research is to examine justice, security, and sustainability while meeting the basic needs of society and to internalize the position of the people and justice in it more than ever before. The goal is to present a model based on the desired model of Islamic governance that can be realized in the Islamic Republic. The question is to what extent has the desired model of governance based on Islamic values ​​been implemented in expanding justice and the position of the people after the Islamic Revolution? The findings indicate that although the Islamic Revolution emerged with the slogan of justice and finding the place of the people in the Islamic society, it seems that in its process, it has become sick of justice-oriented monologues that critics and protesters who are from the people should be allowed to express their opinions on economic, political, social, and cultural aspects. The research method is qualitative and descriptive-analytical. Undoubtedly, human society always needs a government structure to meet needs that are not possible except through the establishment of a government. However, in the process of forming power, or after the establishment of a government, people in the government institution, due to their excessive and superior nature, may place power on a path that leads to the domination of "Taghut". Whatever Islam has presented as a "religion" has been as a guide for man towards God, and in this path, the model presented by religion regarding government falls within this framework.

Although the increase in foreign currency income due to the increase in the price of oil in the world markets has increased the ability of this government to carry out measures such as paying cash subsidies, distributing equity shares and implementing the Mehr housing project, but it has inadvertently led to the authoritarianism of the government, which now considers itself the guardian of the people. He saw it, until the excessive oil wealth overshadowed the need to be accountable to questioning groups, and as a result, with the spread of the subordinate political culture, the government found itself without the need for democratic legitimacy."Benefiting from oil revenues is the support of the plan of popular ideals which, by strengthening the rentier nature of the government, increased the dependence of the weak and middle classes of the society on the government, and reduced the accountability of the government to the people, which is one of the essentials for the realization of democracy in any society", the hypothesis of this article. In response to the main question, why should democracy be included in the government claiming to be democratic? The findings of the current research, which has been conducted using descriptive-analytical methods, show the lack of fair distribution of wealth from oil revenues in the Bahar government, and as a result, people face new forms of "crony capitalism" reproduced by wealth-oriented political powers, while Decreasing the necessity of the government's accountability to the citizens, by denying the possibility of turning Iranians into knowing agents and subjects and continuing to remain in the state of objects and subjects of criticism, the autumn season of democracy took place during the rule of the Spring government

The necessity of compensation for the damage caused in the field of civil responsibility is a certain thing, which includes governments, and often this responsibility and its consequences appear in war issues and the like. In this regard, the question is raised as to how the legal system of paying compensation to war victims should compensate their losses. The hypothesis of the upcoming article is that the payment of compensation, which is an issue in civil rights, is based on the discussion of justice in advance, and the payment of compensation and compensation is made after that. For this reason, this research has analyzed the concept of justice and its impact on the legal system in a comparative way, and has selected two case studies of Iran and the United States. The findings of the research have shown that although the legal systems of Iran and the United States, according to their own principles of justice, pay compensation and compensate the injured, but in the code of justice for determining damages, some parts of American law overlap with the discussion of diat, but some parts of it are relative It is fluid and unstable to social and economic developments. Descriptive-analytical research method, comparative approach, and library and documentary data collection method.

The political and judicial system of the countries has felt the need for justice officers to establish justice and maintain social order and protect the rights of citizens. Considering the current needs of today's society and the evolution in the type of crimes, with the approval of the Criminal Procedure Law approved in 2012, acceptable changes and innovations have been made compared to the previous laws, and attention to human dignity and citizenship rights has been shown and new fronts have been found. However, some of the crimes that occur at the community level are known as visible crimes in law.The existence of obvious crimes is a strong proof of the necessity of the bailiff as an agent of criminal justice. Without the presence of a judicial officer, it is not possible to deal with obvious crimes and protect the rights of citizens. Considering this necessity, the law of criminal procedure has dealt in detail with the position and characteristics of the bailiff. This article is trying to explain the concept of judicial officers and their necessity to establish order and protect the rights of citizens.