عربستان سعودی

The relationships between countries are fundamentally reflected in their foreign policies. Essentially, a country's foreign policy is influenced by a combination of internal factors and the regional and international environment. In reality, numerous factors affect the decision-making process in the foreign policy of countries, and in particular, there is a strong connection between geographical factors and the policies of governments. Therefore, governments formulate policies according to the geographical situation of their country. More precisely, geopolitical realities have always played a fundamental role in determining the political behaviors and strategic decisions of countries. One of Iraq's important neighbors is Saudi Arabia, and the two countries have had a wide range of relations over the past three decades, from alliance and cooperation to rivalry and tension; although a specific characteristic, namely the mistrust of the two countries towards each other, has been preserved in various political, economic, cultural and other fields.   This research, using a descriptive-analytical method and relying on library resources and field studies, seeks to investigate and analyze the role of geopolitical factors in the relations between Iraq and Saudi Arabia over the past three decades and prioritize them. In the library study section, the geopolitical factors affecting the relations between the two countries were identified, and in the next stage, to find out the extent of the impact of these factors on the relations between the two countries, a questionnaire in the form of three dimensions of political-security, economic and cultural was prepared and provided to experts. To examine the research hypothesis, the first type of confirmatory factor analysis method was used in LISREL software, and SPSS software was used for inferential test and descriptive statistics.   The research findings show that there is a significant difference between the degree of influence of each of the main dimensions of security-political, economic, cultural and corresponding geopolitical factors of each dimension, on the relations between the countries of Iraq and Saudi Arabia in the past three decades, and the descriptive findings of the research based on the influence of the variables of the cultural dimension in the first rank, the political-security dimension in the second rank and finally the economic dimension in the third rank, are confirmed. In order to fit the research model and determine the factor load of each of the research items, the first-order factor analysis has been used, the accepted factor load of each of them must be more than 0.3, and the t-statistic, which indicates the significance of the relationship between the item and the main variable of the research, is also more than 1.96. The most important variables affecting the improvement or weakening of Iraq-Saudi relations have been calculated based on descriptive statistics (based on the average score of each variable) and inferential statistics (based on the factor analysis value and t-statistic of each variable).   In the "political-security dimension", the variable "Persian Gulf regional organizations and Arab countries" has played an effective role in improving relations between the two countries, both based on descriptive and inferential statistics. However, based on descriptive statistics, the variable "formation of the Saudi-Iraqi Cooperation Council" has also played a role in improving relations between the two countries, with an average higher than normal. In contrast, the two variables "Saudi support for fundamentalist extremist groups, ISIS, etc." and also the variable "different political ideology of the two countries (Shiite-Wahhabism)" have had the greatest role in weakening relations between Iraq and Saudi Arabia, both based on descriptive statistics (average criterion) and also based on inferential findings (factor analysis value and t-statistic criterion).   In the "economic dimension", the status of the variables affecting the relations between the two countries is different based on descriptive and inferential statistics. Thus, based on the results of descriptive statistics, the variable "reopening of border crossings between the two countries" with an average of 3.65 and the variable "re-launching of the communication route between Najaf province with Saudi Arabia (land Hajj project)" with an average of 3.52 have had the greatest impact on improving the economic relations of the two sides. While based on inferential findings, the three variables "supplying Iraq's needs from Saudi Arabia" and the variable "construction of the first free economic zone with Iraq in the Arar border region" and the variable "joint investment of the two countries in energy projects" have had a greater impact on improving relations between the two countries. This difference exists in the output of descriptive and inferential findings regarding the variable weakening relations as well. Accordingly, while the variable "disagreement over the exploitation of shared border resources (water, pasture, etc.)" with an average of 3.15 from the perspective of descriptive statistics has played an effective role in weakening the relations between the two countries. Based on inferential findings, considering that the factor load of the variable "disagreement between the two countries over the exploitation of shared border resources (water, pasture, etc.)" is equal to 0.14 and less than the standard value of 0.3, and also the value of the t-statistic of the variable is also equal to 1.42 and less than the significance level of 1.96, therefore, it can be said that the impact of this variable on weakening the relations between the two countries is not confirmed.   Finally, the results of the field findings in the "cultural dimension" are as follows: the two variables "presence of Iraqis in Hajj ceremonies" and the variable "common culture and language (Arab nationalism)" both based on the output of descriptive and inferential statistics from the perspective of the respondents have played an effective role in improving the relations between the two countries of Iraq and Saudi Arabia. In fact, the mentioned variables, due to strengthening cultural and social ties, have had a positive effect on improving the relations between Iraq and Saudi Arabia. In contrast, the status of the cultural variables affecting the weakening of the relations between the two countries is as follows: the variable "Saudi support for Sunnis in Iraq" both based on the findings of descriptive and inferential statistics has had the greatest role in weakening the relations between the two sides. However, the results of descriptive statistics show that the second variable affecting the weakening of the relations between the two countries is the variable "behavior of the Saudi government with Shiites in Saudi Arabia" with an average of 3.69. While based on the results of inferential statistics, the variable "existence of a Shiite majority population in Iraq" with a factor load of 0.75 and a t-statistic value equal to 4.52 has played an effective role in weakening the relations between the two countries. In total, it can be said that Saudi support for specific Sunni groups in Iraq and the majority of the Shiite population in Iraq, due to strengthening religious and ethnic differences, has helped to weaken these relations.

In the nature and structure of the political geography of the world, there are characteristics and objective facts that fundamentally promote the logic of competition between countries and powers and are based on international relations. The geography of Iraq has values (material and spiritual) that have shaped the field of competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia in order to secure the national interests of each. The purpose of this article is to explain the geopolitical position of Iraq in the regional competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia. This research is applied-developmental in terms of purpose and descriptive-analytical in terms of nature and method. Data collection was done by library method and survey method and data analysis was done with a quantitative approach. The statistical research population aware of strategic issues, geopolitics and international relations, included 52 people and was selected as a whole. The results of the research showed that Iraq's geographical location (landscape and strategic), civilizational identity (history, culture, ethnicity and religion), social-political structure (social gap, heterogeneous political structure) and geopolitical interests of effective extra-regional powers. As geopolitical factors, each plays a decisive role in the competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia. But most of the disputes and competition between the two countries are ideological in nature.

Saudi Arabia has designed an economic vision called the 2030 Development Plan and has mobilized its resources and policies to achieve it. based on that, the ministries and agencies of Saudi Arabia are obliged to double their capabilities and study important developments from various directions. Saudi Arabia's vision 2030 promotes structural economic changes in the country and promotes transparency, accountability, citizen participation and more open economic and social spaces. This plan, if successful in the long run, can reconfigure the relationship between the government and citizens and change the entire political system. This article tries to answer whether Saudi Arabia's 2030 vision can shape a democratic transition process in this country and ultimately contribute to the democratization of the country. Relying on the concepts of democratic transition, and Giddens' theory of constructivism as a theoretical framework, this article adopts an analytical-descriptive approach to understand the relationship between economic reforms and democratization. The findings of the research indicate that the goals of designing this document on the part of the Saudi government, in response to the events of 2014, were to curb internal and external changes, monopolize power, and grant new legitimacy to the system at home and abroad, and the government, in designing this document, It has not had a desire for democratic reforms, and the disproportion between the economic development planned in the 2030 document and the political development in the traditionalist structure of Saudi Arabia, this document cannot ultimately draw a path towards democracy in this country  Conclusions & SuggestionsThese factors are considered important and decisive in determining human agents' behaviors. From this viewpoint, the lack of democracy and democratic transition are analyzed considering the political and socio-cultural red flags and constraints in the institutionalized structures. Accordingly, each society develops differently from others, and its political participation is based on its criteria, norms, and historical conditions. Some societies move more slowly and others more quickly toward democratic standards. However, it seems that Saudi Arabia faces numerous and serious obstacles in this path.

Middle East has always attracted the center of international attention in terms of the unprecedented expansion of terrorist groups on the one hand and internal (intra-governmental) and regional (inter-governmental) conflicts on the other. This has led to the fact that in the mentioned region, unlike other regions such as the European Union, governments are the only security actors. Various factors influence this issue, one of which can be foreign interventions due to the negative historical record. Based on this, the main question of the current research is what effect did foreign interventions have on regional security governance in Middle East? To answer this question, three regional powers namely Iran, Saudi Arabia and Turkey were studied comparatively. Therefore, the purpose of the article is to measure the impact of foreign interventions on regional security governance in West Asia. In this regard, by using the quantitative method and collecting data from different institutions (secondary analysis), in addition to investigating the relationship or correlation between foreign interventions and regional security governance, steps are also taken in the direction of explanation. Thus, using SPSS version 22 software and simultaneous univariate linear regression test (INTER), the coefficient of influence of external interventions on the four dimensions of regional security governance including prevention, assurance, coercion and protection is measured. The findings of the research have shown that foreign interventions alone have been able to explain approximately 39 and 58 percent of the dimensions of prevention and assurance of regional security governance in Middle East, respectively.

Some speculations and analyzes after the escalation of the war crisis in Yemen were that this crisis will go in the direction where one of the conflicting parties will defeat the other party or a ceasefire will be concluded between the two parties; In such a way that the difference between them will be resolved and any kind of violent confrontation will end. But now the fire of war in Yemen has subsided and on the other hand the ceasefire period (April 13 to October 10, 2022) has been canceled and the country is in a state of neither war nor peace. The Islamic Republic of Iran, as a supporter of Ansarullah, seeks to identify the positive and negative consequences of the situation of neither war nor peace in Yemen and provide an appropriate strategy to Ansarallah.
Therefore, in this research, we decided to investigate and evaluate the consequences of the continuation of this situation in Yemen, to determine whether the policy of neither war nor peace and the continuation of the existing situation is in favor of Ansarullah or the Transitional Council and its supporters; Because if the continuation of the current procedure does not bring any achievements for Ansarullah, either during the ceasefire period or after, the officials of Ansarallah must decide to change tactics and leave the current situation to change the balance in their favor.

Oil revenues in the form of rentier economy have been one of the main factors of political stability in Saudi Arabia. The decline in oil revenues in Saudi Arabia in the coming decades and the possibility of an economic crisis in this country has been one of the main factors behind the decision of the Saudi leaders to compile and implement the Vision 2030 during the reign of King Salman. Considering the centrality of economic goals and programs in the 2030 vision document, the main objective of this research is to evaluate the effects and consequences of the new Saudi economic trends on political stability. The main question is how the new economic trends and developments of Saudi Arabia in the era of King Salman affect the political stability in this country? In this regard, the operational perspective of David Saunders has been adopted as the conceptual framework of the research. Also, the new economic condition of Saudi Arabia has been analyzed with emphasis on five components, which are: economic growth and prosperity; unemployment rate; Housing situation; Inflation rate and consumer spending index and; the situation of poverty and inequality. The main finding of this study is that the new policies and programs of the Saudi government in the light of 2030 vision have caused a relative progress in economic conditions and leads to Maintaining political stability in the country. However, the social and political changes caused by the development of the non-oil economy construct grounds and conditions that will lead to new instabilities.

Saudi Arabia, as one of the main countries of Southwest Asia in terms of history,area, population and various influences in various dimensions, has unique potentials in the field of soft power. Hosting of important religious works and places, historical background and pivotal role in the region and the Arab and Islamic world has caused a lot of focus in the field of power. Nevertheless, since the inauguration of Mohammed bin Salman as the crown prince of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, many transformations have taken place in this field, and various programs and strategies have been implemented in the field of soft power and its dimensions.Based on this, the current research, emphasizing the soft power of Saudi Arabia in the era of bin Salman, seeks to answer this important question, which areas were the most important aspects of the evolution of Saudi Arabia's soft power? In response, this hypothesis has been proposed that during the era of Mohammad bin Salman, Riyadh, in addition to using the existing components and tools, focusing on new areas such as sports, extra-regional foreign tourism, economy and finally playing a new role in foreign policy in different regions. He has taken extensive and rare measures in the field of soft power. The method of this research is descriptive and the method of data collection is library .

With the formation of political developments inYemenregional and extraregional actors based on their interests and self-interests have adopted different orientationinrelation to this country, which has a special geopolitical and geostrategic importance in the MiddleEast, which tries to study the complexity of the country's situation, considering the positionThe strategic importance of Yemen and its importance for two regional rivals and the formation of intra-regional and international competition should answer the question of what effect Iran's role in the Yemen crisis has on the security of Saudi ArabiaThe research is based on the fact that Iran's foreign policy towards the crisis in Yemen is as a regional power against the former dependent system and the supporter of the people's movement to get rid of foreign domination and dependencies in this countryThe fall of the Saudi dependent system in Yemen and the role of the Shiitesand the revolutionariesrole in weakening Saudi Arabia and strengthening resistance and changing the balance of power to the detriment of this country and in favor of Iran to assert itself as the first power in the Middle East

One of the historical experiences of mankind that has led to a common understanding of foreign policy is that military authority is necessary for an effective and efficient foreign policy.In fact, a country with weak military and defense foundations and unable to secure its national interests cannot be expected to have an influential foreign policy and play an effective role in the international arena.
Considering the mutual relationship between foreign policy and the security and defense strategies of countries and the importance of Iran and Saudi Arabia as the top powers of the crisis-causing and challenging region of the Middle East, this article is about the drivers, principles and foundations of foreign policy and defense strategies of Iran and Saudi Arabia. Saudi Arabia and the imagination of each of them speaks of the threat. 
The main conclusion of this article is that Iran has a coherent strategy towards the Middle East region with its cross-border strategy of deterrence against threats such as America, Israel and Arabia and ISIS terrorism in order to maintain and strengthen its strategic depth and maintain its internal security, but Saudi Arabia has no coherent strategy. It has no interest in the region and has used the strategy of buying loyalty to increase the loyalty of Arab and Sunni countries in the region.

The Islamic Revolution in Iran profoundly transformed the regional dynamics of West Asia. Over the past few decades, Iran and Saudi Arabia, two major regional powers, have held fundamentally different and often conflicting ideologies, priorities, and goals for regional peace and stability (Zehraa et al., 2018). These differences became even more pronounced in 2010 and with the emergence of movements and uprisings known as the Islamic Awakening. While Iran supported these uprisings, the prospect of such movements extending into Saudi Arabia became a nightmare for its leaders and monarchy. Consequently, countering these uprisings became the top priority for the Saudi leadership. The two nations found themselves entangled in a complex web of suspicion and tension, which escalated over the subsequent years and ultimately led to the formal severance of diplomatic relations in 2016. Although the resumption of relations in 2023, after seven years, offers a glimmer of hope for a new chapter, it is essential to remain realistic and avoid excessive optimism or idealism. In fact, numerous challenges lie ahead for both nations, as deep-seated differences remain unresolved. For example, immediately after the reopening of embassies, the two countries faced new issues, including the Arash Gas Field and discussions about Saudi Arabia joining the Abraham Accords. Normalizing relations is just the first step, and both nations now find themselves on the threshold of making crucial decisions about their future. After years of extensive tension and conflict, both sides are now sitting at the negotiation table. The potential for a new chapter marked by cooperation and understanding is within reach. Yet, can they break free from the current cycle of tension and discord? Will they continue their efforts to reduce tension? How may future global and regional events impact their measures? There are also other and relevant questions about the future of Iran–Saudi Arabia relations, so the future of their relations remains uncertain and ambiguous. The present study aimed to address the following questions: What are the possible scenarios for Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy towards the Islamic Republic of Iran in the 2030 horizons?

Literature Review:

Naderi and Tajik (2018) presented three scenarios for the future of Iran–Saudi relations: 1) the end of doubts (confrontation), 2) constructive chaos (support for the Axis of Resistance), and 3) stand-up fist (balance of power). They believe the likely scenarios are constructive chaos and stand-up fist. Dehghani-Firouzabadi et al. (2021) found that subjective, identity, and semantic factors (e.g., a lack of shared identity, perceived threats, and differing definitions of security) would significantly impact the relations between the two countries over the next decade. In The Saudi–Iranian Rivalry and the Future of Middle East Security, Terrill (2011) revealed that conflict and deep tension between the two countries have prevented the creation of link loops. In an article titled “Muting the Trumpets of Sabotage: Saudi Arabia, the US and the Quest to Securitize Iran,” Mabon (2017) claimed that Saudi would continue its efforts to reduce Iran’s regional influence. In “The Prospect of the Relationship Between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Saudi Arabia: Plausible Scenarios”, Diansaee and Yurtaev (2017) indicated that due to historical background and conflicting interests, the probable scenario governing the relations between the two countries would be one of tension and conflict. Likewise, Rostami et al. (2016) considered continued tensions and differences as the likely future scenario for Iran–Saudi relations.The studies reviewed above are predominantly characterized by deep pessimism, leading to reductionism. They also depicted tension and conflict as the only scenario, ignoring alternative futures or surprise endings. Moreover, they focused solely on near-term relations without clarifying Saudi Arabia’s perspective on Iran over the next seven years. To address these limitations, the current study took a balanced approach to examine Saudi Arabia’s future scenarios about Iran in the 2030 horizon.

The current study employed a future-oriented approach and the GBN technique to present scenarios about Iran–Saudi relations. Relying on Schwartz’s eight steps for developing and designing scenarios, the study identified the influential variables on the topic through documentary and field research, particularly interviews with experts. The key drivers were identified as those with higher average scores in the two components of importance and uncertainty. The calculation process was based on the geometric mean. The result was displayed in a 2-D matrix, with one dimension representing importance and the other representing uncertainty. In the next step, key uncertainties of each key driver were identified. The logic of the scenarios was then designed based on the intersection of the key drivers and their key uncertainties. The final scenarios were named, and the narrative for each was written.

The study examined and developed four scenarios for the future of Iran–Saudi relations. Each scenario briefly represents the factors and potential tensions between the two countries. In Scenario A, Saudi Arabia moves towards reducing tension and fostering cooperation with Iran, pursuing a balancing strategy with Chinese assistance. In Scenario B, Saudi Arabia enters a phase of heightened tension amidst the conflict with Iran, fueled by the U.S. and Israel. In Scenario C, while Saudi Arabia emphasizes tensions, China plays a constructive role in a détente between the two countries. In Scenario D, Saudi Arabia relies on soft diplomacy to reduce tensions with Iran.

According to the research findings and evidence, Scenario A emerges as the most probable. The rationale is that Scenario C and Scenario D exhibit internal inconsistencies. Additionally, Scenario B is undesirable for both countries, as prolonged tensions and conflicts could initiate a new cycle of disputes and hostilities. Currently, both countries strive for strategic stability and acknowledge their roles in regional equilibrium.

One of the most important functions of political systems is to support and ensure human rights. However, the structure of some systems is such that it cannot realize this important goal. One example is Saudi Arabia, where, for several decades, one of the most significant its political challenges in both domestic and international arenas has been human rights issues. Therefore, examining the relationship between this political system and the state of human rights in the country seems essential. The main question of the research is: What is the role of the political system and structure of Saudi Arabia in violating the human rights of its citizens, particularly the right to self-determination? Through a descriptive-analytical method and by examining multiple documents related to Islamic human rights, global human rights, and other relevant documents, the hypothesis emphasizes that the Wahhabi ideological current, as the dominant thought framework of the political system, alongside the hereditary monarchy, an unjust judicial structure, and the absence of civil institutions in Saudi Arabia, deprives citizens of their most fundamental human rights, namely the right to self-determination and political freedoms. This situation leads to citizens' inability to access many other rights, such as the right to vote, the right to choose, the right to be elected, and the right to critique .

Due to different interests, ideologies, and geopolitical goals, the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia have long been in competition, which occasionally got severe. After a seven-year rupture, on March 10, 2023, the two states agreed to restore diplomatic relations to reduce tensions. This research examines the rapprochement between Iran and Saudi Arabia and tries to answer this question: what are the future scenarios of the Iran-Saudi Arabia rapprochement? To tackle the question, this research tends to analyze the Iranian-Saudi relationship and shed light on the future scenarios of the deal from an Iranian perspective. Three scenarios are presented: the first one is the cynical one and pays attention to challenges and the driving forces that can deteriorate the present de-escalated relations. The second scenario considers the positive potentialities of the deal and the situation it can make for more stability and peace. The third one regards both elements of tension and compatibility. Ultimately, the third scenario is considered the most logical one based on the framework presented as the Balance of Interests.

Due to their geopolitical, geoeconomic and geostrategic capabilities, Iran and Saudi Arabia have a great influence on both West Asian countries and the countries of the Islamic world. Before the Islamic revolution, the relations between the two countries were friendly and at most competitive; But after the revolution, friendly relations between the two countries have turned into competitive and even hostile relations in most periods. The purpose of this research is to investigate the turbulent and complicated relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia between 1384 and 1392 based on the theory of constructivism and relying on the social concepts of international politics, especially the theory of Alexander Wendt about behavioral patterns between countries. Therefore, the question of the present research is: "How can the complicated relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia between 1384 and 1392 be investigated based on the three Kantian, Lockean and Hobbesian cultures or the three behavioral patterns of friendship, competition and enmity?" The findings of the research show that in the discussed time frame, the dominant pattern in the relations between the two countries was a competitive pattern, which mainly appeared in the spheres of influence of the two countries in West Asia, security considerations, and the acquisition of Muslim leadership. At a lower level, the pattern of enmity dominates the relations between the two countries and has crystallized around issues such as Iran's nuclear program and the Arab-Israeli debate. Finally, a limited part of Iran-Saudi relations has been based on the model of friendship. This research is of a descriptive-analytical type with a historical-documentary approach and appropriate data has been collected in a library manner.

The war between Russia and Ukraine is one of the most important developments of the new century, which has faced different reactions of international actors. In fact, The war between Russia and Ukraine is one of the historical milestones in the transition period of international relations, which can cause many changes in the international arena due to the presence of many actors involved in it. This war, which is referred as the beginning of the new order or the end of the transition period, although it took place in Europe, it has involved many regions and actors. In the meantime, Saudi Arabia, as one of the strategic players in the Middle East, has pursued a conservative approach despite its strategic partnership with the United States. This research seeks to answer the main question, what is the foreign policy of Saudi Arabia towards the Ukraine war and how and by the influence of which variables have it formed?

The research methodology employed is qualitative. By using the descriptive-analytical method and in the framework of neoclassical realism, the data collected from internet and library sources have been analyzed.

One of the geo-strategic and geo-economic regions that directly and indirectly entered this crisis is the Persian Gulf region. The states of Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, due to their position and importance, especially in the field of energy, indirectly see themselves in the war campaign in Ukraine. Among these states, Saudi Arabia by considering of its place and role in the international system has acted and reacted more than other states of this council towards this crisis. This issue is mostly affected by the position of Saudi Arabia as one of the largest oil exporting states and its strategic partnership with the United States, which has also developed relations with Russia in recent years.The available evidence shows that Saudi Arabia has displayed a balanced policy regarding the Ukraine war with regard to its internal and external variables. The foreign policy of Saudi Arabia, influenced by its strategic culture, is solely formulated and implemented by the authoritarian rules. Therefore, Saudi leaders' perception of their position and regional and international developments play a very important role in the country's foreign policy. The Ukraine war, from the point of view of the Saudi leaders, is affected by the expansion of NATO to the east, and practically the meeting point of the West and the East. Therefore, from the point of view of Saudi Arabia, which has always had a threatening perception of the expansion of Iran's influence in the region, especially after the Arab Spring and especially in Yemen since 2015, Russia's reaction in the form of an invasion of Ukraine to counter the expansion of NATO is completely understandable. Nevertheless, the importance of maintaining the special and strategic relations between Saudi Arabia and the West has caused this country to take a stand against Russia in its declaration policies and foreign policy positions. Another important point that should not be neglected is that the leaders of Saudi Arabia are dissatisfied with the policies of the United States in recent years, especially towards Iran and the pivote to Asia policy and decentralization from the Middle East, as well as realizing the declining position of the United States in the international system and the need to rebuild its foreign relations in the new world order.

The Ukraine war in 2022 is considered one of the most important proxy wars between West and Russia after the Cold War. The importance of this issue has caused different states to adopt different policies towards it according to their political, security and economic relations with each of the two sides of the conflict. In the meantime, although many states, including Arab governments, have criticized Russia's invasion of Ukraine, but despite their political-security orientation towards the West, most of them, especially Saudi Arabia, have adopted a balanced foreign policy in this war between Russia and the West.In sum, The findings of this research show that a set of variables such as the perception of the  Saudi Arabia's elites about the nature of the Ukraine war along with the performance of the United States in recent years in response to the developments of the West Asian region, especially towards the Islamic Republic of Iran and the pursuit of the buck passing strategy and reduction of its obligations in this region, the requirements of Saudi Arabia's 2030 vision and structural changes in the international system caused saudi to adopt a "balance" (not "neutral") policy toward Ukraine war in order to maintain relations with both sides of the conflict.

Strengthening economic security, expanding trade and investment, and promoting economic development play a crucial role in the national security strategies of countries. The growth and development of a nation's economy are intrinsically linked to the quality and quantity of its relationships with rival states. The Islamic Republic of Iran is no exception; it has consistently been affected by the nature of its rivalries and significant regional and global events throughout its history. One noteworthy recent development that could negatively impact Iran's national security is the growing rapprochement between Saudi Arabia and Israel. The current article aims to address the following question using a descriptive-analytical approach: What economic challenges will arise from the close relations between Saudi Arabia and the Zionist regime concerning the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The central finding of this research is that the strengthening of relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel will create regional and global synergies against Iran. This dynamic is likely to intensify existing economic pressures and significantly affect the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Recent political, security, military, and economic developments in the region have forced Saudi Arabia and the Zionist regime, despite their many differences (geographical, historical, cultural-religious, and governmental system), to exert influence on regional governments. Upgrade. The main purpose of this research is to identify the main components influencing and facilitating the relations between Saudi Arabia and the Zionist regime in the framework of neo-realist theory and understanding the threats posed by these relations on the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this research, descriptive and analytical methods have been used to gather information from library and documentary sources and in order to collect scientific observations and research findings, the theoretical approach of power balance has been used. For Waltz, the balance of power is a fundamental factor in harnessing strong actors in international relations, and in fact, it is the structure of the international system and the necessity of survival. The main issue of the research is that the relations between Saudi Arabia and the Zionist regime can be explained and evaluated in the framework of neo-realist theory? The main hypothesis of the research is in response to the question that the components facilitating the relations between Saudi Arabia and the Zionist regime are based on the neorealist approach based on exploiting the system of balance of power, using political, economic, security and military opportunities for unity. Coherent governments in controlling Iran's regional and international power can be explained and evaluated.

As one of the arenas of competition between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia, Lebanon is always of great importance. From this point of view, the present study tries to analyze the competitive acting of Tehran and Riyadh in Lebanon from the point of view of the balance of threats, in order to determine the factors influencing what and why this confrontation is, as opposed to the purely constructivist approach, which is a common approach in this field.

The research method is descriptive and the method of collecting sources is a library and seeks to answer the question that; What have been the grounds and consequences of the Iran-Saudi rivalry in Lebanon?

Lebanon's important geopolitics and multiplicity of ethnicity and religion, which cause internal conflicts and prevent the formation of a strong nation-state, are among the factors that have influenced the role of Iran and Saudi Arabia in Lebanon. The consequences of this competition have been the intensification of the fragility of the socio-political and economic structure, the expansion of the sphere of influence of regional and sometimes global competitors, and the rule of the security atmosphere in Lebanon.

Lebanon's crisis is rooted in the history and geography of this country. The existence of many ethnic and religious groups is one of the main reasons for the presence of Iran and Saudi Arabia in Lebanon. Understanding the existing international realities, these two countries took many measures to form a coalition with their aligned groups in Lebanon, and with political, military, economic, etc. support in this field, in addition to trying to empower the currents under their support as much as possible in the field. The internal affairs of Lebanon tried to increase their power and influence in this country and weaken each other's status and interests.

The war imposed by Iraq against Iran is considered one of the most important international events in the late second half of the 20th century, and despite the extensive support of regional and extra-regional countries to the Baath regime, unfortunately, there is no complete research on the role and position of the Baath regime. Large regional countries including Saudi Arabia have not been investigated. The following article is devoted to the reasons for Saudi Arabia's support to Iraq during the imposed war with a comparative study and historical analysis and claims that the structural requirements based on the Islamic Revolution and the state of the balance of power at the regional level are the most important determining factors in Saudi Arabia has continued to support the Baath regime. Based on this, in this research, by examining the causes and support structures formed after the start of the war, it is devoted to the study of Saudi Arabia's role in the geopolitical structures of the West Asian region during the imposed war. In this framework, the research question is based on the basis of what was the position of Iraq's long-term and attrition war in the 1980s against revolutionary Iran in Saudi Arabia's threat balancing strategy? Arab rulers of Iraq led by Saddam in order to balance against the threats and influence of revolutionary Iran in the West Asian region. Is. The research method is analytical-explanatory and the theoretical approach of threat balance will be used to analyze the issue.

China's growing need for global energy resources has made this country pay special attention to the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf and the world's largest energy producers. In this regard, the representation of a positive image of Beijing in the eyes of rulers and Arab societies is one of the requirements for the expansion of political, economic, and social relations. This issue can strengthen Beijing's influence and position in the Middle East. On the other hand, Arab politicians, to maintain their legitimacy and present a positive image of Arab countries as developing advanced, and prosperous nations, need to attract large investments from powerful countries such as China in the field of digital infrastructures and social media platforms.This research aims to answer the question of what effect China's digital diplomacy towards Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates has had on the development process of this country's relations with Saudi Arabia and the UAE and whether this diplomacy has improved the relations between these two countries with China or not. The results of this study suggest that with the beginning of China's focus on the need to enter the Middle East to take advantage of investment opportunities and huge resources, and China's understanding of this to present a positive and peaceful image of itself by using digital diplomacy to expand its influence in this region, China's relations with the mentioned countries have expanded significantly. These relations have been progressing despite the stonewalling of the West and the United States. This is largely due to China's digital diplomacy. The present paper is a descriptive analysis using the documentary and library resources.
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