قدرت منطقه ای

The South Caucasus has always been the focus of regional and extra-regional powers and has been involved in competitions to influence and dominate the region. Russia has always paid special attention to the Caucasus. Russia's desire to influence and dominate the region is rooted in its multifaceted interests in South Caucasus. The Nagorno-Karabakh Crisis is one of the oldest conflicts in the South Caucasus region, which threatens the security of the region and despite the extensive efforts of regional and international actors, it has not been fully resolved. The current research aims to investigate the factors and causes that prompted Russia to change its approaches and policies towards the first and second Nagorno-Karabakh Wars.

Research question: 

The question of this research is what causes and factors made the change in Russia's approach to the first and second Karabakh war?Research hypothesis: The hypothesis of this research is that the political changes in Armenia in 2018 and the adoption of western policies by the Pashinyan government played a major role in changing Russia's approach to the second Karabakh war.

Methodology and theoretical framework: 

The study was conducted using a monograph. One of the important concepts in the field of international relations is the concept of great power. The concept of "Great Power" is still widely used to analyze the behavior and foreign policy of certain countries and has not lost its relevance. "Great Power" is an identity that, for historical reasons, cannot be easily erased from the minds of the political elites of some states, even in spite of the severe loss of material resources of power. Most of the great powers of the contemporary world have not been able to achieve the position of global hegemon. But most of them claim special rights, privileges and responsibilities in certain geographical areas. The great powers reserve the right to decide on matters affecting international peace and security. A regional power is a country that has the necessary credibility and authority to influence a region. In addition to the regional position on the world scale, a regional power can also be known as a great power.

After 1988, Russia tried to manage the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. However, it seemed that the country could not achieve its goals and this caused dissatisfaction in the Republic of Azerbaijan. Russia's support to Armenia played a key role in the Armenia's success in the First Nagorno-Karabakh War. The war ended with the mediation of Russia and a ceasefire was established between the two countries. Several years later, in April 2016, a conflict broke out between Azerbaijan and Armenia. Although this did not last long, it took a significant toll. The Second Nagorno-Karabakh War started on September 27th, 2020, and continued for 44 days. The second war somehow changed the region and, despite the first war, it was characterized by the presence of more players. Azerbaijan won the second Nagorno-Karabakh war and finally the war ended with a ceasefire brokered by Russia.Relationships between Azerbaijan and Russia are complex and multifaceted. During the presidency of Vladimir Putin and Ilham Aliyev, Russia and the Republic of Azerbaijan have experienced a pragmatic and profitable relations and have interacted with each other in various fields. Russia is one of the main trading partners of Azerbaijan and in 2020, it took the first and third place in the import and export of Azerbaijan, respectively. Russia's foreign direct investment in Azerbaijan increased from 2016 to 2020. Moreover, although Azerbaijan's foreign direct investment in Russia declined between 2016 and 2018, it increased 2019. On the other hand, Russian-Armenian military-technical cooperation between 1991 and 2021 was complex and extensive, developing simultaneously in several key areas. Russia's foreign direct investment decreased significantly in 2018 following the political developments in Armenia. Nevertheless, Russia significantly increased its foreign direct investment in Armenia in 2020.In 2018, the election of a new government in Armenia revived efforts to resolve the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The relations between Armenia-Russia became dark after the election of Pashinyan. From the time of its revolution until the 2020 war, the Armenian government sought to attract investment from the West. It should be considered that Russia was unhappy with the 2018 Armenian revolution as it believed the West was supporting regime change through street protests and organizing such events in the region after the collapse of the Soviet Union. It can be concluded that the above developments prompted Russia to adopt pessimistic view of Armenia.

Russia considers itself as a regional power and opposes the presence and influence of other powers, especially Western powers and the United States in this region. The results of the present study showed that Russia reacts to any issue that threatens its influence in the South Caucasus region. The importance of this issue for Russia was so great that the country's relations with Armenia underwent changes after the election of Pashinyan and the adoption of Pro-Western policies by his government. Therefore, Russia significantly reduced its foreign direct investment in Armenia in 2018. Russia’s different approaches to the First and Second Nagorno-Karabakh Wars were mostly influenced by the Armenian Velvet Revolution of 2018 and the pro-western policies of Pashinyan’s goverment. In other words, it can be said that the policy adopted by Russia towards the Second Nagorno-Karabakh war in 2020 was a reaction to Pashinyan’s pro-western policies in Armenia. Therefore, the main reason for the change of Russia's approach in the Second Karabakh war is that Armenia did not follow the framework of the laws intended by Russia and Russia changed its approach to punish this country in this war.

The Persian Gulf is one of the strategic regions of the political world, which has seen many security crises for a long time. After the departure of England from this region, America considers itself the owner of the Persian Gulf. Considering China's growing need for energy, this country considers itself as an active player in the energy sector based on mutual interests and benefits, and always expresses its readiness to expand dialogue and cooperation with other countries in order to ensure the stability and security of global energy. therefore, the increasing presence of China as the second economic power in the world and the most important competitor of the United States in the 21st century has created special conditions for the foreign policy of the United States. Ensuring the security of this region, which is considered the most strategic area of ​​Iran's national interests One of the security concerns of different Iranian governments has been and still is, so the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Persian Gulf region are in danger of reaching the capabilities of becoming an unmatched regional power. The main question in this research is "the nature of foreign policy" How will the People's Republic of China behave towards the Persian Gulf region and how will it affect Iran's interests? And the hypothesis of the research is as follows: "

NATO has functioned as one of the main pillars of the security order during the past 75 years, and as a multi-layered institution, it has been able to play a decisive role in American hegemony. Due to the extensive developments in the global security order, the decline of American hegemony and the rise of new global and regional powers, NATO is facing serious challenges. Also, European countries are facing serious problems in securing their security. In this article, while examining these developments and challenges, it is tried to address the issue of what is the future of NATO, what challenges NATO is facing and how NATO can participate in the architecture of the security system. In order to answer this futuristic question, five possible scenarios for the future of NATO have been explained, and in particular, the issue of NATO's role in creating and coordinating a network of united western-oriented countries in different regions has been raised. Also, the issue of the approach of the Islamic Republic of Iran to NATO has been raised in the section of what should be done.

The purpose of this article is to examine China-Syria relations and its impact on Turkey's regional power, and it tries to answer the question of how China-Syria relations in the years 2011 to 2021 have affected Turkey's regional power and interests.
To answer the purpose of this research, explanatory-analytical method has been used.
The geopolitical position of Turkey in the region of West Asia, the Black Sea and the Mediterranean has placed this country in the center of an important geopolitical environment in the world. After the instabilities caused by the Arab uprisings in the region in 2011, Turkey took a power-oriented approach to strengthen its regional power to protect its position against threats and challenges. In the meantime, the Syrian crisis has become a conflict between the interests of China and Turkey in the region, and China's support for the Syrian government has affected Turkey's regional power. In response and using the explanatory-analytical research method, the hypothesis of the article is that "China-Syria relations through China's political support to Bashar al-Assad and the establishment of economic and trade relations with this country have affected Turkey's regional power at this point and It has weakened it".
The findings of the research show that the establishment of political-economic relations between China and Syria and this country's support for Bashar al-Assad's government and Beijing's support for anti-terrorist operations in the region are in conflict with the interests of Turkey's regional power and have weakened this country's power-oriented approach in the region.

Culture, as a software aspect of power, has always been the most influential among the components of power and is considered one of the most fundamental requirements for the defense power of any country. Cultural power, while being a means of defense and conquest, can influence other components of power and strengthen or weaken it. And this importance is evident in the documents and orders of the founder of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Supreme Leader. The main purpose of this article is to formulate strategies for gaining the superior defense power of the region in the field of culture based on document 1404 and factors and indicators related to it. Descriptive and inferential methods have been used in this research. The statistical population includes experts in cultural and defense affairs, and the sample size is 60 people. Based on this, by using the SWOT analysis method, each of the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats were identified according to the internal and external environment of the country and appropriate strategies were selected, and by using the TOPSIS method, strategies were prioritized and finally 8 superior strategies in the field of culture were selected and suggested, and the analysis shows that we are in an aggressive mode in terms of the superior defense power of the region in the cultural field. Therefore, it can be concluded that the first strategy is considered the most appropriate strategy. Therefore, the most appropriate strategy for the cultural dimension of the superior defense power is to connect the current and future generations of the country with the proud generation of the Islamic Revolution through the explanation of the theoretical foundations and epistemology and the development of the experiences gained from the culture of sacred defense with proper planning for conceptualization. It is for posterity

 Iran's foreign policy strategy towards Iraq after the fall of Saddam has been influenced by various factors, including geography, religion, economy and axis of resistance. Given the US occupation of Iraq, the decline of established government and the army, the particular attitude of the regional countries gradually led to an increase in Iran's regional and global influence in the new Iraq. After the fall of Saddam, Iran's foreign policy in Iraq, on the one hand, shaped security in Iraq, because after Saddam and the fall of the Ba'athist army, the security crisis spread in Iraq. Iran has played a key role in shaping Iraq's new security, including hardware and software security. But on the other hand, the involvement of other regional countries, such as Saudi Arabia, has led to new security crises in Iraq. In fact, Iran's policy in Iraq has had paradoxical effects on national security. As the economic dimension and economic growth and the decline of extremist groups such as ISIS has had positive and capacity-building effects, but in other dimensions such as the support of Iran's regional rivals for the insurgency in Iraq, the survival of extremist groups, authority of the central government have been challenged. 

National culture includes all the thoughts, ideas, customs and feelings that people of a nation have learned from each other. The purpose of this study is to analyze the influential components of Iranian national culture on the power of Iranian regions in West Asia. The method of this research is based on a qualitative approach and content analysis method based on interviews and quantitative study based on a questionnaire. The statistical population consists of 30 elites in the field of national culture, including: professors of Isfahan University and abroad, cultural centers and strategic managersBased on the conceptual model drawn in order to determine the relationship between items, dimensions and subject, the questionnaire coefficient questionnaire was developed and distributed, collected and analyzed in the expert community. Based on the results of factor analysis, 116 out of 119 indicators of the questionnaire had a factor load higher than 0.30 and was confirmed.According to Cronbach's alpha, for national culture questionnaire with national dimensions (0.950) and religious (0.960) equal to (0.972) and for regional power questionnaire with (8989) has been calculated and according to the coefficient values Cronbach's alpha, it can be inferred that the research tool has a relatively good reliability.

The change in the strategic priorities of the United States and the change in the geopolitical direction of Washington towards the Asia-Pacific with the aim of containing China, has caused a decrease in the importance and, as a result, a decrease in the presence of the United States in the Middle East and North Africa region. This transformation has prepared the space for the Role-Playing of other great powers, including Russia and China, and after that, it has influenced the regional politics of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia as two competing regional powers. In response to these new conditions, Riyadh has adopted a strategy of diversifying its security partners (and at the same time, trying to obtain security guarantees from the United States), and in this regard, even an option such as normalizing Saudi relations with the Zionist regime has placed on the table. On the other hand, Iran, whose regional policy has always been defined around the axis of resistance to the foreign presence (especially the United States) in the region, now faces a strategic contradiction, because this time, Russia and China are Iran's allieswho seek to increase their influence in the Middle East region.In such an environment, the factor of the simultaneous desire of the United States of America, China, and other extra-regional powers in the region to create a balance between Tehran and Riyadh, and at the same time, the factor of the desire of both sides (Iran and Saudi(to manage another threat, while avoiding not to accept each other's dominant role, are the factors that can lead to optimism regarding the formation of controlled competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia

Identifying the surrounding geopolitical territories of a country and using its capacities can lead to a greater role in the geometry of regional and global power. Usually, the role-playing of a power happens in the territorial sphere of influence of the surrounding territories of its geographical unit, which is subject to geopolitical goals and these goals are subject to geopolitical profits or interests. For this purpose, the first step is to identify the geopolitical factors around that territory, which the growth and progress in the region and the world depend on those factors; Therefore, in this article, the factors that will cause the role of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the fields of regional and global power with regard to the geopolitical territory of the Persian Gulf have been investigated and identified. The main goal of the present study  is to determine the components and indicators that affect the role of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the fields of regional and global power with regard to the geopolitical territory of the Persian Gulf, which corresponds to the purpose of the research question. This research is applied-developmental and uses descriptive conceptual research methods. The statistical population of the research is 56 people according to the characteristics of the research. Data analysis is based on structural equations, and the results of the research indicate that the geopolitical territory of the Persian Gulf with 10 indicators has led to the role of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the fields of regional and global power and the strengthening of the country's geopolitical position and dignity, which will lead to the strengthening of the defense-security power.

Foreign policy is the most important aspect of socio-political life of nations and countries, because their survival depends on foreign policy. Therefore, recognizing and studying the foreign policy of countries is very important. One of the most important countries whose foreign policy consideration is important is the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Saudi Arabia has always sought leadership in the Middle East, relying on its unique characteristics. However, the foreign policy of any country is based on facts and is influenced by factors that affect its efficiency at the regional level and even at the international level. The nuclear deal between Iran and the 5 + 1 (United States, Russia, China, France, the United Kingdom and Germany) under the JCPOA is one of the factors influencing Saudi Arabia's foreign policy. Accordingly, this study addresses the issue of how the post- JCPOA climate has affected Saudi Arabia's foreign policy. In order to answer this question, using the theory of neoclassical realism, it is hypothesized that the post-conflict atmosphere has invaded Saudi foreign policy.  Neoclassical realism is a combination of classical realism and structural realism. That is, on the one hand, like structural realists, it pays attention to system-level factors, and on the other hand, it also pays attention to the mental perceptions and internal structure of states, just like classical realists. Neoclassical realists open the black box of government and explain the foreign policy behavior of a particular country by including domestic-level variables in explaining international policies. In fact, neoclassical realism, while believing that the understanding of most current affairs of international relations is the responsibility of foreign policy theory, by simultaneously involving internal variables, especially the role of interest groups and external variables including the country's position in the international system, is a particularly organized view of generalist thinking. In the context of neoclassical realism, internal factors, especially the perceptions and views of Saudi government leaders and elites, have played a key role in shaping the country's foreign policy in the post-conflict period. Internal factors, such as political leaders' perceptions of threats, and material and internal correlations, act as a mediating variable in shaping the country's foreign policy. From the point of view of the Saudi elite, JCPOA has increased its influence and strengthened the position of the regions of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Because the removal of sanctions on Iran provided ample economic opportunities for the Tehran government. In this regard, Saudi Arabia is concerned that financial resources may contribute to Iran's aggressive stance and increase its influence in the region. The risk of increasing Iran's influence in countries such as Syria, Yemen, Iraq and Lebanon naturally raises concerns in Saudi Arabia. Concerns that Iran, as a powerful player, will be present in the security system of the Persian Gulf and that there will be ample opportunities in the region for it. The nuclear deal reached, ending the threat to Iran's nuclear program, will have a positive impact on security in the Middle East, and Iran will no longer be seen as a threat to security in the Middle East. In addition, the removal of economic sanctions against Iran gives the country international legitimacy. With the conclusion of the UN Security Council, Saudi Arabia became increasingly concerned about a shift in the balance of power in favor of Iran. According to Saudi Arabia, billions of dollars will go to Iran once sanctions are removed. The normalization of trade relations between Iran and European countries will also change the situation in the region in Iran's favor. Thus, Saudi foreign policy makers, perceiving the JCPOA as a threat to their interests, have extracted and mobilized their resources and capabilities to counter the perceived threat. The results of the study show that Saudi officials and decision-makers, for fear of changing the status and regional power in favor of the Islamic Republic of Iran, went to extract their resources (mainly oil) and use these resources to take measures such as increasing arms purchases. Aggressive policies in the region and the diversification of global partners to shift the balance of power have worked in their favor. In a conclusion of the present article, it should be said that in the geographical scope of the Middle East and the Persian Gulf after the Islamic Revolution of Iran, the two countries of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia have always tried to lead the Islamic world according to different readings, based on their identity and geographical nature. They have competed together. Based on this competitive nature in the relations between the two countries, when the nuclear issue of the Islamic Republic of Iran was raised, Saudi Arabia, while trying to use this situation, used the opportunity to sanction and restrict the Islamic Republic of Iran, and in line with this, concluded a comprehensive plan of joint action in The direction of reaching a solution regarding the nuclear crisis of the Islamic Republic of Iran has been defined by the opening of Iran's hand in regional issues. Based on this threat, and in order to deal with the Islamic Republic of Iran, the authorities of Saudi Arabia have formulated various strategies. In line with the implementation of these strategies, by using their resources in the form of oil sales, they have tried to respond to the threat posed by the post-JCPOA environment towards the Islamic Republic of Iran by increasing the purchase of weapons, and to strengthen themselves in the form of purchasing military weapons, and at the same time adopting an aggressive policy in Middle East region to weaken the allies of the Islamic Republic of Iran and strengthen the allies. Also, the authorities of Saudi Arabia have strengthened their extra-regional partners in the post-JCPOA period and have turned to expanding and strengthening relations with China and Russia.

Different countries use different military, political, cultural and economic levers to influence the international arena. In this field, the Islamic Republic of Iran, according to the characteristics of the revolution of 1357, by using the cultural lever by supporting the attraction and organization of Islamic groups, the conditions for exerting influence in regional countries such as Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, etc., within the framework of interests The people, the region and the Islamic world have prepared.This article is compiled with the aim of examining the soft power of the Islamic Republic of Iran in regional Islamic groups, especially Hashd al-Shaabi.In this research, this question will be answered; What is the effect of the soft power of the Islamic Republic of Iran on the Islamic factions of the Middle East region with a case study of Hashd al-Shaabi?research hypothesis; The soft power components of the Islamic Republic of Iran, such as culture, religious beliefs, and internal and external policies, have been effective in creating and strengthening Islamic groups in the region. The results obtained from the mentioned research show that the Islamic Republic of Iran has caused the resistance groups in the region, especially Hashd al-Shaabi, to change from a potential state to an actual one, and in ensuring the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran, especially in the fight against terrorism, Help with drug trafficking, human trafficking, etc.The method chosen in this article is descriptive and analytical, and the method of collecting materials is through a library.

Upgrading the regional power of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which is located in one of the strategic geopolitical regions of the world, is necessary to provide the ground for achieving the lofty goals of the system and the Islamic Revolution. Geopolitical factors are the same factors of power that are important components in gaining and promoting the power of countries, and proper knowledge of these factors will allow proper management in taking advantage of environmental conditions in order to achieve the goal of promoting regional power. Construction. The purpose of this study is to "identify geopolitical factors affecting the promotion of regional power in the Islamic Republic of Iran." The type of applied research and its approach are mixed with the descriptive-contextual method. Data were collected in two methods library and field (semi-structured interviews and questionnaires). Quantitative data analysis software were analyzed. The validity of the interview and the questionnaire was calculated through the content validity and the reliability of the interview form with the Kappa Cohen formula and the questionnaires with Cronbach's alpha. Sampling is non-random and is equivalent to 93 people. From the research findings, 64 factors including 17 factors with the role of strength, 7 factors with the role of weakness, 21 factors with the role of opportunity and 19 factors with the role of threat were counted and finally it was determined that the strategic position of regional power of the Islamic Republic of Iran In the first quarter, it is the axis of coordinates or the offensive position, and considering that the offensive strategy is located between financial power (efficiency) and industrial power (growth and promotion potential), so regional power c. ا. Iran is in a state of balance and stability and has the ability to actively compete against other competitors. Therefore, while the Islamic Republic of Iran can be introduced as a regional power, it also has the necessary potential and capacity to promote regional power.

Iran - Saudi Arabia, the two most powerful powers have always sought to maximize power equations and gain the highest position in the Middle East. Although these two actors have managed to showcase their strength in the region at some point in history, they have always faced many challenges due to the inconsistency of national requirements and international requirements. For example, before the Islamic Revolution, with the backing of the United States, Iran succeeded in asserting its power in the region; Could not. Now, with this descriptive-analytical research method, this research seeks to answer the question of what are the requirements of the Saudi-Iranian competition for a regional power plan in the Middle East? The provisional hypothesis is that gaining regional status in the Middle East requires both actors to have both material and immaterial power, as well as the behavior and policies of other regional and transnational governments. The findings of the study, by applying neoclassical realism theory, and analyzing the requirements of the power plan, at two levels of micro and macro analysis, suggest that the existence of different national capacities, relying on, or opposing the existing order, prevents one of these two states from topping. Over the Middle East's power equations. The method of gathering data and data is based on the library method.

In the period of geopolitical transition, each country establishes its position in the pyramid of global power based on the activities and achievements achieved in this period. The main purpose of this study is to identify strategies for maximizing the power of Iran's regions in the geopolitical transition period in West Asia. The research question is how Iran can increase its regional power in this transition period. The type of applied research and the method of doing it are also descriptive and case-contextual. The results show that in the geopolitical transition period, Iran can take advantage of the geopolitical opportunities and advantages of this period to maximize the power of its regions by formulating a geopolitical strategy and regional networking, active access to the network of brokers and agents. Internalize power in the face of threats and pave the way for the realization of the declaration of the second step of the Islamic Revolution in the regional sphere.

The end of the Cold War lifted the umbrella of the superpowers from Europe and many other regions. The pattern of influence of the superpowers changed. The regional powers took the initiative, and the literature on regional powers became popular. The Islamic Revolution, the Islamic State, Shiite ideology, and the challenge to liberal discourse, along with other components of national power such as geopolitics, established Iran as a regional power. Given the importance of this position, what scenarios for the future of Iran's regional power can be explored and evaluated. Future visualization, discovery and evaluation of possible and probable futures of regional power in Iran were followed by futures research method. Using the scenario-making method, optimistic, pessimistic and combined images of the future power of Iran's regions were drawn. By explaining the parts of the scenario and their evidences, the combined scenario; The continuation of the ideology of resistance and while emphasizing the case interaction with the West as a picture closer to the future reality of the position of power in the regions of Iran is more likely. Drawing scenarios of Iranian power in the form of a theoretical basis of a set of scenarios (relatively specific elements, driving forces and uncertainties) and a combined scenario showing the continuation of Iranian power and re-creating a revolutionary identity, adherence to resistance, fundamentalism and realistic idealism. Case interaction with the West and the continuation of the 2021 negotiations.

Promoting the regional power of the I. R. of Iran, located in one of the strategic geopolitical regions of the globe, is a necessity in order to pave the ground for the realization of the supreme goals of the system and the Islamic Revolution. Geopolitical factors are those elements of power that are regarded as important constituents in the acquisition and promotion of the power of countries. Regarding the scope of these components, the element of the military geopolitics of the power was studied to reach the aim of this study, i.e. "providing strategies to promote the regional power of the I. R. of Iran based on the role of Yemen's military geopolitical factors. This study was an applied one which employed a descriptive-analytical method. Data collection was performed using desk and field methods (interview and questionnaire). The qualitative and quantitative data were analyzed through content analysis method with the help of "Maxqda" software and quantitative data analysis software, respectively. The validity and reliability of this instrument was calculated by content validity and "Cronbach's alpha", respectively. The statistical population included 45 participants and the sampling was a non-random method. Finally, regarding the research findings, strategies such as the development of military diplomacy and the promotion of joint military cooperation with Yemen, the development and strengthening of military support from Houthi Movement according to the environmental conditions, strengthening resilience and defense deterrence of the people, demonstration of the role of military power in acquiring the strategic achievements of the I. R. of Iran in the domestic, regional and international environments and realization of the consequences of the actions have been extracted.

The emergence of the Islamic Republic of Iran as an influential regional power in the West Asia in recent years, and the demonstration of its power in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon and Yemen indicate a transformation in Iran's regional policy compared to the past. In addition to the increasing relative capabilities of the country and lack of solidarity in the geopolitical developments of the marginal regions, this show of power has occurred as a result of regional activities of the Iranian advisory forces centered on the Quds Force. This study is intended to explain the role of advisory forces in the regional policies of Iran and to explain how their activities have increased regional power and influence of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Findings indicated that the Quds Force, as practical arm of the Islamic Revolution, has played a vital role in transforming Iran's regional policies by actualization of the three regional roles (leadership, guarding and support). Quds Force has tried to expand the influence of the Islamic Republic of Iran by employing local resistance forces. In consequence, the success of the Quds Force in organizing a political bloc called the “the Axis of Resistance”, confrontation with ISIS as the most critical intra-regional threat, and inhibiting the influence and intervention of supra-regional powers such as the United States, have resulted in increasing Iran's influence and its regional position. It is worth mentioning that this is an analytical-descriptive research whose data were collected by library and internet resources.