لبنان

The role of Hezbollah in Lebanon during the years after its formation, as a political-military movement and based on a regular identity, has been the focus of experts' attention. The purpose of the present research is to investigate and analyze the effectiveness of a political-military movement in a country with the coordinates of Lebanon, considering the difference and the plurality of opinions. An attempt is made to answer the question that Hezbollah's platforms of influence in Lebanon are drawn based on what components? The answer to this question have taken place based on four factors; The existence of the Zionist regime, the negative interference of countries such as America, France, and Saudi Arabia, the inefficient government, and the constructive activism of the Islamic republic of Iran. The following research was carried out based on the descriptive-analytical method and the use of library and documentary sources, within the framework of constructivist theory, and the following results were obtained; Hezbollah started to strengthen the Lebanese identity and brought about convergence in some parts of this society under the identity-benefit, considering the tribal system in the country. Two foreign non-constructive platforms such as; the existence of the Zionist regime and the negative interference of the United States, France, and Saudi Arabia caused Hezbollah to benefit from a foreign constructive actor such as the Islamic Republic of Iran in order to achieve a meaningful balance in terms of increasing power and warding off danger. On the other hand, due to the multiplicity of clans and the existence of an ineffective government, he took internal and constructive measures in order to solve the problems of the Lebanese society. The most important goal of Hezbollah's intervention and active presence in the heart of affairs is the identity of Lebanese society based on authentic Islamic principles (while respecting religious groups and clans) in order to improve Lebanon's position in the domestic and international environment.

As one of the arenas of competition between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia, Lebanon is always of great importance. From this point of view, the present study tries to analyze the competitive acting of Tehran and Riyadh in Lebanon from the point of view of the balance of threats, in order to determine the factors influencing what and why this confrontation is, as opposed to the purely constructivist approach, which is a common approach in this field.

The research method is descriptive and the method of collecting sources is a library and seeks to answer the question that; What have been the grounds and consequences of the Iran-Saudi rivalry in Lebanon?

Lebanon's important geopolitics and multiplicity of ethnicity and religion, which cause internal conflicts and prevent the formation of a strong nation-state, are among the factors that have influenced the role of Iran and Saudi Arabia in Lebanon. The consequences of this competition have been the intensification of the fragility of the socio-political and economic structure, the expansion of the sphere of influence of regional and sometimes global competitors, and the rule of the security atmosphere in Lebanon.

Lebanon's crisis is rooted in the history and geography of this country. The existence of many ethnic and religious groups is one of the main reasons for the presence of Iran and Saudi Arabia in Lebanon. Understanding the existing international realities, these two countries took many measures to form a coalition with their aligned groups in Lebanon, and with political, military, economic, etc. support in this field, in addition to trying to empower the currents under their support as much as possible in the field. The internal affairs of Lebanon tried to increase their power and influence in this country and weaken each other's status and interests.

In this article, the researchers have tried to use Smelser's theory of collective behavior to achieve a sociological explanation of the Hezbollah movement and to investigate the contexts, causes, and meaningful variables in the process of forming the political-social movement of Lebanon's Hezbollah. are In other words, this article seeks to provide a theoretical answer to the main question of the present research, regarding the .explanatory variable in the theory of "collective behavior", that is, why and how the Hezbollah movement emerged in Lebanon. In addition, by using the examination and tracking of the emergence of the Lebanese Hezbollah movement as an empirical benchmark, the aforementioned theory, Smelser's theory of collective behavior, has also been evaluated. In other words, in addition to explaining the emergence of the Hezbollah movement, this article also deals with the experimental theory (Smelser's collective behavior). proved more than anything else was the weakness and deficiency of political journalistic analysis in explaining the formation of a socio-political trend like Hezbollah. To investigate a movement and a phenomenon that is rooted in the society, a scientific approach is necessary that considers the principle of cause and effect and pays special attention to social factors. Since Islamsar's theoretical approach is considered a structural-functional approach, it provides a broader understanding of social phenomena such as the Lebanese Hezbollah movement.nd like Hezbollah. To investigate a movement and a phenomenon that is rooted in the society, a scientific approach is necessary that considers the principle of cause and effect and pays special attention to social factors. Since Islamsar's theoretical approach is considered a structural-functional approach, it provides a broader understanding of social phenomena such as the Lebanese Hezbollah movement. investigate a movement and a phenomenon that is rooted in the society, a scientific approach is necessary that considers the principle of cause and effect and pays special .

The heterogeneous and mosaic socio-political conditions of Lebanon, which is rooted in the history of this country, are the main reason for the formation of unrest and the lack of consensus among political elites to create reconciliation between ethnic and religious groups and currents inside this country. But besides the above factor, other factors are also effective in this field. The current research tries to answer this question with a descriptive-analytical approach and through library that what were the most important influential factors in the formation of Lebanon's political crisis and its spread to other areas between 2005 and 2019? (question). In this research, the authors analyze the role of domestic, regional and international components by using the level of analysis approach as well as Little's security approach, which deals with socio-political cohesion and the type of security environment. The findings indicate that the internal differences between different ethnic and religious groups have caused the weakness of the government institution and they have provided the ground for foreign actors to play a role in the political sphere of Lebanon. In addition to the internal components, the interventionist role of foreign actors and their alliance with ethnic and religious groups with the aim of achieving their desired interests, has caused the failure to reach a collective agreement among the political elites of this country. This issue doubled the problem of fragmentation, instability and deep political, social and economic crises in Lebanon during the years 2005 to 2019 (findings)

Lebanon's Hezbollah is the most important known resistance group against the Zionist regime and has been supported by Iran since the beginning of the revolution. This article aims to study the representation of this powerful military-political party in two media outlets: Al-Manar (belonging to Hezbollah) and PressTV (belonging to the National Broadcasting Center of J.A. Iran). . The main question of this research is: How do these two media represent Hezbollah? Which media policies did the aforementioned representation reflect, and to what extent did it contribute to stabilizing the position of the aforementioned party, especially in the Lebanese society? The hypothesis of this research is based on the fact that in order to explain the goals of a group and help stabilize its position, media policies play an important role in the representation of the said group, in creating trust in the audience. The result of the research from the investigation of the representation done in both media indicates that Al-Manar has been able to attract many audiences and play an important role in strengthen the position of Hezbollah. This issue, due to the single-centered policies of PressTV, focusing only on the issue of resistance, has caused the representation of the said party to be carried out only in the field of resistance against the occupying Zionist regime. This article is presented with a descriptive and analytical qualitative method, and its data has been collected from library sources as well as television archives and the website of the two mentioned media.

After experiencing a brief period of relative stability between 2016 and 2019, Lebanon has been faced with a critical situation during the past three and a half years. On the one hand, the country’s economy is witnessing such crises as unprecedented depreciation of the national currency, a three-digit inflation, and expanding poverty and unemployment, and on the other the country lacks a constitutionally elected president and government possessing full powers. As a result of such a situation, Lebanon faces two essential and immediate questions in 2023: First, reconstruction of the executive branch (election of a president and formation of the government), and second, economic reconstruction. Regardless of the aforementioned questions in the short term, Lebanon encounters mega-crises and fundamental challenges including sectarianism, weakness of the state institutions and lack of national consensus over fundamental political issues. Continuation of these problems poses a serious obstacle to the country’s path to sustainable development and lasting stability. This paper seeks to analyze latest conditions in Lebanon and the prospects for the resolution of political and economic crises in the country in 2023.

The current research has analyzed and investigated the political and cultural actions of the Harfooshian family. This research is based on reliable historical and hadith sources in the library method and descriptive-analytical research method based on document mining which analyzes the problem. The results obtained in this research show that Al-Harfoushians were among the Shia religious groups in Lebanon. The actions and activities of the artisans can be summarized in two political and military fronts, which is the subject of the present article and the answer to the question, what were their actions in this regard? Of course, it seems that they have done valuable actions in other fields in this area, and among them, cultural performance and especially their relations with Iran have been taken into consideration. Also, they have had an interactionist policy with the Ottomans and have tried to distance themselves from biased dealings in their relations with them, which has also been mentioned.

The study of the commonalities and differences between the political thought of the Lebanese Hezbollah resistance group and the political thought of the Islamic Revolution of Iran and the dissection of this current and the process of intellectual transformation of one of the most important and prominent Shiite Islamist currents are of special importance for the Iranian Islamic Revolution. Considering the use of the historical-comparative method that was done in this article, it sought to answer the question of what are the commonalities and differences between the political thought of Hezbollah in Lebanon Islamic Revolution in Iran? We have analyzed the commonalities and differences between the political thought of the Islamic Revolution Iran and the Lebanese Hezbollah movement based a comparison of its thirteen salient features. The findings of the study also indicate that the Islamic Revolution of Iran and Hezbollah in Lebanon have a lot in common in terms of ideology and beliefs, and only in the establishment Islamic government, the leaders of the Hezbollah movement, taking into account the specific circumstances of Lebanon and different cultures and religions.

With the discovery of gas fields in the Eastern Mediterranean, a new capacity was created for the countries located in this geographical area to take advantage of this strategic resource to meet their strategic energy needs and reduce economic problems and dependence on foreign sources. The Karish and Qana gas fields are among the resources that, due to being in the maritime border dispute between Lebanon and the Zionist regime, the possibility of identifying reserves and extracting from these resources faced serious considerations. Hizbollah's pressure and threat in determining the conditions of these resources following the Zionist regime's abuses of the said resources led to an agreement to determine the maritime borders of Lebanon with the Zionist regime, based on which Qana was handed over to Lebanon and Karish to the regime. The question of the current research is, how will the effect of the naval agreement between Lebanon and the Zionist regime regarding the gas fields of Qana and Karish be on the situation of Hezbollah in Lebanon? The hypothesis of the research states: "Hezbollah's protection of Lebanon's national interests in the Qana and Karish field of energy, stabilizing the political and national activism of this movement in Lebanon, creates a new arena for increasing the asymmetric deterrence power of Hezbollah in the field of maritime and energy against the Zionist regime. »

Lebanon's elections have always been of great importance to Lebanon's domestic actors and regional and international actors due to its internal and external influence. Although this election is considered to be a suitable platform for displaying the power of internal parties and currents as well as foreign actors united by these Lebanese parties and currents due to the parliament-oriented political structure as well as the weak government structure and strong network society, it does not have the power to create structural changes in the distribution of power. It should be analyzed by understanding this fact. This article tries to answer the question regarding the holding of 2022 elections in this country, what are the special conditions and features and consequences of these elections. It seems that the most important conditions and special features of this period of elections are:holding elections in a critical economic situation, the continuation of the internal cohesion of resistance groups and the disintegration of rival currents, the participation of Sunnis without political authority, the decisive results of Christian-Christian competition, the increase in the mobility of groups civil and independent, the intensification of the destructive role of foreign countries and the continuation of political procrastination. Regarding the consequences of the election results, it can be stated as follows: stabilization of the position of the axis of resistance in Lebanon despite the intensification of destruction, continuation of the crisis situation in Lebanon, reduction of the legitimacy of the current Lebanese politicians, continuation of the presence of prime ministers with weak political support, deepening of the political divide, strengthening of the third movement. Increasing political and security movements of the Zionist regime against the resistance.

Border disputes are one of the important issues that have had a high status and importance in political geography and, as the case may be, in border studies and how to control and manage borders. Recognizing these factors and their impact on the foreign policy of countries can reduce differences and achieve security and convergence in the world. Therefore, in this article, considering the water borders between Lebanon and the Zionist regime, we will explain the importance of this border region in terms of geopolitics, security and military, and the security and economic view of Lebanon and Israel to the region.

The present article examines the factors influencing the foreign policy of Lebanon and the Zionist regime in resolving water border disputes using a descriptive-analytical method and using the principles of aggressive realism.

The impact of various factors on the foreign policy strategies of Lebanon and the Zionist regime in relation to maritime conflicts was examined.

The study shows that despite the importance of maritime borders in Lebanese political stability and competition, these borders have not yet found their place due to reliance on shaky mechanisms such as smuggling in the Lebanese economy. That is why Lebanon is trying to create productive economic activities in the region by relying on international support. On the other hand, the multi-year need of the Zionist regime for energy supply and the policies adopted by the Arab oil and gas producing countries have caused the country to look beyond the economic point of view to resolve these disputes and try to resolve this conflict from a security point of view.

One of the best ways to achieve political stability in multicultural societies is by consensus democracy known as the "division of power." In this type of democracy, by using the four principles of the parliamentary coalition, autonomy, veto right, and proportional representation, it is tried to create political stability in the country and facilitate the circulation of elites in decision-making by sharing different strata and groups in power. Iraq and Lebanon are multicultural societies with ethnic, linguistic, religious, and cultural diversity. The Lebanese population consists of three major groups: Shiites, Sunnis, and Maronite Christians, and Iraq includes three major groups: Shiites, Sunnis, and Kurds. For more than half a century now, in Lebanon, and for nearly two decades, in Iraq, an agreed-upon consensus democracy has been implemented within the framework of their constitution. The mosaic texture of both and the creation of a relatively heterogeneous and heterogeneous society have led to the manifestation of political power based on this democracy and in the form of the pillars of the political system divided between them. Now, considering the shortcomings of the government process - nation-building and non-institutionalization of civil and participatory political culture and the lack or weakness of the party system and NGOs of the two countries, the question of the article focuses on the application of this democracy based on cultural-social diversity and compare their opportunities and challenges. In response, the hypothesis is formulated that consensus democracy is an option that is institutionally-politically capable of achieving relative security and stability by preparing the necessary platform for the participation of multiple ethnic, religious, and linguistic groups. The tribal context and the traditional sectarian tendencies of these countries and the continuation of social divisions are among the effective challenges in the fragility of this democracy. In this article, using both the institutional approach and the comparative method in examining the subject, this result was obtained.Given the multiculturalism of the two countries and the diversity of social divisions in them, consensus democracy is a good option for the political participation of various groups in the decisions of the two countries and has been able to focus on Parliament created relative but fragile stability. The traditional and tribal culture of the two countries, the problem of national identity, cultural barriers to civil society and non-governmental organizations, and the shortcomings of the nation-state-building process have made it difficult to realize the theme of this kind of democracy in practice.It is in the form of a modern dish but with traditional and undemocratic content. In other words, the shape and form of the political system derived from democracy are an agreement commensurate with the multiplicity and cultural diversity in these two countries. However, its content and theme are challenged and conflicted due to the low level of awareness and intellectual maturity of the society and the lack of political pluralism, and it does not have sufficient strength and consistency to create national security and social solidarity.And that is why both the smooth and peaceful transfer of power and the sustainable development and human security in these two countries face serious obstacles and problems, and from time to time we see violent behavior and turmoil or severe political crisis in which national sovereignty and endangers their independence and territorial integrity.The way out of this vulnerable and insecure situation is to train awareness and responsible citizens who have the ability to work together and work in groups and are tolerance and tolerant of opposing ideas, as well as political activism in a peaceful atmosphere away from monotony and self-centeredness. Clarification of economic and political relations, the institutionalization of governing norms and regulations, and the realization of civil institutions and non-governmental organizations are other requirements that can strengthen the foundations of consensus democracy in these countries by eliminating the roots of corruption and discrimination and facilitating citizens' political participation. Non-intervention of foreign powers is another important factor that can provide political independence and national sovereignty, the field of self-confidence of social forces and their interaction in these two countries, and their further role in the dynamics of political and social changes.

The export of the Iranian Islamic Revolution to other countries of the world emerged from the first days of the victory of the Islamic Revolution in the words of Imam Khomeini as the leader of the Islamic Revolution. Given the ideological influence of the Iranian Islamic Revolution on Lebanon, the world is witnessing the emergence of an orderly and cohesive military and political organization in Lebanon. The purpose of this article is to analyze the causes and grounds for the spread and influence of the Iranian Islamic Revolution in Lebanon. Given the visible impact of the Islamic Revolution on Lebanon, a scientific study of its causes is necessary. Accordingly, using the descriptive-analytical method and relying on library and electronic sources, the present article examines the ideological foundations of the Iranian Islamic Revolution and investigates the impacts of these sources on the Lebanese Shiites. The findings show that the influence of the Iranian Islamic Revolution in Lebanon is due to having a common ideal, i.e. following Islam as the only way to prosperity against the ideas of liberalism and Marxism; common values and cultural components such as freedom, justice, independence and dignity; common enemy, i.e. the superpowers and their representatives in the region; and the common ideology, which is the ideology of Shiite Islam under the leadership of the Supreme Leader.

The process of nation-building is a Western process that has been favorably used by modern European countries. This process is based on the creation of a strong government institution, the formation of an orderly and efficient bureaucracy, as well as the definition of national identity for the citizens present at certain borders, under the title of nation. Imposed borders in the Middle East, lack of nation-building grounds such as democracy in the Middle East, late accession of countries in the region, as well as ethnic and racial dispersion of people in the region, cause tensions within and between countries. In Lebanon, as one of the unsuccessful examples in the field of state-nation-building, the multiplicity of ethnic and religious groups and the constant existence of security tensions have marked an endless cycle of crisis in the body of power as well as in society. In the present article, an attempt is made to review the theories of nation-building government to answer the question why the nation-building government has not been successful in the Middle East, especially in Lebanon? The premise of the research is that the model used for nation-building in the Middle East, instead of solving the problem, has created new crises such as the crisis of identity and the crisis of legitimacy. In the case of Lebanon, we try to explain the failure of the nation-building process in this country by examining components such as the structure of government, limited democracy, and ethnic and sectarian divisions As we have seen, nation-building has become more of a challenge to the elites of the region than a means of resolving the crises in the Middle East. The effects of colonialism in the Middle East are still visible today, years later, and the imposed demarcations caused the present nation to see differences and contradictions among themselves rather than in unity and solidarity. This has led to tensions between them. The imposition of the European model of nation-building, regardless of the lack of necessary infrastructure in the Middle East, not only failed, but also exacerbated existing crises and perpetuated weak states. According to Weber's definition of government, this institution does not have the ability to monopolize the legitimate use of force. Inefficient bureaucracy in the Middle East only leads to delays in getting things done. Lack of understanding between members in the body of power leads to a crisis, a crisis that should not be referred to as multi-state but as stateless, because all the efforts of political elites will be spent on resolving tensions in government and the capacity to address crises in society. And the International will not remain. In the Middle East, citizens at defined geographical borders cannot define their identity, an identity that can encompass all individuals of the country and be different from the national identities of neighboring countries. Such a situation is well seen in Lebanon, where the citizens of this country are not only not connected to each other, but they have also lost touch with the government. In a country where democracy is claimed, people are critical of all statesmen and call for their resignation in constant demonstrations and protests. The Lebanese tribal system is not the desired system of the Lebanese people, it is a model imposed by France, the inefficiency of which has been proven many times. Numerous security incidents in this country have worn out the government. This has led to the lack of any cultural and educational infrastructure that can instill and build a clear and comprehensive national identity. The government faces many challenges within itself, and if it has the capacity to do so, it will simply neutralize or minimize the consequences of tensions at the highest levels of security and the military. The constant interference of foreign countries has also contributed to the gradual erosion of Lebanon, and it is natural for a lack of consensus, whether among political elites or members of the nation and social groups, despite the constant presence of foreign countries with diverse and sometimes conflicting interests.

Imam Musa Sadr is a thinker who has been in Lebanon for almost twenty years as the leader of the Lebanese Shiites, and his thoughts and actions are a valuable experience that we can use to solve various problems in our society. As we know, Lebanese society is a multicultural society; most of its citizens follow the religions of Islam or Christianity, and the two branches, Shiite and Sunni, as the largest religions and denominations. Given that during the presence of Imam Musa Sadr in Lebanese society, there were widespread conflicts, including civil war and the lack of political consensus for growth and development and elimination of backwardness, the question is what is the method of Imam Musa Sadr to achieve peace in Lebanon's diverse cultural and religious society? Sadr considers the problem of peace to be the greatest human problem of the twentieth century. Therefore, the answer to this question becomes more important. The author claims that based on a study of Sadr's thought and views, a set of strategies for achieving peace and resolving conflicts can be examined in Sadr's view. These strategies include the epistemological and non-epistemological dimensions and become important.

The purpose of the current study is to review requirements and consequences of Lebanon’s cultural policy-making, with respect to the ethnic and religious extensiveness in this country and to present useful information and analyses for the policy-makers who seek open cultural space and acknowledgement of different ethnic groups, sects, and cultures. The method of study is descriptive-analytic and in this regard, the main steps of the process of cultural policy-making in Lebanon as well as its effective criteria were reviewed. Then, using qualitative content analysis, the most important negative consequences of the process of cultural policy-making in Lebanon, such as inattention to spiritual aspects and purposes of people’s life in Lebanon, contradiction between objectives and means to implement policies, ambiguity and relativism in the procedures and stages of policymaking, pluralism, and intensification of secularism were extracted. It seems that using instructions from Lebanon’s cultural system as a model in the cultural policy-making of other countries, makes cultural policy-making impossible. However, in a macro or infrastructural outlook, some instructions of Lebanon’s cultural system can lead to betterment of the process of cultural policy-making in different stages. The necessity of utmost attention to different views, their acknowledgment, their impact on the prioritization and arrangement of policies, and making an effort to make the best use of them are among positive achievements of this approach.

From the formation of nation-states in the international arena until the early twentieth century, relations between nation-states were largely formal and diplomatic. However, the introduction of new components such as revolution-communication, activation of non-governmental actors, etc. caused countries to define and use new strategies in addition to their formal diplomacy to achieve their national interests. Public diplomacy is one of the most effective of these strategies. Iran, with its rich Islamic-Iranian culture and civilization, has a great opportunity and power to benefit from public diplomacy, which the victory of the Islamic Revolution in this country has achieved to some extent. The Islamic Republic of Iran intends to activate its public diplomacy in similar countries culturally and historically. Lebanon with these conditions and components is a good example for this model. This article tries to explain the concept of supportive behaviors, their impact and role in promoting public diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Lebanon.

In the region of west Asia, Lebanon has been a country with many challenges and Permanent internal gaps. It means that major part of these challenges have been permanent in Lebanon and they will never be solved and it can be said that the existence of Lebanon depends on these challenges and gaps. Hezbollah as a party and as a main player in political and social scene of Lebanon has faced these challenges in recent decades. The main question of this research is that, what is strategy of Lebanon in facing these challenges and what are proposal strategies to fortify itself in facing with these challenges. Hezbollah is the main representative of Shia groups but it also has supported domestic cooperation to pass the challenges. Also, Hezbollah in the process of forming the government has always had an appropriate level of cooperation with other identical groups. In addition, Hezbollah has always disagreed of presence of foreigners and their interference in domestic issues and has supported independence of the country. So, Hezbollah at the present situation can use the strategies of providing social services to the people, opposing the collapse of the government, holding early elections, and adopting a constructive assistance strategy.

Investigating the changes of power in the field of international relations is very important. Except for national actors, some foremost actors have shown good performance in achieving a new kind of power-based relationship. Hezbollah is now implementing smart power-based strategies and tactics after thirty years of trying to be recognized as a front-runner at the regional level. Smart power is a type of power in which hard and soft power sources are converted into smart power in a clever and optimal combination.

This research attempts to answer the question of what are Hezbollah's intelligent power resources and tools and how has Hezbollah been able to become a smart power in the Middle East?

The Hezbollah type of activism in the last three decades has been associated with the combination of hard power indices with soft power software values, which result in Hezbollah achieving a level of intelligent power in the context of low national actors.

The results show that Hezbollah's smart power is due to understanding the requirements of political activism, improving methods and practices, balancing actions and behaviors, and diversifying the use of political tools. Negotiation, coalition, balance and military deterrence, democratic methods, and attention to media power and psychological operations are also key elements of Hezbollah's acquisition of smart power.