مدرنیته

After the arrival of modern ideas and new western civilization to Iran, some intellectuals sought to create modern national foundations at the cost of de-religiousizing Iranian thought. But another group called religious intellectuals sought to present new models of religion and modernity in order to establish a link between the two. This group was looking for a new interpretation of religion and in fact looking for modern Islam; Islam that can advance Iran's society in the modern era and cause Iran's political development. This group of intellectuals led the project of Islamic Protestantism. This group turned to the ideology of political Islam and their goal was to revive Islam as a social and political system against the western liberal system. This class of intellectuals were looking for a political and modernist interpretation of Islam and the establishment of the Islamic social system. Dr. Ali Shariati and Abdul Karim Soroush are two representatives of Iran's intellectuals who believed that a religious foundation is needed in order to achieve political development despite the contradictions in some views. In this research, the question raised is, what was the point of view of religious intellectuals in the political development of Iran? In response to the above question, the hypothesis was raised that religious intellectuals, considering the vital role of religion in the culture of our country, led the project of Islamic Protestantism and sought to present new models of religion and modernity and the link between the two in order to achieve political development. In this article, the theory of political development and the explanatory method are used to achieve political development through the link between religion and modernity, and the purpose of the research is to show the key role of religion and ideology in the process of modernity and political development of Iran.

In the contemporary Islamic world, numerous movements have arisen. These movements have navigated the dichotomy between their own Islamic traditions and Western modernity to find a role in the political arena. Some have endeavored to emulate the West. Some have chosen to reject Western influences, while others have sought to integrate Islamic traditions with Western modernity. Meanwhile, the movements that have pursued the rejection of the West have generated substantial noise, yet they have similarly failed in attaining power. This study aims to identify the nature of political movements within contemporary Islam through a comparative analysis of two anti-Western sentiment in the Eastern and Western Islamic world. Employing Przeworski and Teune’s comparative method of different systems design, it seeks to address the central question of the commonalities and differences between the Dar al-Arqam movement in Malaysia and Boko Haram Nigeria. examining the essence, motivations for formation, operational methods, and eventual fates of these two movements, this study concludes that both have rejected Western influences through a traditionalist interpretation. Nonetheless, their operational approaches, interpretations of Islam, and geographical influences differ significantly.

Since the Arab societies' encounter with Western life and thought and related categories, especially " customization" and "secularism", Each of the different intellectual and political currents and discourses has attempted to provide a suitable response to the seemingly insoluble issues of tradition and modernity in a worthy manner. In this regard, the question has been evaluated as to whether, what are the reactions and responses of intellectuals and actors of the later generations of the Arab world (2007 to December 2024) especially in the Mu'tazilite reformist movements and later nationalism towards the conceptual curve of the West and what are the two effective concepts of secularism and secularization? to the curve of (developmental) political and economic achievements of the West, especially with regard to the two influential concepts of secularism and customization? In the analysis, the authors emphasized the assumption that, later Arab intellectuals - especially in the two reformist Mu'tazilite and later nationalist movements - were influenced by numerous changes and new issues, they have provided a variety of responses and reactions, which have ultimately led to the relative consolidation of secularization and secularism compared to previous decades. The research findings indicate that, New Arab activists, by confronting traditional problems, they have been relatively successful in institutionalizing the development-oriented values of Western thought in politics and society, and have channeled customization and secularism through paths such as rethinking tradition and modernity and Arab nationalism

 Two of the most important philosophers who rejected the originality of modernity from a theological perspective, Karl Schmidt and Karl Levitt, benefited from the concept of secularisation in their critique. In political theology, Schmitt saw all the concepts of modern state theory as secular versions of theological concepts, and in the sense of history, Levitt saw the philosophy of progress and thus modernity as a grounded narrative of Christian-Jewish eschatology. Hans Blumenberg, first at the Montser Conference and then in a more extended way in The Legitimacy of Modernity, made the concept of secularisation the target of the most severe attacks and considered Levitt's book to have had a "condemnatory effect" on the German intellectual atmosphere of the second half of the 20th century - and especially the 1950s. In a paradoxical way, Blumenberg both defended modernity as an absolutely new beginning in history and saw the philosophy of modern progress as an attempt to answer an essentially theological problem - and in his own words a "residual" problem - that modernity would eventually lose. from that decade onwards, secularisation has generally been regarded as a concept used only in the critique and negation of modernity. To understand Levitt and Blumenberg's discussion, it is necessary to understand these different aspects and Levitt's powerful metaphorical use of it. In this article we will first try to provide some historical background to the concept of secularisation, then explain Levitt's secularisation thesis and Blumenberg's critique, and finally, by extending some of the views of Robert Pippin and Elizabeth Brint, raise critical considerations about the basis of Blumenberg's critique.

This article uses a descriptive, analytical and inferential approach to examine the issue of secularization: the dispute between Karl Levitt and Hans Blumenberg over the legitimacy of modernity. The article will first provide a historical background to the concept of secularization, then explain Levitt's secularization thesis and Blumenberg's critique, and finally, by extending some of the views of Robert Pippin and Elizabeth Brint, raise critical considerations about the basis of Blumenberg's critique.

two main findings of the article are the following:1 unsurpassiblity of Tradition in west
 As we will see, both the critics of the modern age, löwith and Schmidt, and the sole defender of the atuthencity of modernity, Hans Blumnbebrg, admit that the elemnts of the western tradition, Greco-Roman and Judaic-Christian ones, can not be surpassed. For example, even Blumenberg claims the modernity becomes unthinkable wihouth Chtirsitniaty.

2 locality of the legitimacy debate:

Following the first finding, if the elements of wsetern tradition are unsurpassable, so logically no universal claim can be made regarding the legtitimacy and the nuances of this debate are restricted to the western world and can have no realtion with e.g Islamic world.

Ananlysis::

Modern age is not an epoch in the strict sense, but a botched construct of reason and faith. First in Müntser Congress and the in an expanded way in the Legitimacy of the Modern Age, Hans Blumenberg attacked the secularization concept in the most severe way and remarked the Löwith's work has had a "dogmatizing effect" on the German intellectual milieu in the second half of the twentieth century and particularly of the 1950s.As has been said, Blumenberg considered the core of the secularisation thesis to be the negation of modernity's originality and self-righteousness. Thus, he made every effort to establish modernity's break with previous ages and to confirm its independence. On the other hand, he wanted to provide an explanation of modernity that would lead to the criticism of the historicists. They argued that no epoch could stand apart from context and time, and that the modern claim to be an absolute beginning in history, with no connection to the past, was a false and mistaken claim. Blumenberg accepted this criticism to some extent, seeing the lack of attention to historicity as one of the defects of modernity, which, according to the popular explanation, stems from Descartes' desire to break free from time and place and to prove the universal truths of mathematics. Blumenberg's clever response to the historicists was to leave their critique half-baked and use it only to reject modernity.

Concussion:

 Bulmenberg defends modernity as a quasi-absolute beginning in history and at the same time treats the philosophy of progress as an effort to answer the authentically theological –and in his own terms as a residue- question which will finally be abandoned by modernity. Following a phenomenological method, which is more devoted to Husserl instead of Heidegger, Blumenberg refused all versions of the secularization thesis as crypto-Platonic statements on modernity which presupposes some transcendent substance and treats all the subsequent forms as the pale copies of it, and therefore divesting all the other ages of authenticity. From the phenomenological-historical standpoint of Blumenberg, neither modernity nor christianity enjoys that so-called zero point of departure. He shows that even the allegedly properties of christianity, e.g. providence, is in fact borrowed ones from stoicism in the almost forgotten formative periods of christianity and presented from the middle ages on as the revelatory cache of christianity to create a façade of a-historicality. Moreover, Blumenbergs suggests that this transcendent substance is not available to theory and hence is an article of faith which cannot be properly examined in a scholarly way. And because of this unavailability, scholarly surveys have already been brought up to close.

Mulla Sadra did not specifically address the issue of women in his written works; In such a way that the opponents say that Mulla Sadra has presented women in a lower position than men; While this category has not been read in the context of transcendental wisdom. However, according to Taleghani, the issue of women is not only considered in an independent way, but also in the form of concepts related to gender from the perspective of practical philosophy. The frankness of this thinker about women indicates the necessity of dealing with this category nowadays, which has been formed following key developments, some of which are related to women. In this context, Taleqani, like Sadra, as an interpreter of the Qur'an, is very influenced by this source of inspiration and revelation, but his attempt to interpret the Qur'an in the context of women's affairs indicates the fact that as a religious scholar who tries to improve jurisprudence to reconcile with the coordinates of time, is reflected to a large extent in his statement.

Research questions:

1) How different social contexts arising from the conditions of the times have shaped the thought of Mulla Sadra and Taleghani on the issue of women?
2) Why are gender concepts and efforts to identify equal social and political rights for women reflected well in Taleghani's thoughts?
3) How and on what theoretical basis did Mulla Sadra address the category of women?
2.

Mehdi Shajarian and Ahmad Vaezi (2018) have looked at Mulla Sadra's view of women and, in general, by analyzing the philosophy of this thinker and the place he assigns to the exaltation of the soul regardless of gender, Sadra's challenging topics and his opinions about women have answered Seyyedah Zahra Mousavi Baighi and others (1401) have expanded the same point of view and came to the conclusion that Mulla Sadra's statements about attributing the deficiency of intellect to women, not the conventional meaning of deficiency of intellect which is not specific to the female sex, but general expressions. It is a rank that includes both men and women. Ayatollah Taleghani's views on women are mostly reflected in his famous interview on mandatory hijab on March 20, 1357. This speech has been published and is available under the title "Ayeh Hijab".

This article presents data and analyzes them by collecting library resources in a descriptive and analytical way.

In some of his works, Mulla Sadra has pointed out the deficiency in the creation of some women and the weakness of their perception. Therefore, some critics have considered women as the second and weak sex in Mulla Sadra's thought. However, in order to understand Mulla Sadra's thought in relation to women, it is necessary to address the important principle of the relationship between gender and the exaltation of the soul in transcendental wisdom:1) The truth of a human being is a single soul, and a single soul does not have any bodyor composition that it wants to be male or female; So the soul of man and woman are equal in achieving existential perfection.2) There is no difference between human persons in human truth. The features of takhir and tanith have no effect on human types, rather these features are out of the human truth and are indicators of distinction between worldly beings. The human truth is the unmarried soul in which there is no way to praise and worship. In fact, contrary to feminist trends that consider biological or gender differences as the reason for the superiority of men over women or vice versa, from Mullah Sadra's point of view, these differences are not relevant in the reality of human beings.3) Existential perfections are related to the soul and truth of human existence and are exempt from gender and gender matters.4) Mulla Sadra's critics did not have a correct understanding of his essential movement and therefore considered all the characteristics of the world of elements to be fixed for the soul, whereas when the soul purifies itself from any organ and composition based on the essential movement, no longer There is no room left for masculinity and femininity.5) According to Mulla Sadra, what distinguishes human beings from other animals as the best of creatures is the speaking soul. Acquiring sensual perfections is only through the use of these two powers in humans, and there is no difference between men and women.

Taleghani's opinions about women and their comparison with Mulla Sadra's opinions can be analyzed according to the following points:1) Accepting human dignity and human equality from the perspective of theoretical philosophy: Taleqani, like Mulla Sadra, relying on the interpretation he presents from the Qur'an, believes in differences in components such as ethics, social responsibilities, nature, upbringing, guidance, Faith is not the fulfillment of religious duties between men and women.2) Presenting an Islamic model against the prevailing feminist trend: Despite sharing a philosophical opinion with Mulla Sadra, it must be said that Taleghani's thought about women should be sought in a clearer interpretation of feminism. He tries to build a dynamic Islamic model for Iranian women after the revolution.3) Validating the social roles of women by emphasizing the necessity of maintaining chastity: Taleghani discusses women's hijab in the context of chastity. According to him, hijab is a historical issue that has existed among different nations. He emphasizes not only thehistorical importance of hijab and chastity, but also, in his own words, its eastern tradition.4) Negation of becoming similar to western women under the pretext of progress: Taleghani believes that under the pretext of progress, efforts have been made to make Iranian women look like western women. He criticizes the consumerism and then praises the women who came to the streets while keeping their veils and protested against the Shah's regime, making them equal to men in bringing about the revolution. 

Mulla Sadra did not consider differences in appearance, secondary and valid matters such as gender as a criterion for the superiority of men over women, but based on the originality of existence, he considered only the existence capacity of individuals, and this existence capacity is achieved only through sensual perfections. . According to what has been said, it can be said that the more a person benefits from two theoretical and practical powers, the more he receives and assigns to himself a higher and higher level of existence. In fact, the criterion of superiority among human beings depends on their existence capacity and the actuality of theoretical and practical reason, and there is no distinction between men and women. On the other hand, Ayatollah Taleghani's opinions are mainly influenced by the revolutionary, political and social conditions. Therefore, what Taleghani demands from women especially contains messages and orders that indicate women's social responsibilities. In fact, Taleghani appears in the role of a revolutionary who considers his duty to protect the revolution and uprising, and in order to protect the values ​​he considers high, he gives advice and reminds people of their responsibilities. . Therefore, he considers women equal to men, both in the exaltation of spirit and nature, and in the implementation of social responsibilities. But this equal social position does not mean the similarity of men and women as it was interpreted in the intellectual currents of his time. The special emphasis on the hijab and the expression of various issues surrounding women indicate the fact that he understood the changes of the times and theorized to harmonize this change with religious rules.

The objective of this paper is to study the viewpoints of Ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi and Ayatollah Mehdi Haeri about the nature of "government". The theoretical framework adopted for this research is “goal-legitimacy” and hermeneutic method has been employed for analysis of the data. The hypothesis of this study is as follows: with the Shia jurisprudents coming to power and the political consequences of the process of modernity, the approaches of Ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi and Ayatollah Haeri Yazdi to the government are a combination of Islamic-Shi’i tradition and human experiences resulting from modernity. The findings of the research show that regarding the ultimate goal of the government Mesbah Yazdi maintains that the goal of the government is to prepare the grounds for man’s obedience of God, while Haeri believes that the duty of the government is to protect the interests and good of the citizens. Regarding the person of the ruler, Mesbah Yazdi believes that a jurisprudent appointed by the H Imam Mahdi should take the helm, while Haeri maintains that governorship belongs to the people. Regarding the the qualifications and conditions for a Muslim to take the helm and exercise power, Mesbah Yazdi mentions knowledge of jurisprudence, justice, managing capability, approval of the Experts Assembly, the law, and the Council. Haeri mentions the followings: Commitment to the goals of the government, freedoms, citizen’s will, refutation of the role of raising the people, legislation and exercise of force by the government. In the field of right to protest, Mesbah Yazdi believes that the ruler has unlimited power and has the power to suppress subversive acts, while Haeri Yazdi maintains that the citizens have the right to take any reformative or revolutionary action.

How intellectuals and opinion leaders in Iran face Western modernity is the most influential event in Iran's contemporary history. At first, the entry of western modernity into Iran has been analyzed in the framework of three models: Artillery modernity, Modernization of the legislator and Institutional modernity.Then the philosophical views of Seyyed Ahmad Fardid have been analyzed based on IranShahri's dualism, Ibn Arabi's theory, and Heidegger's critique of modernity. Reza Davari's philosophical opinions have also been analyzed based on Farabi's virtueism and Heidegger's critique of modernity. Ahmad Fardid is an irreconcilable opponent of the West And Davari is also critical of the spirit of Western domination.This confrontation has led to the formation of two approaches "West-phobia" and "criticism of the West" in Iran.The research method in this study is comparative. The researcher analyzes the philosophical views of Fardid and Davari and compares them. The method of collecting contents is library. The article explains the intellectual developments of these two thinkers and the differences and similarities between their views.

The concept of crisis is rooted in German intellectual tradition, and has a long history that can be traced back to the reactions of Romantic thinkers to the philosophical ideas of Immanuel Kant. This enduring concept—as a byproduct of Kantian philosophy and Romanticism—persisted throughout the 19th century and reached its zenith in the early 20th century, and coincided with the burgeoning modernity and modernism. Carl Schmitt and Karl Löwith were the two prominent advocates of the idea of crisis during the 20th century, and presented a criticism of the fundamental principles of modernity and questioned its legitimacy by using the secularization thesis as their primary interpretive tool. The main objective of this essay is to reconstruct the debate between Carl Schmitt, Karl Löwith, and Hans Blumenberg on the legitimacy of the modern age and present an argument in its defense as Blumenberg might have done.The Romantic scholars’ reaction to Kant, which underlies much of the concept of crisis, was shaped by their dissatisfaction with what they perceived as Kant's overly rationalistic philosophy. Romantics championed a worldview that emphasized emotion, nature, and the sublime, which they saw as neglected by Kant's emphasis on reason. This led to a period of intellectual crisis that lingered and evolved as the result of subsequent philosophical developments and social changes. Schmitt and Löwith in their unique ways viewed the advent of modernity as a crisis. Schmitt as a political theorist and jurist saw the crisis in the transition from the traditional forms of governance and social organization to the modern liberal democratic rule. For Schmitt, the essence of this crisis lay in the perceived loss of political unity and authority, which he saw as being undermined by the pluralism and individualism of modern democratic societies.This essay will follow the intellectual journey of these three thinkers, shedding light on their debates about the legitimacy of the modern period, and will present a defense of Blumenberg's interpretation, arguing that the secularization thesis and the associated concept of crisis rely on a form of historical substantialism. This substantialism, which views historical periods as homogenous entities with essential characteristics is problematic. It oversimplifies the complex historical processes involved in the transition to modernity and neglects the heterogeneity and dynamism within each historical period. In conclusion, the authors will argue that the defense of the modern age, as Blumenberg elaborates, is not only possible but necessary. It will challenge the foundational assumptions of Schmitt and Löwith's critiques, arguing for a more nuanced understanding of modernity that acknowledges its complexity and dynamism and recognizes its unique legitimacy. This defense will proceed on the thesis that Schmitt and Löwith's discussion, which explains modernity according to the secularization thesis, involves a kind of historical substantialism which is apparently unjustifiable.

In the field of political sociology, the concept of "reflexive modernity" is a new concept that has been the focus of many global thinkers in recent decades, despite this, this concept is less known in Iran, and until now an independent research has been done to explain its theoretical principles. It has not been done. "reflexive modernity" was first proposed by Ulrich Beck, and Anthony Giddens and Scott Lash presented different interpretations of it. Despite this, the findings of these thinkers are connected in one focal point and that is the concept of " reflexivity". This concept shows how advanced or classical modernity has undergone a metamorphosis in nature and form, and as a result, it has changed our experience of the modern. The present article tries to answer two central questions by using the paradigm model: firstly, what are the principles and theoretical foundations of reflexive modernity and secondly, how can Iranian modernity be reread by taking advantage of the new realities of reflexive modernity.

 Examining the special place of Mirza Taghikhan Amirkabir in the contemporary history of Iran requires attention to his perception of the "Janus face of modernity". According to historical sociology, modernity has a dual and interconnected nature, whose positive, civilizational or objective aspect emphasizes the development and progress of civilizational, economic, scientific and technical elements, and its psychic, subjective and subjective aspects emphasize the importance of achievements. Cultural, corresponding to the freedom of mankind, equality, democracy, pluralism and law, which is manifested in the philosophical language of Kant and Hegel in the concept of "reason itself". In this article, we are going to find out how Amir Kabir, as the great reformer of our society, has thought about the relationship between the elements of modernity. Has Amir Kabir believed only in the positive and industrial aspects of modernity, or has he become aware of the importance of its cultural aspects, including the "law"He has gained faith to the same extent as his predecessors Qaim and Abbas Mirza? The rule of Amir Kabir with the beginning of the reign of Nasser al-Din Shah Qajar in 1230 AH is accompanied by extensive changes Our hypothesis is that Amir Kabir's emphasis on the "fantasy of constitutionalism" reflects his understanding of the need to apply the dual achievements of modernity. Accordingly, We have critically examined the place of "law" in his intellectual and practical system.

This study, with its basic / theoretical content; With a descriptive-analytical method based on a conceptual theoretical framework, with the problem of "modern enlightenment and spirituality", is responsible for answering the question that: enlightenment; With elements such as wisdom, the idea of progress, natural religion, how did it give rise to the emergence of modern spirituality in the West ?The result is: Enlightenment with the transition from three different historical traditions (early High; and late) in three traditions (English / French / German) with three approaches: religious uplift, enmity with religion, and the transcendence and deepening of religion, The basis of the four tendencies / Deism / Fideism / Religion of the heart / Atheism in the context of Western modernity relies on (rationalism, pluralism / religious tolerance / desecration / denial of the revelatory aspect of religion / denial of the Lordship of God in the form of a metaphor of the watchmaker God .. The emergence of modern spirituality in the form of two slogans “(spirituality Not religion- -spirituality Not dependence)” has caused the emergence of modern spirituality.

Investigating the current state of political currents after the Arab revolutions, especially in Tunisia, is one of the multifaceted, complex, and multi-layered issues in political studies, especially in political thought. In this regard, according to the developments of the Ennahda movement in Tunisia between the years 2011-2023 (August), the question has been raised that according to the intellectual tradition of the Ennahda movement, the model and political behavior of this movement, from which rule. Philosophical and political - civil democratic transformation with an Islamic reading or adjustment and deviation from the propositions of Islamic thought? In response, the proposed hypothesis states that the intellectual tradition of the Ennahda movement has moved from classical theology and thought to a new reform with the reading of civil democratic Islam. The findings indicate that this current has been influenced by the intellectual developments in response to the dualism of the West / Islam and the mystery of tradition and modernity, intellectual traditions such as the rationalist school of Al-Zaytouniyeh, and reformist (general) intellectuals. It is oriented from classical theology to reform problematic. From an empirical point of view, the constituent elements of the theoretical and methodical model of the Ennahda movement represent a continuous and relatively uniform approach, and its secular and civil aspects share commonalities with Tunisian non-Islamist movements. With the successful transition of this process from the first stage of challenges (passing Ansar al-Sharia and inevitable - sometimes unstable - consensuses), the second stage began after the dissolution of the parliament and the holding of the second round of the 2019 parliamentary elections, and a new game It was formed from competitions. As a result, the Ennahda movement is trying to push the "extra-legal" and undemocratic dictatorship of the Qais Saeed government towards democratic policies or transfer of power. The conceptual framework is based on a multi-level reading of political thought (ideological evolutions, currents and intellectual systems, and late intellectuals of each discourse) and extraction of influential components and elements to evaluate the issue; the method of collecting materials is library and internet.

The issue of identity is one of the fundamental issues of human beings in different personal and social dimensions, and throughout history, different societies have faced many challenges to preserve and update their desired identity. Iranian society, like other societies, has gone through this process and faced many challenges.In the contemporary period, identity in Iranian society becomes a big and continuous issue that creates a duality. On one side is Iranian Islamic identity and on the other side there is a dynamic and influential whole called modernity. This identity challenge has produced continuous confrontations and contradictions in the Iranian society, in which different elites on both sides of the spectrum produce their desired narrative of their desired identity.The most specific identity alignment at the elite level is between the two spectrums of religious innovators as believers in Iranian-Islamic identity and the spectrum of intellectuals as genuine representatives of modernity, and each one presents its own desirable narratives. Ayatollah Khamenei is one of the people who, by being in the spectrum of religious thought both in practice and in opinion, confronts the spectrum of intellectuals as believers in the discourse of Westernism and Westernization.The results of this research show that Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei, as one of the original representatives of the spectrum of religious innovation, in the face of the representatives of the discourse of modernity, i.e. intellectuals in different spectrums, both in opinion and in practice, seeks the dynamism and continuity of the whole identity. It is Iranian-Islamic in all dimensions, in such a way that with a maximum view, it places the greatest emphasis on the achievement of modern Islamic civilization against today's Western civilization. However, the spectrum opposite to them, which are the Western intellectuals, does not emphasize and insist on preserving the Iranian-Islamic identity, although they sometimes claim it, but in practice they travel the path of diminishing the dimensions of the Iranian-Islamic identity and in the macro view Also, he sees no choice but to follow the path of western modernity and follows it.

The literary works of Muhammad Iqbal Lahori have made him famous as poet. However, in the philosophical book of "Revival of Civilization", aims way to rebuild Islamic civilization and prevent further decline of Muslims, he appears in the role of a philosopher and theoretician. The main goal of the current research is to evaluate the intellectual legacy of Muhammad Iqbal Lahori as a religious thinker, using the "Common World" methodology.The main question of the research is how Iqbal Lahori was able to create a "common world" in realm field opinions, where which all groups various different political-intellectual assert declare their presence and exchange opinions and peacefully manner.The findings of the research, based on the theory and methodology of Eric Voegelin, show that the two worlds of tradition and modernity have influenced the transformation of Iqbal's opinions and thoughts. After traversing a long path, his thoughts have taken shape in the form of an intermediate space. The "Common World" plan will be implemented. However, it should also be noted that although Iqbal's thoughts have the potential to create a common world, the starting point of his discussion, like that of other religious intellectuals, is not the sphere of politics; rather, it transitions into the realm of politics from philosophy. A review of the existing literature reveals a lack of independent research in this field in the Persian language. The research method is based on Eric Voegelin's "Common World" methodology, and the data collection method is "library and documents."

Iran's entry into the new era began with a movement called Constitutionalism. This revolution is considered the highlight of Iran's entry into the modern world and the serious and formal conflict between tradition and modernity. A movement that was formed based on public dissatisfaction, economic disturbances, and political inefficiency, and it started with great expectations. Still, it drowned in the deep sea of despair and led to a period of conflict and chaos, which brought the country to the brink of collapse. The present article seeks to examine the question of what is the relationship between the occurrence of constitutionalism and western modernity? This article is based on the assumption that the constitutional revolution is of a fantasy type and is caused by the encounter of Iranians with the shock of western modernity. Phantasies, which are, from the point of view, the product of a traumatic encounter with reality, are like a stiff veil, making the possibility of appearing and showing efficiency impossible and marginalizing the idea of solving the crisis. In this imaginary scene, we are the protagonists, and our dreams are being realized, and our desires are being formed. Our social reality is the product of this fantasy and an inappropriate and sarcastic response to the incurability of reality. This imaginary integration of political reality does not leave a way out for the society except to remain captive in the cycle of successive fantasies.

Reza Davari is one of the prominent figures in the field of philosophy and thought in Iran who has thought a lot about the concept of the West and modernity and has tried to respond to the pervasive crises of the new world and in particular through their knowledge and pathology. Issues and questions of one's own community. In the process of his philosophizing, he has dealt with new issues such as development and the necessity of its application, as he has provided the ground for contradictory interpretations of his views. The present article will also focus on the hidden contradictions in the judgments of the West about modernity and development, in the meantime, while showing these contradictions, we will try to analyze them as much as possible. These contradictions and contradictions can be seen in issues such as the following: the totality or disintegration of the West, the internal order or disorder of modernity, how to deal with the West, the possibility or impossibility of imitating the West, the role of philosophy in development, the possibility of imitation or The necessity of ijtihad in this direction. The main question that this discourse seeks to answer is what effect has time and the evolution of thought had on Reza Davari's intellectual confrontation with modernity and the West? Accordingly, the hypothesis of the present study is formulated as follows: And how to deal with them over time is sometimes contradictory.