مردم سالاری

Many researchers believe that communication technologies in the new era have been able to influence many social, cultural and political phenomena. One of these communication technologies that has spread in the new era is social media. The purpose of this research is to investigate the direct and indirect effects of social media on one of the types of democratic political culture, i.e.postmaterialist democracy, which was proposed by Ronald Inglehart. In this research, in order to test the hypotheses of the research, the seventh wave of global values survey data about Iran, which was collected from 1499 citizens, was used. In this regard, the findings of the research show that social media has not directly had a significant impact on postmaterialist democracy. But this type of media can indirectly and through the mediating variable of emancipation values increase citizens' tendency towards postmaterialist democracy. On the other hand, the results show that social media, through the mediating variable of secular values, has significantly reduced the tendency towards trans-materialist democracy in Iran, and the mediating variable of secular values has a negative role in the relationship It plays with social media and postmaterialist democracy Many researchers believe that communication technologies in the new era have been able to influence many social, cultural and political phenomena. One of these communication technologies that has spread in the new era is social media. The purpose of this research is to investigate the direct and indirect effects of social media on one of the types of democratic political culture, i.e. transmaterialist democracy, which was proposed by Ronald Inglehart. In this research, in order to test the hypotheses of the research, the seventh wave of global values survey data about Iran, which was collected from 1499 citizens, was used. In this regard, the findings of the research show that social media has not directly had a significant impact on metamaterialist democracy. But this type of media can indirectly and through the mediating variable of emancipation values increase citizens' tendency towards metamaterialistic democracy. On the other hand, the results show that social media, through the mediating variable of secular values, has significantly reduced the tendency towards trans-materialist democracy in Iran, and the mediating variable of secular values has a negative role in the relationship It plays with social media and metamaterialist democracy.

Today, due to the increasing acceleration in the development of communication technologies and its impact on all aspects of life and the formation of new conditions in the political and social scene all over the world, political marketing has taken on new dimensions and has become much more complicated than before. Due to the extent of these changes, it is necessary to use new generations of political marketing. In the current research, a qualitative study has been conducted in order to present a political marketing model for the country's elections. In this research, the foundation method of Strauss and Corbin's model was used and it was progressed to the satisfaction of the interviewees. A total of 26 in-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted. From the text of the interviews, 2027 open codes and 21 categories were identified. Atlas TI software version 8 was used for coding, and the identification components and conceptual model of the research were drawn. The central phenomenon of the research is "political rationality mediated by reality." "Objectives" and Strategies include: (differentiation and anti-discrimination, sharing awareness and definition of soft norm) and consequences (including: civil awareness, citizenship rights, political and human development, pluralism in power and strengthening democracy).

In today's era, the failure of many neo-democratic systems is mainly due to the fact that the politicians of these societies thought they were able to establish democracy by creating a few party and parliamentary institutions and neglected to deepen it at the lower levels of society. This is despite the fact that, according to some political thinkers, democracy is not just a form of government, but a way of life and political and social conduct. By following the opinions of Ayatollah Khamenei, we found that he has a broader view of the concept of religious democracy and considers this concept as a way of social life. Therefore, the purpose of the present fundamental research, using the ijtihad method, is to answer the question, what are the concept and components of religious democracy as a way of life? Based on the above approach, the model of religious democracy is the method and way of life of the people who, within the framework of Islamic laws and also based on Islamic teachings, in all areas of social life - including politics, economy, culture, science and knowledge, etc. Active participation in all decision-making, implementation and monitoring processes. The identified components of the model of democracy as life are: active and extensive participation in all areas of life and society, cooperation and cooperation, decentralization, free consultation and dialogue in the public sphere, expansion of civil society and middle circles, and the prohibition of evil.Based on the above approach, the model of religious democracy is the method and way of life of the people who live within the framework of Islamic laws and also based on Islamic teachings, in all areas of social life - including politics, economy, culture, science and knowledge, etc. - have active presence and participation in all decision-making/making, implementation and monitoring processes. The identified components of the model of democracy as life are: active and extensive participation in all areas of social life, cooperation and assistance, decentralization, free consultation and dialogue in the public sphere, the development of civil society. And the middle circles and enjoining good and forbidding evil.

The transition to democracy has now become one of the most important topics in political studies. transition literature has been more historical and descriptive, and by creating a large number of variables and possible combinations, it has made it difficult to reach an understanding of predictability or logical consistency, or the meaning of a general dynamic pattern. The analysis of social and political phenomena requires setting up a suitable theoretical framework, and choosing the most suitable theory among existing theories or theory construction is one of the important stages of scientific research. The present article is an attempt to expand and create the field of application of one of the great theoretical devices in the political studies of revolutions to analyze the process of transition to democracy. The claim of the current research is that the capacities available in the theory of political mobilization provide the possibility for the researcher to organize the entire process of transition to democracy from the failure of the previous authoritarian system to the establishment and stabilization of democracy in a systematic theoretical model.

The present study seeks a comparative study of the nature and function of political parties in the political thought of Ayatollah Shahid Beheshti and Ayatollah Mohammad Reza Mahdavi Kani. Paying attention to the commonalities and differences between these ideas and different views and descriptions of the quality of the political party, will lead to a better understanding of these ideas in the face of the party issue, and the result of that comparative analysis will increase party knowledge in the existing party system. Therefore, the main question of the present article is what is the nature and function of political parties in the Islamic Republic of Iran from the perspective of Ayatollah Beheshti and Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani and their similarities and differences. To get the answer; Three components of the thinker and provider of the theory, the audience, and the context or historical context have been considered; The descriptive-comparative method has been used to analyze and classify the collected data based on the library method. Therefore, the present article; After explaining the main characteristics, in two sections, the nature and function of Western political parties, went to the views of these two thinkers, and their views were read and compared in these two sections. The findings of this study show that despite the commonalities of the two thinkers in the substantive and functional part of the parties, there are also distinct aspects that are specific to the thought of the thinker who is noteworthy in determining his party position

The popularity of the divine government, in other words the influence of the popular vote on the legitimacy of the divine ruling in religious societies, especially in Islamic societies, has always been a subject of controversy among religious scholars and power-holders in political systems based on religion.In this field, in order to justify and justify their opinion, they have tried to rely on religious sources and texts and on Muslim scholars on the Qur'an and the tradition of the Prophet and the Imams. One of the most important cases of religious sovereignty in the sacred system of the Islamic Republic and among the most important religious sources in this regard is Nahj al-Balagha.The present study uses a descriptive-analytical method to analyze the Imam Khomeini's speeches and to compare Imam Khomeini's speeches with that of the Imam Khomeini.You invited me and I was not interested in the caliphate"and the theoretical and practical adherence of Imam Khomeini is that such statements as"Even if people vote against their own will, that vote will determine the status of the nation. Was and has emergedThe popularity of the divine government, in other words the influence of the popular vote on the legitimacy of the divine ruling in religious societies, especially in Islamic societies, has always been a subject of controversy among religious scholars and power-holders in political systems based on religion.In this field, in order to justify and justify their opinion, they have tried to rely on religious sources and texts and on Muslim scholars on the Qur'an and the tradition of the Prophet and the Imams. One of the most important cases of religious sovereignty in the sacred system of the Islamic Republic and among the most important religious sources in this regard is Nahj al-Balagha.The present study uses a descriptive-analytical method to analyze the Imam Khomeini's speeches and to compare Imam Khomeini's speeches with that of the Imam Khomeini.You invited me and I was not interested in the caliphate"and the theoretical and practical adherence of Imam Khomeini is that such statements as"Even if people vote against their own will

The concepts of democratic governments are the manifestation of a democratic system and the basis of democratic government is to explain the status of the rule of law according to its manifestation in international law, which is the arena of human rights and the influence and expression of fundamental freedoms at the behest of a democratic government. , is . Freedom of the fundamental principle In any existing society, the reproduction of two significant phenomena necessary for democracy, namely: a- The emergence and rooting of awareness of fundamental political rights among all or at least the majority of citizens; B- Establishment of desirable socio-political structures to create and manage the right of everyone to participate in the management of public affairs. Recognizing the interrelationships between a democratic system, democracy, the rule of law, and fundamental freedoms, this descriptive-analytical study expands the concepts and the relationship between them with the aim of a comparative look at redefining these concepts and the limitations of action. It deals with the necessity of the relationship between these three categories.

Corruption and the fight against its various forms have constantly been a concern of theorists and policymakers because corruption is one of the important obstacles to socio-economic development. Economists have issued warnings about the devastating consequences of financial corruption and have argued that financial corruption increases transaction costs, reduces investment incentives, and ultimately reduces economic growth. Political scientists have pointed out the political costs of corruption for societies and claimed that an increase in corruption leads to a decrease in public trust in the political system and the destruction of the government's legitimacy, and could have a negative impact on democracy and political development. The manner in which this phenomenon influences growth and development is that it typically leads to more inequality and loss of public trust in government. By reducing political accountability, it undermines democracy and good governance. The economic approach is useful to study the causes of financial corruption because the researchers will be able to pay close attention to the underlying motivations and rationality to explain this problem of corruption. The researchers will be able to explain and understand why some individuals make choices based on their preferences that results in financial corruption. Some individuals are more corruption-prone and willing to engage in corruption when the opportunity arises to maximize financial gains for their own personal use or act as agents of corruption in their institutional roles for collective gains. Equally important is the task of discussing the anti-corruption efforts to deter future corruption behaviors of individuals and to combat state-sponsored institutional corrupt practices. In order to formulate effective strategies and policies to win the fight against corruption, it is necessary to first identify and understand the causes of corruption.With a qualitative approach and within the framework of public choice theory, the authors analyze a collection of the most important empirical and theoretical work on the causes of corruption with the goal of finding suitable answers to the following research questions: 1. What are the prominent differences between economic and non-economic approaches to explain the causes of financial corruption? 2. Does the economic approach used to explain the causes of financial corruption have more explanatory power than the non-economic approaches? The research hypothesis assumes that the use of economic approaches (general choice theory) to study financial corruption is more effective in analyzing the financial corruption-development association. The essence of the general choice theory to explain the behaviors of individuals and political elites is that these individuals seek to maximize their own personal gains and/or the collective benefits of a particular group, party, class and family with no or little regard for the maximization of the accrued benefits for the society at large. A key question is, to what extent the corrupt individuals are rational actors, given that they make choices which are generally perceived as irrational by other individuals—who do not get involved in corrupt practices. A multitude of reasons might influence an individual to make a ‘rational’ decision to engage in financial corruption practices. Theoretically, he makes a rational choice, because his calculations indicate that the expected benefit of financial corruption exceeds the expected cost including the cost of being detected, arrested and punished for his illicit acts.The critics of the economic approach to explain financial corruption emphasize a score of economic and non-economic factors such as weak economic development, low levels of education, poor quality of the bureaucracy, reduced transparency in laws and tax regulations, misconduct of community leaders, and religious composition of the total population. The existence of ethnic-linguistic subgroups in a country, the low degree of democracy (indicated particularly by the lack of freedom of speech and the freedom of the press), and political instability have been emphasized in the non-economic approach to the study of financial corruption. However, the effects of the non-economic causes of financial corruption are indirectly through economic factors. The individuals generally base their decision-making on their cost-benefit analyses and if the gains exceed the cost, they get engage in corruption. In other words, the improved quality of bureaucracy and transparency do not necessarily prevent a person from committing acts of financial corruption, but the high quality of bureaucracy and the high degree of democracy (particularly freedom of the press and transparency) reduce financial corruption by increasing the cost of corruption behaviors. The results suggest that non-economic approaches have been useful in explaining causes and consequences of corruption to a certain degree, but economic approach is more effective for understanding the motivations of corruption and its consequences for economic and political development. These research findings are important for planning and implementing anti-corruption programs such as enforceable ethical code of conduct, and regulations to increase transparency and accountability for public officials.

In this article, using the opinions of Nikos Poulanzas in the form of the Marxist structuralist theoretical framework and the relationship between the frameworks of power and political activism, the problem of the relationship between democracy and partisanship in the attitude and practice of Hashemi Rafsanjani Rafsanjani from the political fighters before the revolution and from the rulers after The revolution is examined with an analytical-critical approach and this question is also addressed. How is the approach and activities of Rafsanjani Hashemi Rafsanjani in two phases of being in the first level of the official power of the country and the unofficial level of power analyzed? The main hypothesis of the research is that Hashemi Rafsanjani, as a political activist belonging to the power block in the post-revolutionary political system, has shown two types of activism in relation to parties and democracy. At a time when he was at the first level of the country's official power, due to fulfilling the interests of the dominant revolutionary class, he limited the fields of partisanship and providing democracy in the country, and when he was outside the official power due to political and ideological reasons. has tried to influence the ruling class and the official power block of the country by supporting the process of partisanship and expanding the fields of democracy.

The purpose of the present study is to review the discourse of political Islam and genealogy of Islamism. The research method is descriptive-analytic and Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory has been used. The results indicate that political Islam is a discourse among Muslims which represents a special formulation of society and politics focusing on the signifier of Islam and it attempts to emphasize on Islam from a political perspective, not within a merely religious hemisphere. It also seeks to turn Islam into the best signifier for Islamic community discourse. Determination of signifiers of Islamic discourse is a battlefield between western modernity and Islamism. For determination of the signifiers of political Islam, intellectual, social, and movement approaches have been used; however, the discourse approach has a more extensive and flexible potential to explain movements in Islamic communities. Among formulations in this discourse, democratic political Islam versus some new categories such as democracy, election, government, and policy-making has attempted to redefine various signs in traditional political Islam including the role of council, consultation, enjoining good and forbidding evil, Jihad, economic justice, the status of non-Muslims and women in Islamic society.

Intelligence organizations, with their expertise and experience in clandestine and covert actions, are a crucial channel for establishing secret diplomacy between countries. This helps guide and reassure politicians and diplomats. The goal of secret diplomacy is to assess the true intentions of other countries and create a conducive environment for establishing official diplomatic relations and future cooperation. Understanding the real intentions of the other parties, particularly their reliability, is a key application of secret diplomacy. This links intelligence and diplomacy together, based on the necessity of measuring reliability, without the intelligence agency monopolizing this task. However, the primary research question is: what is the relationship between intelligence and diplomacy, and how and when does secret diplomacy promote cooperation and trust between competitors? The hypothesis is that intelligence and diplomacy have a two-way and mutual relationship and intelligence-security organizations play a role in interacting with the diplomatic apparatus through secret diplomacy to discover the real intentions of the negotiating party/parties. The results indicate that the continuation of secret cooperation depends on the long-term interests of cooperation outweighing the benefits of intelligence disclosure. The research method is descriptive-explanatory in nature and employs a qualitative methodology based on the type of data. Data collection techniques include library research, internet research, objective observations, and field studies.

In this article, the issue of movement in the political and social atmosphere of Iran has been examined and analyzed. This issue is raised because in the last four decades, we are justified by a kind of movement-type participation rather than political competition within the framework of a common meaning system and the objective type of political parties. Because when parties play a role in elections and contests, the political atmosphere does not take on a dynamic state and does not create a wave. The results of the research show that the lack of civil and independent institutions from the government, the lack of suitable platforms for the formation of stable parties, the lack of compliance with the principles of civil political competition, and the lack of democratic culture among social forces are effective factors in creating a movement atmosphere in society.

The purpose of this article is to "identify the components of religious democracy and examine its place in the curriculum of junior high school."

The present study is a qualitative study that has been done with Thematic analysis and content analysis approaches. Statistical population includes: books, articles, dissertations and dissertations related concept of religious democracy (358 cases, used by targeted sampling of, 187 cases as sample size) And also Persian courses, celestial messages and social studies related seventh, eighth and ninth course in the first secondary school (include 192 lessons selected using the whole number as sample size).

Findings showed that there are 9 main components in religious democracythe following titles: 1. civil participation; 2. civil religious freedoms; 3. The right of the people to rule and the right of the people to rule; 4. Council and consultation; 5. Equality and justice; 6. respect for citizenship rights; 7. The rule of religious rules; 8. Promoting rationality and civic aware; 9. national authority and unity. It can alsosaid that the concepts associated with religious democracy components are listed 220 times in Persian books, 277 times in social studies books and 173 times in books e celestial message.

The results showed that less attention was paid to the componentsreligious democracy in students' curricula. Also topics related Informed civic participation, Religious-civil liberties, Council and consultation, Equality and justice, Observance of citizenship rights, Promoting rationality and civic awareness and national authority and unity should be further considered in students' curricula

Religious democracy is a form of governance in Islamic society in which the majority vote is within the framework of religion. In this political system, like many systems, the opinion of the people and the acceptance they give to it is very important. There are groups and strata in societies whose tendencies and views are more influential than the way of governing and other social issues. Shahid Beheshti is one of the important thinkers of political Islam who has been in the center of his attention. The aim of this study was to explain the position of people in a religious democracy from Shahid Beheshti's point of view. The results showed that religious democracy in the mind of Shahid Beheshti oversees the free and legal action and activity of the people in civil affairs and the officials of the system are working to meet the needs of the people. And in this way, they must consider the divine pleasure and efficiency for the people. Shahid Beheshti believes in a democratic system compared to other systems; The involvement of the will of the people in determining the governing body and the limits of its powers and work plan is more and more correct; Equality of the people in the use of more general social institutions, less and less class privileges, and a stronger guarantee of the interests of the people by the government

Political participation refers to the political behavior of citizens that manifests itself in general elections. The Islamic Republic of Iran has started political development and participation since 2006 with a referendum, and this shows the intelligence and political culture of Iranians in different electoral periods until the 1400 elections (13th government). The long history of political and social participation of Iranians in the formation of baneh, common, election of Dehban, Kadkhoda, Darogheh and customary (traditional) representatives is evident and the first manifestation of official participation in the Qajar period was the concept of constitutionalism. Accordingly, Iranian society has a culture of political development. The important question of this research is to understand the pattern of Iranian political participation during the Islamic Republic by referring to the surveys from 2005 to 2009. The research method is meta-analysis and cma2 software analysis method. The statistical population includes 104 published research documents. By deliberate (non-probabilistic) sampling method, 70 studies were selected as the statistical population in the period 1384 to 1398 by controlling the validity, validity and quality of the document. The results show that political participation is at a high level (29%), medium (36%), low (35%) and also between social factors (0.202), political (0.141), economic (0.181). ), Cultural (0.139) and psychological (0.259) There is a significant relationship with political participation. Finally, the size of the overall effect of the research is equal to 0.355 (high level).

The political development of the state is achieved by attaining different indicators. In the formulation of the political development of state in the eastern societies, it can be seen that although some of the most important factors of development may appear, but it can be expected that the society is still far from the political development indicators. In this research, an attempt has been made to investigate the trends in Vietnam to achieve political development by using the theories of the political development of state. The main question is that based on different features, how much the level of the political development of state in Vietnam is according to the factors mentioned in the classic theories of the political development raised by Deutsch and Moore including the rule of agents, the rate of urbanization, the rate of literacy, the economic situation, the rule of the social classes and the rule of international actors? According to the results of this research, it seems that the patterns and policies applied in the Western societies to achieve a democratic system could be an instrument in the hand of the politicians in the countries like Vietnam to shape a political development based on an authoritarian approach.

However, the undisputed role of people's attention in the political sphere of the country is undeniable. But its impact on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran is not very clear, an issue that has not yet been addressed on the basis of democracy. To address this ambiguity, one has to ask how does the opinion poll (independent variable) affect the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran (dependent variable)? The answer said. The political polling system can help by correcting the process of errors and empowering the right programs by producing information relevant to people's views on various political issues, and by providing them with the necessary accuracy and speed. The author seeks to show that having a stable security and preventing security crises requires paying attention to the public opinion and consequently having a strategic model of the political polling system to enhance the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this research, the data base research method is used. To answer the questions by referring to the statistical population of the research, 42 research interviews were conducted with 24 experts and subject elites. Discovering the strategic pattern of the political polling system to enhance the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran is the main finding of this article.

Among the goals of the political polling system in Iran, it is possible to produce information related to the views of the people on various electoral political issues, with the accuracy and speed necessary for users and stakeholders to put it, as well as the establishment, maintenance and expansion of public confidence in the polling system. named.With the advances made, the political polling system in Iran is still facing a lot of problems. The Pathology of the Political Polling System in the Islamic Republic of Iran is the main question of the research that the researcher has examined with regard to the status quo.In this research, the research data of the foundation data has been used. To answer the questions by referring to the research community, 42 research interviews with 24 experts and elites were conducted.The results of the research show that the damage of the political polling system in Iran is considered by the internal and external factors of this field. Internal injury factors directly affect survey work, but external factors are influenced by the political environment of the community and are from social cultural factors. In sum, some of the problems in this area are state-owned and pessimistic about the majority of polling organizations, the small share of the private sector in the polls market, the lack of competition between polling organizations, the non-publication of poll results, the lack of scientific knowledge of managers and experts, and the lack of a critique of polling conditions.

One of the most important ways to achieve development is the participation of all members of society, and this is possible through the establishment of desirable and just social relations. Women's political participation is one of the important issues that is an important indicator in the process of sustainable development of any society. The more humane and just society has social relations, the more and better the participation and cooperation of individuals. In fact, disability participation is the structure and function of social relations and the distribution of facilities, resources, division of labor and responsibilities in society. Changes and developments that have occurred in recent decades in the political and social field of women in Iran, increasing the level of education, participation in various social, political and economic fields and in general their efforts to gain different roles in society show the activation of the role Women are in different fields. However, it can be seen that the presence and participation of women in senior management has serious problems. In the meantime, the question arises whether the victory of the Islamic Revolution had an effect on the quality of women's political participation? What are the barriers to women's political participation? The results show that the teachings of the Islamic Revolution emphasize on independence, oppression, social justice and gender justice, and these concepts have played a key role in women's equitable participation and less attention has been paid to independent participation. The traditional structure and texture that is woven into the fabric of thought and thought of the people of the society is influenced by the political culture of the Iranian society and seems to be a serious obstacle to the realization of women's rights and participation.

From the point of view of Imam Khamenei as an Islamic thinker and thinker, the Islamic government has its own way of governing the society and it is not such that it can achieve its goals by using Western methods. The reason for this is that the methods are valuable in religious democracy. This approach, while opposed to Western democracy, also contradicts tyranny and dictatorship. Imam Khamenei, therefore, has emphasized this new and innovative method, which has been interpreted as religious democracy, as a new, innovative and innovative method that can be used in the analysis of current political systems. Take note. On the other hand, individualism is one of the undeniable features of Western thought. So the foundations of Western democracy, and even the best of them, such as participatory democracy, are either in practice or inapplicable or, in many cases, facing paradigmatic challenges, in the face of Islam being a holistic worldview. The researchers found in this descriptive and analytical study that Islamic thinking is fundamentally different from Western thinking and that these differences are at the fundamental epistemic levels, which are at the core of the subject of these two thinking and that of religious democracy. They are fundamentally at odds with participatory democracy. Therefore, the main issue of this research is to introduce and identify two theories of religious democracy according to the political ideas of Imam Khamenei and participatory democracy with regard to the existing ideas in Western schools as well as introducing obstacles to democracy.