مشارکت

Domestic, regional and International activists has a close relationship with political-security decision-making and bargaining as an effective mechanism in the relations of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council. Any regional developments can affect the balance of power between the Persian Gulf countries. For this reason, the main goal of this research is to explain the degree of importance and the degree of influence of internal, regional and extra-regional actors on Iraq's participation and cooperation in the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council. This research is applied and has been done by historical-correlation method. The collection of information is library and field and the sample size is 42 people. According to the findings of the research and based on Walt's defensive realism, Iraq's cooperation and participation in the three countries of the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Saudi Arabia is affected by the similar perceptions and feelings that these countries have regarding Iran's threats in the region; Therefore, these countries have adopted the threat balance policy to deal with Iran's threats against their interests and security, but the two countries of Qatar and Oman follow the interest balance policy in order to maintain the regional balance. According to the results of the research, the order of priority of actors influencing Iraq's participation and cooperation in the Cooperation Council includes: "regional actors", "Iraq", "international actors" and "J.A. Iran"..

Each social system, relying on the principles and values ​​of that society and in the light of cultural, religious beliefs, traditions and social customs, tries to create a suitable framework for improving social cooperation. This issue is also very important in the eyes of Islam, and considering the importance of cooperation and participation between people on the one hand and people with the political system with each other and vice versa, some jurisprudential rules such as cooperation come to mind. In other words, the rule of cooperation shows us the importance of social, economic, political and civil cooperation, in the light of which the political system can also be influenced and organized based on the principles and ideals of Islam such as justice, freedom, human dignity and happiness. Therefore, establishing a link between the social and political arenas in the establishment of an Islamic system or achieving a desirable society is part of the effort of the people (and not just politicians) who can establish the social and cultural system as a support for the political system and benefit from its results. The necessity felt for writing the present text is to find a solution from religious texts and jurisprudential rules in Islamic society that can be operationalized in the political and social arena and transform social cooperation as a tool for solving political and social problems. Specifically, the outbreak of war, insecurity, social and political uprisings, even economic problems such as high prices, inflation and the pressures resulting from them, if they are without the element of social cooperation, become a political and security crisis for the Islamic system. Therefore, the effort to make social cooperation effective in realizing the desired Islamic society is an effort to help confront threats against the Islamic system that can be achieved based on the principle of cooperation.

Political development is a process that enhances the responsibility and accountability of the government in fulfilling its roles and duties. This involves not only increasing the number of political actors but also improving their quality. A key component of political development is the promotion of political equality and public oversight. This ensures that all members of society have an equal opportunity to influence the political direction of their society and to monitor the activities, decision-making processes, and actions of the government. Furthermore, the optimal use of both potential and actual human resources is a critical prerequisite for achieving development. Women constitute a crucial part of this effective force, and their optimal involvement is essential. It is important to recognize that human resources in development theories are not limited to men (Afrakhteh & Saraei, 2013). The position of women in the political development of a country is vital for promoting gender equality and ensuring inclusive governance. Thus, increasing women’s participation is essential for advancing political and economic development. Highlighting the importance of women’s participation in political development, the present study aimed to examine the long-term and mid-term consequences of their involvement in development plans. Addressing the research problem is crucial for developing comprehensive strategies, policies, and interventions that promote gender equality, inclusive governance, and sustainable development. The development plan plays a key role in shaping a country’s path toward progress, serving as a practical guide for executive and administrative bodies. Iran’s Development Plans encompass a set of mid-term initiatives, approved by the Islamic Parliament of Iran, that span a five-year period under the current government.

Literature Review:

The issue of gender permeates all institutions, as well as the intellectual and value systems of society. It is essential for values, norms, beliefs, legal frameworks, government institutions, organizations, decision-making systems, and policymakers to be attuned and responsive to the need for equal opportunities, facilitates, and gender equality (Afrakhteh & Saraei, 2013). Amartya Kumar Sen, a prominent institutional economist, emphasizes the importance of making individuals more capable, particularly women. In his book Development as Freedom, Sen dedicated a chapter to the active role of women in driving social transformations (Sen, 1999). A critical factor contributing to various forms of inequality against women is the planning process. Policies, programs, resource allocation, and other aspects of planning frequently result in women receiving a disproportionately smaller share of welfare benefits and occupying a marginal position in development. This disparity is evident across key indicators such as education, health, employment, and political participation (Sen, 1999). Concerning the Persian-language literature, the book Women and Political Participation (2017) by Simin Hajipour Sardovii used a questionnaire, administered to both men and women, to collect and analyze the relevant data. It explored structural barriers and gender issues in the dynamics of male–female relations in society. Moroever, in The Position of Women in the Progress of Society in Iran’s Five-Year Development Plans (2018), Mohammadi critically evaluated feminist theories while conceptualizing Islamic perspectives on women’s roles in society. Using a theoretical framework rooted in Islamic thought, the author examined women’s interactions and the concept of development, focusing on the involvement and support for women within the context of Iran’s First to Fifth Development Plans.

The present study used thematic analysis to examine the content of Iran’s Fifth and Sixth Economic, Social, and Cultural Development Plans. This process involved collecting relevant materials, including interviews, articles, and guidelines, related to women’s political participation and their position in Iran’s Development Plans. The data was then analyzed to identify key themes and patterns concerning women’s empowerment, gender equality, and political development.

Results and Discusssion:

The research hypothesis posits that enhancing political development indicators for women in Iran, through the country’s five-year development plans, will help dismantle structures of inequality and strengthen women’s empowerment. Guided by this hypothesis and a robust theoretical framework, the study yielded several key findings. First, women’s political participation was identified as a critical aspect of political development. Second, the analysis highlighted structural barriers and gender issues that hinder women’s active participation in political processes. Additionally, the study examined the contribution of Iran’s Development Plans in advancing women’s empowerment and promoting gender equality. Fourth, the research explored the strategies and policies necessary to increase women’s political participation and ensure equal opportunities in social and political arenas. Finally, the study assessed the progress made and the challenges encountered in achieving women’s empowerment and gender equality within the framework of Iran’s Development Plans.

The findings can have significant implications for policymakers, government agencies, and organizations involved in development planning and implementation. Drawing on the concept of capability, Amartya Sen emphasizes the individual’s ability to utilize facilities, resources, and goods in alignment with their diverse human characteristics. The current research underscored the critical role of women’s political participation in fostering inclusive governance and gender equality in development plans. The strategies and policies identified in this study provide valuable guidelines for enhancing women’s empowerment and creating an environment conducive to their active participation in decision-making. By addressing both the challenges and opportunities associated with women’s participation, the study contributes to the formulation of comprehensive and effective development plans that benefit the whole societ.

Citizen participation in the political arena is influenced by various factors, including the type of electoral system, which is evident in the elections for the Islamic Consultative Assembly (Parliament). Therefore, this research aims to explore the impact of the electoral system on citizen participation in parliamentary elections. The central question of this study is: What are the disadvantages of the majority electoral system for the Islamic Consultative Assembly, and which alternative model is more desirable? The findings of the research indicate that the proportional electoral system and its variants encourage institutional, organizational, and awareness-based participation with a partisan outlook. In contrast, the majority electoral system promotes mass participation without organizational discipline. Although the majority electoral system has played an important role in citizen participation in parliamentary elections over several decades, due to the significant role of institutions and organizations such as political parties and the shift from tribal-based approaches to partisan ones, the proportional electoral system offers greater advantages for enhancing citizen participation. Participation within a proportional electoral system can be based on planning, party laws, and their extension to various decision-making and election organizing sectors, which are essential for citizen participation in the fourth decade of the revolution. Additionally, the proportional electoral system stimulates participation among various popular groups, including ethnic, religious, and class-based groups, who, even without the complete success of their party or list, are motivated to join the electoral contest. This research is qualitative, and the methodology is comparative, conducted using library and documentary tools.

Political and social developments in the international arenas have fundamentally changed the attitude towards development at the world level, and its main components have shifted from mere economic growth to other aspects of development, including political, cultural and social development, and a new concept called "social capital" has emerged. The development topics were of interest to the thinkers and it was proved that social capital can create a sense of trust, cohesion and security through creating connections and forming social networks over time. It has created among a nation and has increased the participation of citizens in various affairs of the society, which can be a huge capital and a solid support for the government in spreading the process of all-round development. The purpose of this research is to explain and analyze the impact of social capital and the relationship of its basic components with progress and development in Iran, especially that one of the reasons for the complicated economic situation in our country is the low level of social capital. Based on the findings of this research, i.e. the correct understanding of the category of social capital and the improvement of its quantitative and qualitative indicators, especially the building of trust among the members of the nation and in order to achieve common social norms, we can hope for more success in the implementation of the development programs of our country. This article is based on a combination of descriptive-analytical methods, collection of library information and available statistics.

Open local government, emphasizing three fundamental principles of transparency, participation, and accountability, aims to provide local services, develop local markets, enhance the quality of life for residents (citizens), and address environmental issues, among others. It seeks a space for democratic participation, civil dialogue, and building trust between local officials and the public. The goal of this research is to analyze the barriers to open local government in the country using a qualitative approach and thematic analysis, which faces challenges similar to new governance models in third-world countries, particularly in Iran. The study is based on semi-structured interviews and purposive sampling. The research community consists of 11 experts and scholars knowledgeable about this matter. Based on the findings from the interviews, the themes of barriers to open local government include 55 basic themes and 11 organizing themes categorized into three overarching themes: accountability, transparency, and participation. Identifying these barriers and raising awareness among elected local and regional officials, preventing corruption, enhancing the effectiveness of public services, and encouraging citizen participation through access to open data and better decision-making can help empower local government in Iran.

  According to many sociologists, the political press is one of the most important indicators of political development and it is mentioned as one of the main pillars in democracy. An active press, while accelerating the improvement of political development, prevents tyranny and political stagnation in a country. The press, as one of the most important tools of mass surveillance, makes the sphere of power more transparent, and those in power will be accountable for their performance. In this regard, the main question of the present article is, by what mechanism do the press and media influence the process of political development? In analyzing and answering this question, first by using the existing theories in the field of political development, the relationship between the press and analysis and evaluation was established. Then, while examining the activity of the press in Kurdistan province after the Islamic revolution, the extent of their effectiveness in the process of political development of this province has been examined. One of the indicators of political development that is discussed in the current research is the level of political participation of citizens in elections. To collect and analyze the data of this issue in Kurdistan province, the statistical research method has been used. The findings of the research show that at any point in the Kurdistan province, during the years after the Islamic revolution, the activities of the press and news media have grown, and the process of upgrading the indicators of political development has also improved. Of course, it should be acknowledged that the mere quantity of the press is not effective in improving the process of political development, but what is important is the degree of freedom of the press and media and the threshold oftolerance of regulatory institutions.

The victory of the Islamic Revolution in 1979 under the leadership of Imam Khomeini led to the formation of a new value system in Iranian society. Extensive changes were made at the level of political elites, social structures and relations between people in the society and caused the transformation of Iran's political culture. The main question of the article is this: "How has the Islamic Revolution affected the political culture of Iran in the period from 1979 to 1989?". The conformity of the norms and values of the political elites and the people had greatly increased the legitimacy of the political system. Public and political participation of the people in supporting the political system expanded. Participation had a mass form, but from the perspective of political culture, people believed that they had the ability to influence the political process. The emphasis of this article is that the social and political behavior of Iranians after the revolution was influenced by Shia teachings. Shia elements, concepts and symbols were reproduced at the level of the society with the occurrence of the Islamic revolution and caused the expansion of the "meme" of solidarity, cooperation and the rule of "non-monetary relationships" in the network of social relations, and the positive function of religion in the social and political structure of Iran was shown. The current research is from the perspective of political sociology with a descriptive-analytical qualitative method and the collection of materials has been done in the library

Political participation is one of the important concepts in social debates and political sociology. The stronger the political participation, the stronger the political legitimacy. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, political participation has been of great importance as the foundation of political legitimacy. After the victory of the revolution, the necessity of people's participation has not only not decreased, but its importance has increased. In the constitution of our country, there are several principles that specify and emphasize the all-round participation of the people in the political affairs of the Islamic society. In view of this, the main question of the present article has been raised as follows: What were the approaches of the Islamic Republic of Iran to political participation (with emphasis on the role of parties)? that this central hypothesis has been proposed that after the Islamic revolution, the parties acted as intermediaries between the people and the officials, which has become the basis for strengthening the legitimacy in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, with political, social and cultural transformation in the society, has developed the growth and expansion of popular institutions and has provided the grounds for the participation of civil politics in the process of decision-making, policy-making and administration of the society, and the leaders of the system have emphasized it. The type of research method is descriptive-analytical and based on library studies.

With the re-domination of the Taliban over Afghanistan and the fall of the republican system in 2021, this country underwent dramatic changes in various aspects. The changes that went to the core of Afghan society and spread different ideas in the governance system and the public sphere. This research has analyzed the issue of the political culture of this country's society due to the necessity of analyzing the consequences of the re-domination of the Taliban on Afghanistan. The main question of the research is based on what effects the re-establishment of the Taliban has left on the political culture of the Afghan society.To answer this question, Almond and Verba's political culture theory was used and components such as political violence and authoritarianism, xenophobia and xenophobia, ethnic and tribal political culture, dogmatism and absolutism, mistrust of the government and lack of passivity and lack of Participation and evasion were considered.According to the hypothesis of the research, all elements of the political culture of Afghan society have been weakened and regressed during the Taliban period. Also, according to the theory of Almond and Verba, the political culture of the Afghan society during the Taliban period is a combination of limited and subservient political culture, and the citizens do not expect any change from the political system, and the government does not create an opportunity for citizens' participation and freedom.

In advanced judicial systems, stakeholder involvement serves as a critical component of operational efficiency, facilitating the resolution of conflicts within judicial institutions. Participation is widely recognized as a fundamental indicator of political and social development, playing an essential role in the advancement of society. Accordingly, the objective of the present research is to identify and categorize strategies aimed at encouraging the participation of both the general public and elites in the judicial system, employing a content analysis methodology. The data collection process was conducted on a cross-sectional basis. Fifteen university professors, researchers, and judiciary staff from various departments were selected through purposive sampling, utilizing the maximum diversity technique. Semi-structured interviews were conducted to gather insights. The resulting data were subjected to thematic analysis, with the process of participant selection, interviewing, and data analysis continuing until theoretical saturation was reached. In the initial phase of analysis, 97 primary codes were identified, which were subsequently condensed into 49 basic themes. These basic themes then gave rise to six organizing themes, which were ultimately grouped into two overarching themes. The findings of the research suggest that strategies for enhancing the participation of both the public and elites within the judicial system can be systematically categorized into six thematic domains: structural, contextual, managerial, individual, cultural-interpersonal, and legal.

Ethnic policy, in countries with multiple ethnicities, has always been a concern of society and government. The nature of these policies and their appropriate model, and in particular the components of this policy, are very important. There are various models for this policy, from "assimilation" which is a model for eliminating ethnic differences to "equal" and "unequal" pluralist models. Meanwhile, for the Iranian society, in which various ethnic groups have lived for centuries and formed a nation called Iran, ethnic policy can be based on the model of "unity in plurality" that is more compatible with the nature of the nation and its government and closer to society and government. Is. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, upstream documents have more or less addressed the issue of ethnicities and its leaders have always paid attention to the rights of ethnic groups and their participation in affairs, and considering these two, the present article seeks to answer the question that components of ethnic policy model in What is the Islamic Republic? In addition, by analyzing the statements of the leadership and upstream documents, seeks to extract these components and considers them as these five cases: 1. Religiosity; 2. National unity; 3. Coexistence of relatives; 4. Existence of diversity as an opportunity; And 5. The rule of law, the main purpose of which is to create a conceptual system for achieving a policy based on the "participation" of ethnic groups in all aspects of the country.

Citizens' participation in legislation is the ideal goal of democracy, which in the past could be achieved through elections and face-to-face meetings. However, with the advent of information and technology, people's participation in legislation took a big leap. Now, distance, the number of audiences, and time no longer have an effect on citizens' participation in legislation. This has even been emphasized in the guideline of the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU). The main question of this is that what are the barriers and facilitators for representatives to use cyberspace, and what are the capacities of citizens' participation in legislation in the Islamic Consultative Assembly? For this research a qualitative method of grounded theory has been used. The participants were parliamentarians, and the sample, according to theoretical saturation, was 45 interviews. These interviews were analyzed using AtlasTI software. The open axes in this study were converted into eight axial codes. These codes were then categorized two main components: facilitators and barriers to the use of cyber space. The axes of network awareness, information recovery, information dissemination, and coordination were identified as facilitators. On the other hand, the axes of infrastructure weakness, inability to use, propaganda attacks, and the one-sided approach were identified as barriers. The results of the study show that in the field of official communication, parliament's website lacks the indicators considered by the World Inter-Parliamentary Union. Additionally, the official interactive facilities connected to organizational communication are not embedded within it. In the public virtual space desired results are still unreachable due to objections from the representatives.

Distribution and redistribution, as one of the specialized functions within the political system, aims to address inequalities and reduce socio-economic disparities. It holds a pivotal role in the systemic approach, as the success or failure of these efforts can significantly influence the level of support for the political system. Following the Revolution, the Islamic Republic embarked on a mission to narrow the class gap across various strata of society by adopting distribution and redistribution policies with the ultimate aim of realizing justice. The Iranian political system thus adopted a proactive stance and function regarding distribution and redistribution, commencing with land reforms at the onset of the Islamic Revolution and progressing through various policy initiatives over the span of four decades. While the impact of the distribution and redistribution policies can be objectively assessed through statistical data and indicators, it is equally crucial to take into account people’s subjective perceptions of such policies. This subjective perception often carries substantial weight, sometimes even outweighing the tangible outcomes of policies, significantly influencing the political behavior of individuals within society. In this respect, the present research tried to address the degree of success of the post-Revolution distribution and redistribution policies, and their impact on people’s political action.

Literature Review:

Mehrgan and Ezzati (2008) delved into the impact of various factors, including taxes, per capita income, literacy levels, unemployment, and inflation rates, on citizens’ political participation. The findings revealed that inflation and unemployment significantly reduced electoral participation in the provinces. Conversely, higher levels of literacy and per capita income were associated with increased political engagement of citizens. Saboktakin et al. (2015) concluded that a substantial 99% correlation exists between social and political participation, with a 53% correlation observed for political satisfaction and an 18% correlation for social satisfaction. Furthermore, there is a significant relationship between the socio-economic base and political participation. The results of the regression analysis indicated that among these three variables, political satisfaction had the most significant impact on participation, while social satisfaction had the least impact on social and political participation. Analyzing the economic redistribution policies, Hatami (2012) demonstrated that during the 9th and 10th governments of the Islamic Republic of Iran, there existed a set of peripheral economic policies, such as Justice Shares (Saham-e Edalat), Mehr Housing Plan, and targeted subsidies. These policies interacted with the broader social and electoral context, leading to a complex reciprocal relationship. As a result, Hatami identified two distinct syndromes in the redistribution policies of the governments. The first syndrome pertained to how the peripheral policies of the government exacerbated the conflict between the center and periphery and turned invisible economic conflicts into socially determining issues. The second syndrome involved the interplay between class aspects of the government and its political ramifications. Instead of the government acting as a party to these conflicts and as an agent in class conflicts, it should play the role of a neutral arbitrator and mediator in resolving class conflicts. This suggests that the government should work towards enhancing its public image and role in this regard.

The present research adopted a descriptive–analytical approach and a documentary method. The study aimed to propose a theoretical framework by adapting the systems theories of Almond and Powell as well as Robert Merton’s theory.

Both statistical data and public perception of policy outcomes showed that these policies and institutions exhibited relative inefficiency during the period from 2011 to 2020, leading to exacerbating the existing inequalities and fostering a perception of injustice. Additionally, people’s assessment of the economic situation underscores the inefficiency of such policies, particularly evident in the feedback loop within the system. It is worth noting that a key indicator of support for a political system, particularly in electoral systems, is the level of political participation. An increase in political participation signifies the effective functioning of the political system, while a decline serves as a warning to the political system, indicating diminishing support. A comparative analysis of the outcomes of distribution and redistribution policies, coupled with the levels of political apathy and the participation rate from 2011 to 2020, clearly revealed a significant connection between the effectiveness of resource (re)distribution and the electoral participation rate as an indicator of the level of support for the political system. The inefficiency of these policies and institutions has grown increasingly conspicuous, exacerbating economic and social inequalities and fostering a prevailing sense of political apathy and hopelessness among the citizens. This factor can be considered one of the root causes contributing to the declining participation rates in both presidential and parliamentary elections.

Women are always considered to be one of the most important and influential groups in Iranian society, and they have had a significant role and participation in Iran's political and social developments, especially in the constitutional movement, the victory of the Islamic Revolution, and the holy defense. . In this regard, the statements and thoughts of Imam Khomeini (RA) as a first-class Islamic jurist who has a correct understanding of the position of women in Islam, are of great importance in analyzing and better explaining the role and position of women in this field. has Therefore, the following article, by using the descriptive-analytical and documentary method (Imam Khomeini's statements), seeks to answer the question, what are the characteristics of the defense discourse of the Islamic Revolution, emphasizing the participation of women in defense affairs? The results of the research indicate that in the defense discourse of the Islamic Revolution based on the thought of Imam Khomeini (RA), women are one of the most important groups who play a very important role in the victory of the Islamic Revolution and the holy defense as much as men and even more than men. have had The most important roles that exist in the defense discourse of the Islamic Revolution in relation to the role and participation of women in the sacred defense are: the role of relief and treatment, support, the spirit of martyrdom, educational and emotional role, material and financial support, combat role - Operation, and women's sacrifice.

The aim of this study is to identify effective indicators of political development in Iran following the Islamic Revolution, grounded in the theory of participation. In this study, it was essential to consider the context and background of the research while exploring the phenomenon from various dimensions by extracting the tacit knowledge of experts. Therefore, a qualitative method was employed, which is a flexible approach that yields spontaneous findings. Among the various qualitative research strategies, the grounded theory strategy was utilized. The research population consisted of 15 experts in the fields of politics and economics. The sample size in the present study is determined using the principle of theoretical saturation, and participants are selected through purposive sampling. The methods of collecting research information are divided into two categories: library research and field research, which includes the interview method. Library methods are employed to gather information pertaining to the subject literature, research background, and field methods, which involve collecting data through interviews with research experts. The research findings indicated that after examining the open codes and categorizing them, the researcher organized the data into 30 categories using the Strauss and Corbin paradigm. Through conducting interviews and analyzing the data, the researcher gained a deeper understanding of the issues presented. Based on the findings from the qualitative section, it was determined that the causal indicators related to political development in Iran after the Islamic Revolution, according to the theory of participation, include the quality of citizens' working life, freedom of expression, accountability and responsibility, societal culture, and foundational legal documents. Additionally, the contextual indicators associated with political development in Iran post-Islamic Revolution, as per the theory of participation, encompass education and skill development, team building, socio-cultural needs, legal requirements, and information technology infrastructure.

The purpose of this research is to investigate the relationship between women's political indifference (as a dependent variable) and background variables (age, education, marriage, employment, religion, ethnicity, income, language or dialect, and place of residence) which is addressed in this article. and it was assumed that there is a significant relationship between all these background variables and political indifference (as a dependent variable) among Shahin Shahr women.Based on the method of data collection, it is a survey-causal research from the branch of field research, and the statistical population consists of 388 women over the age of 18 in Shahin Shahr city, through random sampling, using a questionnaire tool consisting of 91 questions, which data analysis, It has been calculated using SPSS software.According to the results obtained from the simultaneous multiple regression analysis method, it was found that there are political differences between the background variables (age, education, marriage, employment, religion, ethnicity, income, language or dialect, and place of residence) among the women of Shahin Shahr. No significant relationship was found.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the relation of safety-culture indices and the participation of employees of in for establishing a safe military community. To accomplish the task, the descriptive research was conducted by a geodesic approach. The study population are full-time employees of the MSU who have at least 5 years’ experience without taking into account their training course. The sample method applied here is a classified-randomization divided into three categories of commissioned officers, enlisted officer and noncommissioned employees. Robins and Hofstede’s model, Denison’s model and Quinn’s model and the opinion of university experts by Delphi’s approach, have been used to determine university culture indices. Using existing theories and expert’s opinions made 11 safety culture indexes and the participation of employees were identified for the purpose of researching a safe military society, which were tested by AMOS software in the form of assumptions using the path analysis method. Moreover, all indicators except the participation of employees in order to control affect the establishment of a safe military community. using Friedman’s test In rating military safety indexes at Military University, shows that training, safety instructions, discipline and reward system ranked 1,2,3 respectively. leadership and guidance, management support and systematic and non-systematic control of the category of safety culture gained the next ranks. Also, the results of the research show the indicators of the safety culture from the viewpoint of the commanders and staff of the University are effective in institutionalizing the participation of employees in reducing incidents.

The growing importance of China's presence in the world order and its increasing power projection with its global goals raises questions about how the Middle East fits into China's grand strategy. Particularly several hypotheses have been proposed regarding whether China seeks to replace the United States as the main guarantor of the security of some actors in the Middle East. This trend seems to depend on whether the United States will withdraw its commitment to the region or whether Middle Eastern countries will look for an alternative guarantor. On the other hand, this issue also depends mainly on whether China is interested in playing such a role or whether it has the ability to do so. Understanding the dynamics of China's macro strategy and how the Middle East is related to the parameters around which the strategy is conceived should be the depature point for such an assessment. The purpose of this article is to provide a real assessment of this grand strategy and then draw conclusions regarding China's current and future role in the Middle East. The analysis of the data leads to the conclusion that the relationship with Middle Eastern countries is indeed significant for China. Nevertheless, it is of secondary importance to the Chinese government in comparison to their viatal interests.

Some argue that Iran Petroleum Contracts (IPC) are buy-back (bai' motaqabel) agreements. However, considering the basic criteria of such agreements—including the absence of a concrete object, subject of the contract, and design/development at the time of contract conclusion—IPCs cannot be regarded as buy-back contracts. The main research questions are why IPCs cannot be categorized as one of the common legal contracts such as sale, barter, and reward (Ji’ala) and whether they must be defined within the scope of Iranian or international law.  The findings of this analytical and comparative study outlined three different views concerning the nature of IPCs: (1) administrative contracts governed by domestic laws of the employer, i.e., the government, (2) private contracts governed by Article 10 of the Iranian Civil Code, and finally, (3) contracts with international and transnational features. There are arguments made in favor of each view. In terms of Iranian laws, IPCs are marked with special features with similarities and differences in comparison to other contract types specified in the Iranian Civil Code such as sale, barter, reward, and lease, while they cannot be classified as either one of these.