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The current research, employing the explanatory research method, aims to explore the benefits and obstacles associated with the revival of relations between Egypt and Iran. The question that arises is whether Egypt and Iran are moving towards the restoration of diplomatic relations after several decades of disconnection. We propose the following hypothesis in response: despite numerous obstacles, Arab leaders, including Egypt, have chosen to engage in dialogue with Tehran rather than resorting to confrontation. This decision stems from Sisi's foreign policy strategy, which prioritizes safeguarding his regime, enhancing international freedom of action, and broadening Egypt's alliances, despite potential conflicts with other countries' interests. The results of the research indicate that the governments of Egypt and Iran have made progress towards normalizing relations. But the path of Egypt and Iran to restore diplomatic relations seems long and complicated because there is a need for the two countries to agree on some basic issues.

The relationships between countries in West Asia and North Africa are significantly influenced by both domestic and international factors.The relations between Iran and Egypt have indeed experienced significant divergence over the past four decades, influenced by various domestic and international factors. This research aims to explore the role of the United States as an external actor in exacerbating tensions between the two nations.The central question guiding this investigation is how U.S. intervention has contributed to the deterioration of Iran-Egypt relations. The hypothesis posits that the United States has played a crucial role in shaping Egypt's political decisions, thereby perpetuating the strained relationship between the two countries. The research findings indicate that the United States, in an effort to control the spread of the Islamic Revolution in the Arab world—driven by the revolution's anti-imperialist stance and its open hostility toward Israel—sought to threaten Egypt and cut off economic aid. Additionally, the U.S. pressured Egypt to join the Arab NATO coalition, instilled fears regarding Iran's nuclear program, and promoted Iranophobia through various discursive actions aimed at ensuring security for Israel. As a result, the relationship between the two countries has remained divergent, hindering the establishment of a cohesive regional order.

The current study in the framework of realism paradigm based on international political economy and emphasizing the importance of the concept of food security has investigated the impact of the war between Russia and Ukraine on the wheat economy in Egypt through the analysis of indicators of food gap, self-sufficiency and foreign dependence. The Egyptian government has designed a package of measures to reduce the pressure of the crisis on its citizens, one of the most important of which is to encourage wheat farmers to produce more by increasing the guaranteed purchase price and completing strategic sheds and increasing storage capacity. Continuing to expand the area under cultivation of cereals, especially wheat, through horizontal development, continuing to support scientific and technical studies related to wheat, especially new varieties, diversifying imported markets and reducing the percentage of losses of produced and imported wheat are among the most important suggestions of this study.

"Identity politics" is among the prominent topics of novel sociology. In fact, the instances of identity politics include the politicization of ethnic, cultural, linguistic, and religious identities as well as the political activity and participation of ethnoreligious groups to pursue their desires, citizenship rights, and self-determination. The Middle East has emerged as the major focal point for terrorism and ethno-religious conflicts in recent decades. Egypt was among the first Arab states to undergo political and social changes following the onset of successive unrest and political movements in Arab states in 2011. Hence, the main research question is as follows: “What are the most important sociological and domestic factors affecting the politicization of ethnic and religious identities in post-Arab Spring Egypt?” To address this questions, a descriptive-analytical method was employed. According to the findings, the causes of ethnic and religious identity politicization in Egypt are directly related to the “political stability” of this African country. Due to a relatively strong civil society, Egypt managed to go through the transition stage and make progress in various indicators such as political stability, plurality of parties, unemployment rate, inflation rate, and poverty rate. Nevertheless, the lack of consensus on national identity, disruption in the stable transfer of power, and the deep and broad scope of the army's activities still remain the obstacles to successful political stability in Egypt.

Islamic awakening refers to the set of intellectual, social and political developments of Islamic societies in the direction of returning to the rule of the Qur'an and Islamic values in political and social life and the building of Islamic civilization, then it spread in other Arab and Islamic countries, and today its effects can be seen at the international level. Mustafa Sadegh Al-Rafi, a committed and revolutionary Egyptian poet and writer, Rafi's poems are in the field of Islamic awakening and in the form of various political and social topics such as: choosing Islam as the ideology of struggle, trying to establish Islamic government, the, opposition dominant groups and calling for promoting awareness. (Question) The present research, conducted with the descriptive-analytical method and using library sources (method), came to the conclusion that the poet, in order to expand and promote the Islamic awakening movement and institutionalize it as an effective factor to deal with tyranny and colonialists and their norm-breaking behaviors, he has taken advantage of the various components of Islamic awakening, including topics such as education and education of the young generation, self-confidence and faith in God, seriousness and perseverance, increasing knowledge and rendering service to the homeland, intelligence. By addressing such new issues that are rooted in religion, the poet shows his religious and political commitment to the Islamic society and its awakening. (findings).

The relationship between Egypt and Israel has been accompanied by many ups and downs during the past decades. The two were always at war until the late 1970s, and the confrontation marked the course of relations between the continent and Tel Aviv. But after the signing of the Camp David Agreement, the path of interaction and cooperation between Egypt and the Israeli regime was paved. After the popular uprisings in North Africa and the fall of Hosni Mubarak's government, relations between Egypt and Israel turned cold, although these relations were peaceful. But in 2013, Egypt once again underwent a change of government and the military led by Abdel Fattah al-Sisi took power in this country. This article examines the relations between the two sides with the aim of answering the question of how was the relationship between Egypt and the Israeli regime during the Al-Sisi era and what pattern does it follow. To answer this question, the theory of complex interdependence has been used. According to this theory, after Al-Sisi came to power, the Israeli and Egyptian regimes have common interests and needs, such as providing security in the Sinai desert, controlling the Gaza strip, extracting and exporting gas, confronting Islamist groups, and economic and tourism exchanges. Therefore, factors have led to the expansion and intensification of cooperation between Tel Aviv and the continent, in such a way that despite the opposition of most of the Egyptian people who want to solve the Palestinian issue, the two sides have become a strategic partner in the Middle East.

One of the levers that reduce the influence and impact of the Islamic Republic in the region is the foreign aid of the United States of America in the form of political bribes to influential countries in geopolitical equations. In this regard, Egypt has been strongly dependent on the foreign aid (economic and military) of the United States since long ago, and in return, it should implement its wishes and demands. From this point of view, the current research tries to answer the main question that how the American foreign aid tool towards Egypt has caused the darkening of the relations between Egypt and Iran? The results that are used in the present article with the descriptive-analytical method, show that the foreign aid of the United States of America has been determined in the field of dependence of the Egyptian government in the form of "supporter-client" relationship. To the extent that such foreign aid is formulated as a tool and political bribe to influence and put pressure on Egypt in relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran. Therefore, it seems that it is not possible to establish a normalization and de-tension attitude in the relations based on the "Arab-Western" link and as long as the military-economic dependence of Egypt exists in the light of the foreign aid of the United States of America. A. Iran and Egypt are witnesses.

On June 2, 2023, "Emily Milliken", the senior analyst of European Union security studies, and "Giorgio Cafireo", the CEO of Gulf State Analysis, who provide analysis on geopolitical risk issues, published an article entitled "Egypt and Iran: Towards rapprochement" in which they emphasized that de-escalation between the two populous countries of the Middle East follows a new regional model and diplomacy. In their article, it is stated that there have been many attempts to normalize relations between Egypt and Iran in the past, but all of them have failed for various reasons, but this time is different and there are various interests behind this normalization. It seems that the secret of the normalization of relations between the two countries after four decades of disconnection lies in the new changes in the strategic geography of the region, which the authors of the article have mentioned as a regional model that began with the improvement of relations between Riyadh and Tehran, and gradually other countries The region joined it, and the latest of these is the improvement of relations between Egypt and Turkey, after the long-term darkness of relations that began with the Arab Spring and the ouster of Mohamed Morsi, now it seems that a period of easing of tension between Erdogan and El-Sisi has also begun.

One of the most important issues in the political circles of the Islamic Republic of Iran is the issue of relations with America and achieving development and progress under this relation. The current research is based on the comparative method, by comparing the political economy of the two countries of Iran and Egypt as two complete patterns of divergence and convergence in relation to America, while examining the development patterns of the two countries based on the theories of dependence and modernization, and also examining the consequences of this divergence and convergence. with the United States on the development process of the two countries, it is important to answer this question: How can the comparison of the development process of the two countries Iran and Egypt be evaluated from the point of view of divergence and economic political convergence with the United States? The hypothesis raised in response to this question is that the divergence and convergence with America has advantages and disadvantages for both countries. In such a way that the convergence of Egypt's political economy with America has led to Egypt's economic dependence on Western aid on the one hand, and on the other hand, it has led to the attraction of foreign investment, political-security cooperation with America, and the development of tourism. While the divergence of Iran's political economy with the United States has led to political, security, and scientific self-reliance on the one hand,

Non-democratic Politics, brutality of politics, stable presence of military forces in the eco-political life, institutionalization of authoritarianism, detachment of ideological and strategic thoughts, the descriptive function of democracy in the Egyptian political history had turned politics as the exclusive prerogative of political sovereignty and military forces. By discourse of anti-otherness, attempting to monopolize the politics, and considering the democratizing movements as an action vacating the spoiled fervors of collective actions, this kind of governance prevented to transition to democracy. Affecting by the power structure and the behaviors of the main policymakers on the one hand, and the ceaseless cycle of populist authoritarianism, pseudo-democracy, and neo-authoritarianism on the other hand, the failed democratic experience, and fluctuation of transition to democracy in Egypt is regarded as the triumph of the structure against the agency. Thus, the main question of the current paper is to study why the process of transition to democracy was unsuccessful in Egypt? According to the main hypothesis, policymaking and governance in Egypt are based on undemocratic liberalism. In other words, despite rising the pseudo-liberal creeds in different periods, Egypt has never experienced an institutionalized democratic political life. So, by the logic of historical sociology and the theory of transition to democracy, this paper will test the mentioned hypothesis analytically. By showing up the cycle of populist authoritarianism, quasi-authoritarianism, pseudo-democracy, and neo-authoritarianism in Egypt, the findings show that alienation with democratic values, institutionalized authoritarian values, and lack of democratic culture in the political life of Egypt led to the failure of democratization movements.
As the most populous country in the Middle East subsystem and the third most populous country in the Black Continent, Egypt is one of the main candidates for the transition to democracy. Despite the suspension of political development and the geopolitical and geostrategic instability of the region, the desire for democracy and the effort to transition to a democratic political life is a social and sustainable demand in Egypt. From a historical point of view, despite the experience of democracy in Egypt, the lack of political participation of the people caused the fragility and instability of these movements until the 1980s. But with the transition to the third wave of democracy, the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the gradual transition of Latin American and Eastern European countries to democracy, pro-democracy actions in Egypt were pursued more seriously. Studying the history of political and social developments in Egypt as a vanguard of the transition to native democracy is a sign of the emergence of an authoritarian structure and society, which seeks to lay the groundwork for the emergence of political pluralism and democracy by constantly trying to marginalize the hierarchical structure of power. In fact, the growth of social demands, political developments, the emergence of technological and cognitive processes, and the rising waves of globalization caused democracy to become one of the main demands of the Egyptian society. But such a demand is not a one-time thing, but has a hundred years of political history.
The first round of the transition to democracy in Egypt began with the country's independence in 1922, which continued until 1949 despite its fragility and instability. Colonialism, as the dominant logic on the African continent, made no country capable of transitioning to democracy. Now, during the constitutional monarchy of King Farouk in the years 1922 to 1949, Egypt was able to experience a quasi-democratic political system for the first time. Egypt experienced the second period of transition to democracy during the rule of Anwar Sadat. The emergence of various political forces, the support of Islamist organizations and forces, and the application of open-door liberal policies were considered as signs of Egypt's desire for democracy, which leads it to political development and social reforms. But the third period of the transition to democracy in Egypt can be seen as the result of the political and social developments of 2011, when the revolutionaries were trying to establish a new political plan for governance and politics. It is worth noting that neglecting the differences between different periods of transition to democracy in Egypt is a kind of cognitive reductionism.
One of the main differences between the third transition period and the previous two periods is the type of democratic and reformist social actors. In the sense that the main reformists and democrats in the first and second period were the political rulers and the main actors in the national power scene, while the main pro-democracy activists in the third period were the society and the people. Democracy and political reformism in the first and second periods were hierarchical and from top to bottom, in the third period it came from the bottom to the top. Unlike the first and second periods, democratization and reformism in the third period were derived from the cognitive equipping of society and the emergence of the third wave of knowledge due to the existence of social networks. Democracy in the first and second period did not necessarily change the structure of political power, while the rotation of political actors and the relative change in the ruling attitudes towards the society have been the reasons for the third period of transition. Despite these differences, fragility and instability are common features of different transition periods in Egypt. In such a way that after a short period of time, the movement for democracy and reformism was stopped. In this article, we want to pathologically examine the pro-democracy movements in Egypt from 1950 to 2020. This question is raised, why the transition to democracy in Egypt has failed? In response to this hypothesis, politics and governance in Egypt is based on undemocratic liberalism; In this way, despite the emergence of pseudo-liberal teachings in different periods, democratic political life was never institutionalized in Egypt. According to the hypothesis of the research, institutional cultural and traditional habits, unfamiliarity with democratic teachings and the institutionalization of authoritarian norms in Egypt caused closeness with some pseudo-liberal behaviors. These conditions, along with the lack of democratic biopolitical institutions, failed the transition to democracy.
In a summary, it should be said that the political and social developments in Egypt during the post-Mubarak era, especially after the inauguration of Muhammad Morsi, with the relative increase in the level of economic activity and the creation of a platform for the emergence of various political and social parties and forces, promised democracy in the new era. But the lack of strategic vision between the revolutionary coalition forces, the lack of serious commitment of the Islamist, liberal, secular and leftist forces to democratic teachings, seeking power as the main logic of the Islamists in the 2012 elections and tactical alliance with the military to win the election, increasing the political and economic privileges of the military by The ruling Islamists after the election victory, the cooperation of liberal and secular forces with the military in 2013 in criticizing the Islamists, the inability of the ruling political forces to connect strategic thoughts and ideological stances, the distance from democratic teachings and cultural habits ruling Egypt and the cooperation of transnational forces to support The presence of the military in the political and economic life of Egypt caused the transition to democracy to face many challenges in the current era. In other words, Egypt's failure to transition to democracy and the continuation of the cycle of authoritarianism and quasi-democracy is a strategy to control power and stabilize the political position of those in power.

After the fall of the Iraqi Ba'th government in 2003, this opportunity was provided for the new Iraq to pursue its national interests in the shadow of adhering to a new foreign policy based on realism. In the framework of this new foreign policy, the country of Iraq is trying to establish friendly relations with all the countries of the Middle East region and to secure its desired interests and goals through the expansion of bilateral and multilateral cooperation. In this process, two countries, Jordan and Egypt, have not stayed away from the scope of expanding friendly relations between Iraq and the countries of the Middle East region. Due to its access to the Gulf of Aqaba, Jordan has provided Iraq with an opportunity to find an alternative route for its oil exports and reduce its dependence on the Persian Gulf. The same geo-economic advantage of Jordan has caused Iraq and this country to create and develop an oil and gas pipeline from Basra-Hadeithah-Aqaba port in the form of a contract in the field of oil and gas, which speeds up Iraq's access to the Mediterranean Sea through the Gulf of Aqaba and the Suez Canal, and at the same time, to some extent, reduces Iraq's geopolitical bottlenecks in the area of access. At the same time, Iraq and Egypt are also in the process of developing political and economic relations. The trend of existing relations between Iraq and these two countries shows that in the future we will see an increase in joint cooperation between Iraq and Egypt, which can be interpreted in the form of a tension-relieving foreign policy based on the expansion of Iraq's foreign relations.

Industrial Revolution which is supposed to be a landmark throughout the recent centuries, led to many changes in the country's legal system. As a result, despite the conservatism of family law, its tendency to be up-to-date is evident. Although Western family law systems have been reformed, passive acceptance of their approach is not suggested to other countries, namely Islamic land, because it is a defeated experience. So authors for suggesting new ideas in the face of modernity will evaluate the Egypt, Morocco, and Tunisia family law systems. This article Industrial Revolution which is supposed to be a landmark throughout the recent centuries led to considerable changes in the country's legal system. As a result, despite the conservatism of family law, its tendency to be up-to-date is apparent. Although Western family law systems have been reformed, passive acceptance of their approach is not suggested to other countries, namely Islamic land, because it is a defeated experience. So authors for suggesting new ideas in the face of modernity will evaluate the Egypt, Morocco, and Tunisia family law systems. This article shows that their moderate approach which is not considered a passive acceptance of Western reformation in the family law, is compatible with Islamic Law. Hence, this essay proposes to lawmakers and policymakers in the Islamic Republic of Iran to evaluate the approaches of Islamic countries such as Egypt, Morocco, and Tunisia.

Today, social movements have become one of the important tools for pursuing people's demands; And parties are one of the most influential factors of cohesion and organization to popular demands. The recent revolutions in Arab countries are a clear example of these movements. These revolutions took place in a situation where in all three countries, popular calls and protests were spontaneous and without leadership or organization from the parties. The purpose of the current research is why the parties did not have an effective and important role in the revolutionary developments of the three countries of Tunisia, Egypt and Libya?

The present article is a descriptive-analytical research and the collection method is based on library information.

On the eve of the revolution, the political systems of Tunisia, Egypt and Libya were republics with lifelong presidents, which in principle were not much different from monarchical systems. In these systems, not only were there no democratic institutions such as active parties, popular participation in the political and economic spheres, as well as the accountability of the state institution, but all the features of dictatorial systems were seen in them. Hence, in all three countries, widespread popular protests took place without any leadership or group organization, which eventually led to the collapse of the ruling political systems in these countries.

Studies show that according to the political sociology before the revolutions in these three countries and for the reasons discussed in the article; The parties have not played an effective role in the formation of the revolution in the mentioned countries; But they were present in the conditions after the revolution and in the political categories after that.

After the Arab Spring in 2011, there was a lot of hope in the Middle East and North Africa to improve the political and economic situation; But what can be seen today is the growing concern and fear of worsening conditions. Egypt is one of the countries that were expected to experience profound political changes after the fall of Hosni Mubarak, and especially to put an end to decades of authoritarianism and inefficiency. However, the course of events progressed in such a way that the previous crises and problems continued, and today we are faced with the question of how to manage the internal and external challenges of this country. It seems that Egyptian managers and policymakers are trying to cover internal and external problems through an active diplomacy and strengthen national pride and identity by implementing ambitious plans. This paper tries to investigate and analyze the subject by collecting the necessary data and evidence through the library and the Internet and with a descriptive-analytical approach. Based on this, first, a review of the internal (economic and political) problems of Egypt is done, and then there are explanations about the issues and events of the southern and western borders of that country. The sum of these discussions will show why the staple of crises has been talked about today's situation in Egypt.

The protest movement began in Tunisia in late 2010. It became the pattern of Arab societies' practice and quickly overthrew other Arab countries. These social-political developments, with the disintegration character, led to the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak in Egypt; But in Syria, there is a unique characteristic that did not fit the concepts expressed by Islamic awakening scholars in the Muslim world. Therefore, the necessity to review the developments of these two countries and study their similarities and differences as a research issue was reinforced again. Aimed at a comparative study of the Egyptian -Syrian protest movement, in the structural and institutional changes, the role of scholars and elites and people, violent or peaceful, the interference of the foreigners, and the results, this study has taken into account the question that if the Egyptian protests in comparison to the events of Syria are similar or different on the components of Islamic awakening. The hypothesis of the article states that achieving different results in Syria and Egypt is due to the difference in the components of Islamic awakening. The subject was done using a comparative-comparable study method using valid library and internet resources. The findings based on the conceptual framework of the research indicate that Egyptian developments, due to dictatorship reasons, Mubarak's strong dependence on the West and its relationship with the Zionist regime, have been similar to the indicators of Islamic awakening; Despite the preceding protests and based on the Syrian government independence from the Western-Arab axis and acting on the front of the Zionist regime, Syria has been managed from abroad. As a result, Egyptian developments have been close to the concept of Islamic awakening and its common components; But in Syria, there are a lot of differences with these indicators

The relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Arab Republic of Egypt in the global and regional system and their actions and mutual relations always create new issues in the Middle East and North Africa region, and in fact, any action of the two countries will face the geopolitics of the mentioned regions with extensive changes. In recent years, the developments in the Middle East have provided countless geopolitical opportunities for the development of Tehran-Qairo relations. In this context, the present research has studied the explanation of the geopolitical challenges and opportunities of Iran-Egypt relations by applying a descriptive-analytical method. Furthermore, the research considers political, regional and international factors as challenges and obstacles to the convergence of two countries and assumes that the removal of these obstacles will improve the regional status of the two countries and the existing geopolitical opportunities will also increase the convergence between them. The research has used a survey study to test the hypotheses. The statistical population consists experts and professors of geopolitics and international relations, and the sample size of 50 subjects was estimated based on Cochran's model and the mean test was used in SPSS software.The results show that the existence of historical and civilisational ties; the insensitivity of the two countries to each other's civilisational identity; and the change in the Egyptian government after Mubarak's rule are geopolitical opportunities to develop the relationship. However, a number of internal and regional factors remain obstacles to a rapprochement between the two countries.

The Muslim Brotherhood is one of the oldest Islamist groups in the political arena of Egypt, the Arab world, which has influenced and being influenced by the social and political trends of Egypt during its lifetime. With the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak in 2011 due to the popular uprising of January 25, this group gained a very important opportunity to enter the field of political competition by giving a legal aspect to its activities, without fear of being targeted, and succeeded to obtain the majority of Egyptian parliament and the position of the president of Egypt.  Nevertheless, the remaining of the deep state in power and the inability of the Muslim Brotherhood to adopt a suitable strategy with the revolutionary socio-political environment of Egypt caused this group to adopt a strategy of passive interaction with the deep state and set the stage for the downfall of its administration within a year and the occurrence of some other social and political consequences. In this research, an attempt is made to answer the question, what are the consequences of these interactions at the level of the Brotherhood as well as the Egyptian society? it can be said that the interaction of the Muslim Brotherhood with the deep state led to the emergence of various divisions within the Muslim Brotherhood, especially the activation of the generational fault, the reduction of the social capital of this group among the Egyptian people, and the increase of mistrust among the group and other political factions there.

Good governance received attention at the end of 1990s and was considered the key to development by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The more the rule of law is in effect, the more the judicial system is efficient, and the higher the participation rate is, the better the governance is applied. The Middle East witnessed, in the last decade, Arab uprisings against dictatorial regimes and discriminatory policies, in which good governance is deemed to be one of the possible ways to compensate for the past. This research investigates Egypt and Tunisia. To evaluate the status of these two countries, the six indicators of good governance are used: control of corruption, rule of law, regulatory quality, government effectiveness, political stability, and voice and accountability. This research seeks to comparatively find out what status of good governance Tunisia and Egypt have reached after the Arab Spring. This is a descriptive, analytical, and comparative study aimed at comparing the status of Egypt and Tunisia in terms of achieving a post-revolution good governance paradigm. The results indicated that Tunisia has relatively achieved stability, with a higher score in good governance, due to having a dynamic middle class, a fairly consistent and pluralistic civil society, small professional armed forces, ethnic-religious homogeneity, and consistency of different fractions. Egypt, in contrast, lives out in somewhat political instability, leading to reduced score in good governance, due to political-religious conflicts, deep involvement of armed forces in politics, and post-revolution 2013 Egyptian coup d'état.

revolutionary developments in Egypt that led to the overthrow of the “Mubarak government” and the establishment of the “Muslim Brotherhood” was so fascinating that many political analysts referred to it as the beginning of the transformation of the Islamic world. However, the emergence of a social or quasi-social wave known as the "Rebellion Movement" led to an internal crisis in this popular uprising. With the emergence of this wave and the mentioned internal challenge, the army entered the scene supporting the will of its people at first but at the end the world powers, led by the United States, were able to Seize and mislead the "Islamic Awakening" movement in this country in line with their colonial goal. The purpose of this article is pathologizing the “Islamic Awakening” movement in Egypt employing a mixed method (case study) in the time domain of this uprising and with an exploratory-explanatory approach through the use of descriptive and inferential statistics (factor analysis) using a statistical population of forty people. This article tries to answer this question: What were the most important factors that caused deviation and harm and social frustration in the process of the Islamic Awakening in Egypt? Based on the findings of this study, the most important detrimental factors to the process of “Islamic awakening” in Egypt were related to the military and security area, ideology, political, economic, regional and social and cultural level and trans-regional level, respectively.

The state, despite the expansion of globalization trends in recent decades, remains an indicator of political relations and analysis. The government is both old and late, but it is certainly the new home of the West. State structures in this part of the world were a response to the historical and social demands of modernity and the challenges of the transition from feudalism to capitalism. But the government, like other renewable products, left its original homeland and affected the non-world. The Islamic world has been under the influence of modernity since its neighborhood with the Western world. Traditional government in the Muslim world, like other non-Western societies, was the first focus of modernity, but in Islamic societies, due to the political nature of Islam, this confrontation took on a distinct form and nature. In this article, the government's confrontation and modernity in two Islamic societies, Iran and Egypt, have been studied from the moment of its occurrence. Confrontation of government and modernity in Iran and Egypt, so far in its history, has been considered the three preconditions of the pre-modern state, the modern state, and the post-modern state. The history of the government of Iran and Egypt has been in orbit until the formation of the national government. However, the Islamic State as a post-modern state (with a long history of desire and thought of forming an Islamic state in Egypt) is a feature of the state in Iran. The reason for this is the Shiite religion and the institutional structure of its clergy in Iran.