ملک سلمان

Oil revenues in the form of rentier economy have been one of the main factors of political stability in Saudi Arabia. The decline in oil revenues in Saudi Arabia in the coming decades and the possibility of an economic crisis in this country has been one of the main factors behind the decision of the Saudi leaders to compile and implement the Vision 2030 during the reign of King Salman. Considering the centrality of economic goals and programs in the 2030 vision document, the main objective of this research is to evaluate the effects and consequences of the new Saudi economic trends on political stability. The main question is how the new economic trends and developments of Saudi Arabia in the era of King Salman affect the political stability in this country? In this regard, the operational perspective of David Saunders has been adopted as the conceptual framework of the research. Also, the new economic condition of Saudi Arabia has been analyzed with emphasis on five components, which are: economic growth and prosperity; unemployment rate; Housing situation; Inflation rate and consumer spending index and; the situation of poverty and inequality. The main finding of this study is that the new policies and programs of the Saudi government in the light of 2030 vision have caused a relative progress in economic conditions and leads to Maintaining political stability in the country. However, the social and political changes caused by the development of the non-oil economy construct grounds and conditions that will lead to new instabilities.

In recent years, there has been a notable trend in Iran's environment, characterized by China's increasing presence and influence in the Middle East, as well as its endeavors to strengthen relations with the Persian Gulf countries. Given America's longstanding presence in the Persian Gulf and its strategic partnerships with Arab countries, China's involvement has significantly contributed to the complexity of regional issues. For instance, Saudi Arabia, the largest Arab country in the Persian Gulf, has expanded its interactions with China focusing on energy, and in practice, China has become Riyadh's first commercial and economic partner.The main aim of this article is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the essential factors and significant changes that have shaped Saudi Arabia's foreign policy towards China during the reign of King Salman. It addresses the following questions: what are the determining elements of Saudi Arabia's foreign policy regarding China in the years after 2015, and how have these factors led to the prioritization of extensive cooperation and a comprehensive strategic partnership between the two countries?

Methods and Conceptual Framework: 

To identify and explain the underlying factors behind Saudi Arabia's shift in foreign policy toward China, this study adopts the conceptual framework of Neoclassical Realism and uses an explanatory methodology. Structural realists emphasize the importance of changes in the international system and the balance of global power in shaping countries' foreign policies. However, neoclassical realists emphasize the significance of internal factors in understanding a government's foreign policy. Therefore, a substantial part of this research focuses on investigating the impact of domestic variables on the strategic choices made by the Saudi government towards China.

The findings of this research indicate that the rise of China and its consequences at international and regional levels are the main and independent variables shaping Saudi Arabia's new foreign policy towards China. However, while international factors have a substantial impact, there are also specific domestic factors that serve as intermediate variables in Saudi Arabia's strategies toward China. At this level, several crucial factors contributed to the development of Saudi cooperation with China during King Salman's era. These factors included the capacities of national power, the rise of authoritarianism, unity and consensus among Saudi elites, the emergence of new Saudi nationalism, the centralization of authoritarian development, and evolving perceptions of Saudi leaders regarding recent international and regional transformations.Saudi Arabia and China's relations have shown a positive and steadily growing trend over the past three decades. However, it is during the reign of King Salman that these relations have entered a new stage, known as a comprehensive strategic partnership. This partnership is characterized by increased cooperation in the commercial, economic, and political spheres. The emergence of a new generation of Saudi leaders, led by Muhammad bin Salman, has significantly influenced the transformation of Saudi policies. These leaders possess a deep and comprehensive understanding of international trends and conditions, which has played a pivotal role in reshaping Saudi Arabia's approach. Particularly noteworthy is their realistic understanding of the shift of power from West to East, their pragmatic approach in relations with regional and global actors, and the new definition of national interests.

In the new circumstances, despite the persistence of some uncertainties regarding the overall direction of Saudi Arabia's foreign policy, the continuation of the country's military-security cooperation with the United States remains evident. However, the prioritization of authoritarian development by Saudi leaders is a significant driver that will lead to the continuation and development of Saudi Arabia-China relations in the coming years.

Qatar and the United Arab Emirates stand as pioneers in the cultivation of soft power and national branding within the Persian Gulf region. Their leadership recognizes the pivotal role of branding in safeguarding and advancing national interests and security and continues to invest significant efforts in this domain. Recently, Saudi Arabia has also turned its attention towards this sphere, emerging as a unique and somewhat complex case study in terms of branding capacities and policies. Especially since the coming to power of the current king of Saudi Arabia in 2015 and the subsequent power consolidation of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Riyadh has embarked on a new trajectory of domestic and foreign policies. Changing Saudi Arabia’s image and its national branding is one of those. For this purpose, this paper aims to explore the fundamental question: “What role does national branding play in Saudi Arabia’s overarching policies, and how has this evolved during Salman’s reign?”

This research is theoretically and conceptually grounded in Simon Anholt’s six-dimensional conceptual framework for national branding, which encompasses Exports; Governance; Culture; People; Tourism; and Immigration and Investment. Methodologically, the study adopts a descriptive-explanatory approach. Utilizing a qualitative method, data has been collected through library research and online resources.

Over the past decades, Saudi Arabia has carved out a distinctive international reputation, effectively establishing its national brand on the global and regional stages. This image is primarily shaped by three key facets. Firstly, the nation’s substantial capacities and capabilities in oil production and export, with Saudi Aramco leading as the world’s largest exporter of this commodity. Secondly, Saudi Arabia’s significant religious standing within the Islamic world, which extends its influence globally. Thirdly, its financial and economic aid to various countries, particularly within the Islamic world. This assistance is often manifested in the form of humanitarian or developmental aid. Thus, the triad of traditional elements shaping Saudi Arabia’s reputation and national brand, thereby crafting a unique anddistinctimage of the country on the international stage, encompasses its oil industry, religious influence, and humanitarian and developmental contributions.Under the reign of King Salman, Saudi leaders have initiated a mission to reshape the past image, striving to project a new and positive depiction of the nation. While some previous policies have been maintained, significant changes have ushered in a new era for national branding. Central to this is the Vision 2030 document, which serves as the primary framework guiding efforts to effect a fundamental shift in Saudi Arabia’s position and global image. The document, aimed at diversifying Saudi Arabia’s oil-dependent economy, represents a strategic endeavor to shift the traditional perception of Saudi Arabia as merely an oil-rich country. Its three core tenets - fostering a vibrant society, building a thriving economy, and cultivating an ambitious nation - encapsulate the renewed image that Saudi leaders aspire to project, underscoring their commitment to transformative change.The Saudis have gradually come to the conclusion that the traditional religious-conservative image and the presentation of Saudi Arabia as an oil country cannot contribute much to the soft power and the country's capacities. For this, the introduction of a new image as a country with a diverse economy, an open and moderate society, and efficient and modern governance, is considered an important part of the efforts of Saudi statesmen. In this context, a variety of strategies have been implemented with the goal of advancing to a new level of national branding. The most significant of these include economic branding, along with the promotion of Saudi Arabia as a nation with a diversified economy; cultural branding and social reforms, aimed at presenting Saudi Arabia as a moderate and non-extremist society; The development of tourism and branding that leverages cultural heritage; Enhancing governance to fortify the national brand; Sports branding; and Urban branding and the creation of new cities. These initiatives are crucial in achieving this objective.Saudi leaders recognize the necessity of shifting global public opinion towards their country, including through national branding. They are striving to craft a positive, modern, and distinguished image of Saudi Arabia. These efforts involve acknowledging past weaknesses and negative perceptions, while also considering Riyadh’s regional competition with smaller neighbors such as the United Arab Emirates and Qatar. In this context, traditional capacities and structural barriers are also deemed significant.  Indeed, the political determination of the Saudis and their efforts to implement new policies and significant innovations are crucial.

Despite some accomplishments and positive outcomes in terms of national branding, there are several challenges that Saudi Arabia faces. These include:The absence of a clear definition of branding as a distinct issue in national strategies;The continued dominance of oil in Saudi Arabia’s economic structure, perpetuating the country’s image as an oil-based economy;The potential escalation of internal conflicts and divisions due to cultural and social reforms, which could lead to new crises; and.The increasing political authoritarianism within the Saudi government and the limited participation of civil society in national branding.

Perceptions and misperceptions frequently affect government relations, subsequently impeding regional relationships. The present state of affairs in the Middle East is a perfect instance of how influential actors' perceptions and misperceptions affect the area, which remains a debated topic. Since the leaders of Turkey and Saudi Arabia have distinct personalities and mentalities, they take different approaches in terms of perspectives, analyses, judgments, and foreign policies on a variety of topics in the Middle East, particularly in relation to Iranian foreign policy goals and priorities. Therefore, it is crucial to examine how these varying mentalities have impacted their approaches to different regional and international issues. The article examines the differing perspectives of Turkish and Saudi Arabian leaders regarding the nature and goals of the Axis of Resistance, a crucial element of the regional political and security structure. The authors present a three-part series of propositions to clarify the reasoning behind these leaders' views on the Axis of Resistance. The differences in policies and actions among these leaders show that their varying mentalities, influenced by the three aforementioned propositions, have affected strategies and actions related to important matters like regional security, interactions with Western nations, the Axis of Resistance, and resolving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.

Mohammed bin Salman, the crown prince of Saudi Arabia and the king's son, is one of the most important options for the kingdom after King Salman. With new ideas, this person has tried to show himself as the reformer of Saudi Arabia and is trying to emphasize the role of Arabism and Saudi youth in this country more and more. The youngest crown prince of the Saudi family is trying to open a foothold among the Arab heroes with his reckless actions. Today, Mohammed bin Salman has become the center of attention and the biggest decision-maker in Saudi Arabia. Although the system of government in Saudi Arabia is an monarchy, the old King Salman is rarely seen in public. It can be said that he is the king in name and it has been clear to everyone for years that Mohammed bin Salman is "in practice" controlling the country. Mohammed bin Salman has a self-reliant personality and wants to redefine his political future based on the four principles of Arab authenticity, extensive coalition building, mistrust of the West, and religious reform. From the point of view of Western thinkers, a religious reformer who can put Saudi Arabia on a new and stable path is of vital importance for the Arab world and America. By appealing to the disaffected young Arab population, Muhammad bin Salman can be considered a reformer who will create a renaissance in the Arab world. However, his reckless behavior may mess up everything inside Saudi Arabia and add to the problems. This research deals with the dimensions of Muhammad bin Salman's personality, his attitudes and the nature of his plans.

Saudi Arabia's political system has invariably been known as a regime whose partisan activities are prohibited. This has caused the atmosphere of political activities to enter an informal phase. However, the important question is: Considering such an atmosphere, does the role of the opposition and the opposition political groups against the Saudi sovereignty take an increased turn? How is it possible that these groups can exert a pressure on Saudi's political system for gaining concession or political change? To answer this question, one might say that two key uncertainties come to matter for this take place on the part of the opposition: namely, support or lack of support on the part of foreign actors, and the internal political stability and its relationship with four aspects, namely the intraterritorial opposition withing the sovereignty, the intraterritorial opposition outside the sovereignty, the extraterritorial opposition within the sovereignty, and the extraterritorial opposition outside the sovereignty. On this basis, the research tries to study the role of opposition forces, groups and parties in the form of alternative futures as well as to examine scenarios.

Since assuming office in 2015, King Salman, Saudi Arabia’s approach toward Iran has shifted from a conservative defense policy to an aggressive conservative policy. The Saudi officials have frequently attempted to define Iran as an international threat in their meetings and interviews. The current research investigates King Salman's speech at the Riyadh meeting to show how Saudi officials, particularly King Salman, have used the concepts of "security maker" and the use of "language" as tools of "verbal action" to portray the Islamic Republic of Iran as a "security threat" in the Middle East region. The research method in this article is Norman Fairclough’s " of Critical Discourse Analysis", and Ole Weaver’s theory of "securitization". Findings of the article show that King Salman condemned the Islamic Republic of Iran at the summit by using the words in international law and the delicate basis of his theological power on current issues in the international community as well as the general demands of international conventions. And in this way, it will convince the audience about the security of Iran with the content of its words.

Developments in the Arab world after the Arab Arab uprisings in 2011 Played a major role in transformation of saudi Arabia's foreign policy. The reign of Salman is considered an important turning point in changing the direction of Riyadh's foreign policy from conservative to an active and aggressive approach. The main question here is that what's the main objectives and desires that Saudi Arabia pursues a bout regional order in the new situation? Another question is about Saudi capacities and opportunities or its obstacles and challenges to pursue his objectives. The main finding of this article is that Saudi Arabia has defined its objectives for regional order in three levels or layers: Hard hegemony in the peripheral environment or the Arabian Peninsula; Soft hegemony in the Arab world and; Balancing in the Middle East. Saudi Arabia has several capabilities and opportunities to achieve its objectives, Including capabilities of national power, opportunities arising from regional crisis and international relations and supports. But in sum the main obstacles ahead are Structural Weaknesses, the role of saudi's regional Rivals and the Fragility of regional relations and conditions.

The Saudi foreign policy after King Salman coming into power has been changed entirely. The important feature of foreign political orientation of Saudis since 2015 has been the activation in the region of the Middle east and the aggressive approach against the Islamic Republic. The purpose of this article is explaining the orientation of foreign policy in the first two years of King Salman's kingdom against Iran which has been researched trough this question: How was the Saudi foreign policy approach against the Islamic Republic during 2015 to 2017? The hypothesis of the article is formed in this way: Saudi foreign policy against the Islamic Republic after King Salman coming into power until the end of 2017, can be analyzed as »Hybrid war«. Diplomacy, supporting local unrest, conventional military forces, special forces, and irregular forces; are the most important components of Saudi hybrid war against the Islamic Republic of Iran. Behavioral and verbal rationality of the decision makers of the Islamic Republic's foreign policy over the past two years has prevented the transition of the Islamic Republic and Saudi Arabia to a full-scale war. The hypothesis of the article is processed by analytical- descriptive method.