جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « منطقه گرایی » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

The pharmaceutical market is one of the most important and lucrative industries in the trade world. The expansion of non-oil exports and shifting away from the mono-product economy and its problems (high volatility in the oil market and, consequently, the country's revenue, as well as the issue of sanctions on Iran's oil sales by the West) have made it inevitable for Iran to expand its export of pharmaceutical products. Meanwhile, the Russian Federation, for historical reasons, has a high potential to become a destination for Iran's pharmaceutical products due to the geographical proximity of the two countries and the possibility of direct shipment of goods to Russia via the Caspian Sea. Russia is a large consuming market with the population of 145 million and high volume of pharmaceutical imports (over 10.5$ billion in 2018). The article analyses the pharmaceutical export potential of Iran to the Russian Federation using the indicators of revealed comparative advantage index, cosine index and trade plan index. The findings of this study indicate the high potential of Iranian pharmaceutical products for export to the Russian consuming market and the lack of utilization and the neglect of the Iranian pharmaceutical manufacturers and exporters from the Russian market. As policy implications, the authors recommend making pharmaceutical products a priority for export to the Russian market, which will lead to more efficient use of Iran's productive potential.

This article examines artificial intelligence technology as a modern and challenging phenomenon over the past decade. This technology has had a significant impact on the economic, political, and socio-cultural life in many countries. In this review article by using the descriptive-analytical method, the authors strive to define artificial intelligence within modern scientific discourse and introduce two practical applications of AI technologies. They discuss the "practical mode", which is used for effective management and accident prevention in industrial machinery, medicine, transportation, construction, oil and gas industries, mining, the nuclear sector, and more. Additionally, they introduce "generative AI", which is used for translating large texts, predicting business processes, evaluating financial and commodity markets, assessing societal feedback to any economic, political, and social changes, mastering risk management, and more. The article also explores the main challenges and risks of AI for modern society, including the creation of fake narratives, information bubbles, saturation, and other manipulation tools employed by technocratic elites in their quest for dominance. The concentration and distribution of AI development centers in specific areas could lead to increased inequality and tension between the North and South regions. Controlling the AI domain to protect national interests and maintain modern international relations poses a fundamental challenge for political and economic groups, institutions, and society. Researchers attempt to make predictions about the impact on energy, which will intensify with increased energy consumption and competition over rare elements. This rapidly growing demand cannot be met by "clean energy", so the energy transition might be slowed down by AI. This research proposes international actions for control, risk assessment, and an in-depth analysis of AI's impact on the development of other sectors.

After twenty years, the Taliban regained power for the second time in 2021. The Islamic Emirate must inevitably engage with regional organizations such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) to sustain its governance. Central Asian countries, which are gathered under the umbrella of the SCO, have an influential role in the political developments of Afghanistan. The main question is what impact does the security interaction between the Taliban and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization have on the economy and politics of the Taliban government? The research hypothesis is that the security interaction between the Taliban and the (SCO), through the fight against ISIS as a regional consensus, leads to security, political, and economic convergence between the Taliban and the organization. The findings indicate that the anti-ISIS policy of the Taliban and their fight against drug trafficking provide a basis for security cooperation with the organization. Moreover, the political alignment with China and Russia, who are among the main actors of the organization, stands the Taliban in the anti-unilateralism camp against the United States. The present research has utilized the explanatory method and library-based data collection approach.

More than three decades have passed since the formation of the new structure and membership of seven countries in the region to the ECO Economic Cooperation Organization. The question now is whether the formation of the organization has played a positive role in the region's economic growth and development, or whether geopolitical divergent factors still dominate geo-economic convergence factors. In this context, the present paper evaluates the welfare effects of economic integration in the new structure of the ECO over the past two decades from 2000 to 2021. The present study aims to assess the components and backgrounds of powerful regional integration of the member countries of the Organization of Economic Co-operation (ECO) with the focus of Iran. The emphasis of this study is on the economic aspects of regionalism integration efficiency. Certainly, the components of geographical proximity and cultural commonalities and religious beliefs are among the strengths of convergence between these countries, but more importantly, the political determination and limitation of the rulers on effective regional integration between these countries, which has not emerged significantly in the last few decades. In fact, until geopolitical obstacles dominate the geo-economic factors of Iran and these countries, the possibility of forming efficient regional integration is impossible, and the development and prosperity of security, welfare and development of trade and investment flows in this region depends on political will and determination.

In the post-Cold War era, the international system continues to undergo a state of transition. In the emerging geopolitical landscape, the West Asia, and specifically the Persian Gulf region, occupies a unique role in the policy of major powers (e.g., the USA and China), thanks to its special geopolitical, geostrategic, and geo-economic significance, alongside its stable oil and gas reserves. China, as a growing East Asian country, has increasingly directed its focus towards strategic regions, such as the Persian Gulf, in recent decades. This shift is driven by China’s growing need to maximize its increasing power. China’s critical need for fossil resources has been a primary driver compelling the Chinese political elite to consider the Persian Gulf as a pivotal region in their foreign policy. To be more specific, since the late 1980s, China has been reliant on oil imports to sustain its economic growth and move up the global power hierarchy. This fundamental issue has, in turn, prompted Beijing to adopt a pragmatic and non-ideological perspective to consider closer collaboration with major energy actors such as the Islamic Republic of Iran (in opposition to Washington) and Saudi Arabia (in alignment with Washington). Relying on a descriptive–analytical approach, the present study endeavored to address the questions of what role China assumes in the economic and political future of the Persian Gulf region, and how it can impact Iran’s national interests.

Literature Review:

 In “China–Iran Relations Through the Prism of Sanctions,” Scita (2022) explains how China has dealt with the sanctions imposed on Iran. Scita not only delves into Beijing’s response and approach to the imposed sanctions, but also assesses the extent to which China complies with the these sanctions. The author notably argues that China–Iran relations are influenced by their relations with the US as well as their status in the international arena. In their article titled “Iran, China and the Persian Gulf: An Unfolding Engagement,” Shariatinia and Kermani (2022) address the question of how Iran views China’s growing involvement in the Persian Gulf region, particularly in light of China’s strong ties with Iran’s primary regional competitors.

Neoclassical realists posit that a country’s ambitions are primarily shaped by the capabilities of its government in the realm of foreign policy, as well as by its position in the international system. They contend that a government’s relative capability in mobilizing domestic resources forms the basis for formulating a balanced strategy in the international scene. In this light, it can be observed that conditions are indeed conducive to China’s economic growth and realization of its potential, owing to the recent significant changes in China’s foreign and domestic policies and the ensuing normalization of relations between this growing Asian country and the capitalist West. China’s vast geographic expanse, a population numbering in billions, the young and large workforce, and efficient management, have enabled China to achieve rapid and substantial economic growth. For over four decades, China has consistently maintained remarkable economic growth, averaging around 8%. However, to sustain the economic growth, China needs access to foreign markets, cheap and abundant raw materials, and notably, energy resources. Focusing on a country’s domestic capacitates and the structure of the international system (i.e., possibilities and limitations), the theory of neoclassical realism can explain the overt and covert competition between Washington and Beijing in the Persian Gulf.

The analysis revealed two scenarios about China’s presence in the Persian Gulf and its impact on Iran. The first scenario pertains to the maintenance of the status quo. In this case, the USA would continue its presence in the Persian Gulf region. If the Arab nations in the Persian Gulf trust the American presence and the alliance commitments, and the US exerts more pressure on its regional partners, it is conceivable that strategic industrial cooperation with China may be halted somehow without further progress. The second scenario revolves around the decline of the US presence in West Asia, including the Persian Gulf region. This essentially signifies the dominance of the Great Power Competition doctrine and the strategic prioritization of the Indo–Pacific region, specifically China, in American foreign policy.

What is particularly noteworthy here is the fact that the nature of the strategic relations between China and the countries in the Persian Gulf has not only placed the US in a strategic quandary in the region but has also significantly influenced Tehran–Beijing relations. Not solely relying on Iran to achieve all its regional objectives, China has tried to diversify and deepen its relations with the Arab countries in the region in order to diversify its energy supply sources. However, this approach does not imply ignoring Iran. China, given its strategic stance, has consistently aimed to maintain the most positive relations possible with Tehran, albeit at a more limited level. The findings point to the conclusion that China’s approach to the Persian Gulf region should not be viewed solely in terms of the energy economy and cooperation in the energy sector. It is also essential to analyze its implications within the context of regional security and solidarity. In fact, the Persian Gulf is recognized both as a focal point for global energy production and distribution, and one of the most unstable parts of the world.

The Middle East has long been the scene of competition between regional and transnational powers and has always attracted the attention of many international actors. The Islamic Republic of Iran, as one of the most important regional actors, has a major role in influencing regional balance and shaping the economic, political, and security structures of the new Middle East. Thus new regional developments such as the Arab revolutions of the Arab Spring, the crisis in Iraq and Syria, ISIL terrorism, the redefinition of the role of other regional and transnational actors, and the increasing pressure on Iran by Donald Trump's arrival in the States The United States and its changing attitude towards Iran require that the Islamic Republic of Iran review and reconstruct the strategic requirements of its regional foreign policy in line with the foreign policy of other influential regional and transnational actors, especially the United States of America. To put in place an effective strategy to take full advantage of leading opportunities and minimize potential threats and challenges. The present article seeks to answer the question "What are the effective strategic requirements for enhancing the political and regional role of the Islamic Republic of Iran in regional developments?" The research hypothesis is that the new strategy is based on expanding regional cooperation. sustainable regional security based on a cooperative security approach, confidence building, de-sensitization, and the use of strategic rationality in balancing power, with emphasis on the three regional powers (Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey) and most importantly strengthening the democratic system Religion based on social capital can be very effective. The purpose of this study is to examine the new strategy due to the role of the Islamic Republic in the development of the region and how to use it in a neutral policy. The research method is descriptive-analytical and data collection is done using library and internet tools based on objective data.

the countries are taking steps towards drawing a road map of parliamentary diplomacy, according to their internal capacities and regional and global requirements. Parliamentary diplomacy plays a significant role in the realization of foreign policy priorities through the synergy of intellectual and physical capacities. The purpose of this article is to evaluate the role of parliamentary diplomacy in strengthening the country's national security. The findings show that parliamentary diplomacy at both national and transnational levels has many capacities to strengthen the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. At the national level, by using tools such as legislation and monitoring the performance of the government, it has many capabilities to influence the field of security. Also, at the transnational level, by using tools such as friendship groups and active participation in regional and international parliaments, it can become the basis for strengthening convergence at the regional and international levels and strengthening the national security of Iran. Because, using the legislative and regulatory tools of parliaments at the national and transnational level, can lead to regional development and balanced prosperity in national territory, and as a result, by reducing national insecurities, provide the basis for strengthening regional and international security. In fact, the expansion of systematic regional and global cooperation of the parliaments of the world based on the promotion of peace, stability and security, can not only play an effective role in reducing regional and global conflicts, but will also promotion of the national security.

Today, energy is considered as one of the most important geopolitical variables in the international system. Energy as the cornerstone of the survival and development of societies in the 21st century with the ever-increasing growth of the world's population, South Asian countries are facing an energy shortage due to the rapidly increasing demand for fossil fuels. Due to the economic and political effects caused by such a shortage, improving the supply of fossil energy is one of the important priorities of regional governments. In this article, the main goal is to examine the role of natural gas export on the development of Iran's regional relations in South Asia. Therefore, the main question raised is what is the role of natural gas export in the development of Iran's regional relations with South Asia? Therefore, with the qualitative method and the nature of the descriptive-analytical method and with the use of library collection tools, as well as with the method of interviewing 15 experts related to the subject, which was done in an estimated and available method with theoretical saturation, the results have been obtained. The results of the research findings show that Iran has not been able to establish strong regional relations with this region due to its favorable geo-economic position, having natural gas resources and the need of South Asian countries for these resources.

A sound neighborhood policy, followed by regional integration based on local and regional models, has always been of great importance to the Islamic Republic of Iran. Its significance has grown over time, to the point where it has been established as the primary foreign policy strategy of the 13th government. The question remains: What is the indigenous model of neighborhood policy in Iran’s foreign affairs? This research presents a three-dimensional model in the areas of understanding, engagement, and confrontation, based on Iran’s interactions with its neighbors. The study also offers recommendations and solutions to improve relations with neighboring countries at various cultural, economic, political, and security levels. Data was collected through documentary research and in-depth interviews with academic and executive elites in the country’s foreign policy. A descriptive-analytical approach was also employed for data analysis.

The increasing depth of globalization effects has resulted in many countries seeking accomplishment in light of the regionalist perspective and its capacities. Some crucial economic factors in Central Asia such as oil and gas, pipelines, commodities, consumer markets, assembly industries, and the impact of SCO on regional trends have resulted in Iran's economic diplomacy's attention to the region inevitably. The question of this article is what are the most crucial capacities and challenges of Iran's economic diplomacy in Central Asia in light of SCO? This article, with descriptive- explanative method, argues SCO can play a significant role in Iran's economic diplomacy more than an organization. This role depends to recognizing capacities and fortifying them and challenges and mitigation of their effects. The findings of this article represent some capacities that can support economic diplomacy with Iran. These are organization members inclusive in the region, organization performance in line with Iran's Look to East Policy, and the definition of the new structure of economic cooperation. In contrast, axes such as the security approaches governing the organization and the non-economic structure, the interventions of extra-regional powers and their effect on restricting the non-security actions of the organization, and finally the approach linked with the doubts of some members towards Iran's international behavior are the most significant challenges facing Iran's economic diplomacy in the path of this institution.

With the approach of making the most of the opportunities and reducing the harms, countries are taking steps towards drawing a road map of parliamentary diplomacy in accordance with their internal capacities and regional and global requirements. Parliamentary diplomacy plays a significant role in the realization of foreign policy priorities through the synergy of intellectual and physical capacities. With the purpose of investigating this issue, the following question is raised: What are the most important tools and methods of parliament to ensure national interests and achieve foreign policy priorities?Using documentary and library methods, it was stated that parliamentary friendship groups and inter-parliamentary organizations are an efficient tool in parliamentary diplomacy, and the most important indicators of a successful parliamentary diplomacy and obstacles and gaps in the strategic management of parliamentary diplomacy to achieve national interests were investigated.The results show that the Islamic Republic of Iran, as a system based on religious democracy with precious parliamentary experience, is placed in an unstable security environment, and part of the offensive capabilities of the United States and the European Union is organized by focusing on national and regional parliamentary institutions, which is a necessity. Synergy of the diplomatic capacities of the Islamic Council with executive institutions related to the field of foreign policy-making and increasing the use of public and parliamentary diplomatic capacities.

Justice and Development Party's Given the geopolitical situation, Territorial geography Connecting to Europe and proximity to Russia and the Middle East On the one hand, and exploiting ideological issues, And historical and cultural commonalities on the other, Foreign policy development is pursued aimed at achieving regional hegemony, Access to energy resources and takeover of Middle Eastern markets, Which challenged both the existing order in the region and relations with Iran, So this article is trying to investigate AKP policies and their effects on Islamic Republic of Iran's foreign policy in the Middle East? This article has covered with a descriptive-analytical approach and using library and documentary information to investigate AKP foreign policy in the region. Research data show That the AKP is trying to do Emphasizing on ideological issues and taking advantage of the role of religion in expanding its influence in the peripheral areas, And on the other hand, it seeks to increase its relative power and increase its acting power in the Middle East Emphasizing structural and geopolitical features, That creates a kind of competition and conflict while working with the Islamic Republic of Iran And direct and indirect effects Both structurally and identically It has influence on Iran and its spheres of influence in the region.

The axis of resistance as a concept accepted in the political space has always been controversial, however, it seems that this concept can not express the behavioral integration of these forces with local conditions and new variables, so the concept of "resistance chain" can be more flexible and diverse. In addition; The important thing is to what extent the behavior of the resistance forces is ideological or geopolitical or even geoeconomic, and what is the pattern of friendship and enmity that governs these forces? On the other hand, the direction and future direction of this axis can also be unpredictable. Now, according to this introduction, the main question can be considered as what are the main variables affecting the future of the resistance chain? In response, it should be said that the five key variables include, first, the economic structure, second, the pattern of friendship and enmity, which includes the type of interaction and communication with the central actor, the type of interaction and communication with the near enemy, the type of interaction and communication with the distant enemy and the type of interaction and communication. Includes the host government, Third, the political structure of the forces, fourth, the social status of the resistance forces among the masses, and ultimately organizational goals, which can be positive or negative, will affect the future of the resistance. The present research has tried to answer the mentioned questions by using analytical-descriptive method and based on documental data collection.

The desire to form regional alliances has been on the rise under the modern globalization trend. The shared Islamic beliefs, vast oil and gas reserves, and strategic location have necessitated strong, dynamic, and ongoing relations between the Middle East states through unions of Islamic countries. Although numerous plans for convergence have been proposed, it has not been possible to form a successful union independent of regional rivalries. This study aimed to answer the following questions: “What is the most suitable union model for the Middle East under uncertainty?” and “What necessitates the formation of a union in this volatile region different from normal ones in other regions?” This study employed a descriptive-analytical approach to present a new model of regional governance titled "Islamic Union of Charities and Non-Governmental Organizations". This study also briefly discusses the obstacles to convergence and the relevant unsuccessful experiences in the Middle East. In addition to removing impediments to convergence through benevolent diplomacy, this union can use the vast capacity of public opinion and non-governmental actors to serve as a solution to the chaos at this international crossroads of events in the region.

In the contemporary era, regionalism has been a popular approach for governments in tandem with globalization or as its alternative. Iran has been an international country and a regional power thanks to its geographical and historical expediencies. Since the very first year of the twentieth century's last decade, as the soviet’s occupation of Afghanistan ended and central Asia and southern Caucasus republics gained independence, Iran could have promoted its regional place. Nevertheless, despite its unique geographical position, cultural and civic affinity with the aforementioned countries, and six five-year development plans, the Islamic Republic of Iran has failed to act as a regional pole and take advantage of its regional capabilities regarding those countries over the last three decades. Our primary question is, “What role does the supranational region play in Iran's five-year development plans?” Using frequency and content analysis methods, we studied the content, articles, and sections of six five-year development plans. Our findings indicate that the term “region” has no clear definition; the level of attention paid to it varies frequently; and the region's key components, constituent areas, and countries differ considerably from one plan to another. As a practical result, we suggest that the “Iranian civilization zone,” the geographical-cultural region surrounding Iran, be defined as Iran's target region and a specific instance of the supranational region in Iran's macro-planning and macro-policymaking.

The foreign policy approach plays an important role in the development of regional and global relations for countries. Especially in the age of globalization, when the ties and relations between countries in the international arena are completely intertwined; It can even be said that the special nature of the globalization period is such that the least available capacity to communicate with other countries has a positive effect on the international image of that country. In regional relations, the foreign policy approach of the Islamic Republic of Iran has been different approaches and behaviors towards the geopolitical regions around it. South Asia, as an independent geopolitical region based on Sol Cohen's theory and its transformation into a third geostrategic realm, can be one of the regions that offers the necessary potential to change the country's foreign policy approach to this region.Cross-border national interests and demands of countries in the last decades of the 20th century caused globalization. The globalization of the market economy and the economization of the world system, which gained a lot of speed since the last decade of the 20th century, greatly boosted the geo-economic and geo-strategic competitions in the world. These important developments in the world system have encouraged regionalism and turning to cooperation and regional groupings and convergences to make effective competition between the regions of the world a reality in the global geopolitical system of the postmodern era (Mojtahedzadeh, 2012 : 185). In any case, the foreign policy of countries in the era of globalization is required to respect the national interests of the people of that country. As one of the countries in the world that is located in the geopolitical and geo-economics region of the Middle East, Iran follows the trend of regionalism and regional relations in its foreign policy.Iran's historical-civilizational, geopolitical and political-security position in the regional and international security system is such that it is inevitable to adopt different approaches in operationalizing Iran's foreign policy. The three main approaches in Iran's foreign policy are: geographical and geopolitical approach, cultural and historical approach, ideological and political-security approach. During the past decades, Iran's foreign policy has had a challenge in creating a balance between these three approaches, which in a way can be considered as a theoretical challenge of focusing on different regional systems in the Middle East, Central Asia and the Caucasus, the Persian Gulf and South Asia (Barzegar, 2009 : 25).

The main purpose of this article is to analyze the foreign policy approach of the Islamic Republic of Iran in regional relations with the South Asian region. The main question is that "what is the position of the South Asian region in Iran's foreign policy relations and approach"? To answer this question, this research has been done using descriptive-analytical research method and data collection method is from library sources and Internet sites.

In any case, developments in Iran and developments in the international system at the regional and global levels have created a sinusoidal trend in the country's foreign policy. As in most experts' opinions, there is a consensus regarding this process. From the colorfulness to the three riddles that have been proposed for foreign policy, they all tell the behavior of Pandoli and Sinus. For example, a single policy has not been followed in the regional relations between Iran and South Asia. Before the Islamic Revolution, the expansion of geopolitical depth in foreign policy was from the Persian Gulf to the Indian Ocean. So that when the largest air-sea base of the Indian Ocean was established in Chabahar in 1975, it was announced by the then president of the country. Those who are familiar with geopolitical issues know that our geopolitical sensitivities include the entire Indian Ocean. So that the proposal to form a union of Indian Ocean countries was raised and welcomed by the governments of that region(Mojtahedzadeh, 2012 : 142).The subcontinent region (South Asia) is very important for Iran. Among the reasons for the political-security importance of this region for Iran are the long borders with Afghanistan and Pakistan, the existence of ecological minorities (Balochs), the weakness of the nation-state structure and fragile governments in this region, political instability, trade and drug smuggling. Narcotics and the threats arising from it, Islamic fundamentalism and international terrorism, the situation of Shiites and finally the presence of the United States and its military bases in the region. Culturally and socially, a large part of this region is considered part of the Iranian civilization, so that Afghanistan can be considered a Persian-speaking nation-state. From an economic point of view, the sub-continent region has not been given much attention due to insecurity and instability, but the peace pipeline extending to the region (Pakistan-India) can bring economic and security advantages for Iran. In general, the subcontinent is the most important geopolitical region around Iran after the Persian Gulf and the Middle East.In relation to Iran's territorial situation, the concept of geopolitical dependence can be used to expand regional relations with South Asian countries. The dependence of the national interests and goals of a country or political actor on the values and geographical advantages of other countries and political actors is called geopolitical dependence. The distribution pattern of the supply of advantages as well as the demand for geographical advantages is unbalanced. Therefore, places and geographical spaces and then the human groups living in them, nations and governments need and depend on each other. Geopolitical dependence reflects this fact. It should be said that governments try to reduce the level of their geopolitical dependence on other actors, and in unavoidable situations, use balancing tools and mechanisms and increase the dependence of other political units on themselves. Although geopolitical and geographical advantages have a wide range, some of them are: communication route and corridor, port, energy supply source, water resources, export markets, defense and military base, scientific, cultural, historical, religious centers and institutions and ... (Hafezniya, 2006: 146-147). For example, the country of Afghanistan needs a land route to connect to open waters, which can be built from the east of Iran, considering the level of relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan. Figure 3 shows the corridors that Iran can provide for India. Therefore, it can be said that the geopolitical position of Iran has the ability to create geopolitical dependence for the countries of the South Asian region.

What is important in regional relations is efficient foreign policy and active diplomacy so that a government can achieve the national interests of its respective country. Iran can be more successful in its regional relations due to its abundant energy resources. As a geopolitical region and the need for fossil energy, South Asia has the necessary potential in economic and political development. According to the theory of the spatial structure of the geopolitical system of the world, which was proposed by Cohen, the South Asian region as an independent geopolitical region that is mentioned in this theory and it is predicted that in the future, as the third geostrategic region, it will be divided into two geostrategic regions (Maritime and Berry) added to Cohen's theory, can strengthen regional relations for Iran through dependence on fossil energy. however, what can be seen and can be acknowledged is that the approach of Iran's foreign policy to the South Asian region lacks sufficient attention and it can be said that the position of this region in the country's foreign policy is among Iran's important regional priorities. It is not a good place to pay attention to the lack of actions and regional relations observed in this region.

China’s economic diplomacy has significantly contributed to its recent economic growth. The country manages the opportunieis and challenges made by Nationalism and Globalization by economic diplomacy. China considerably works on regional cooperation in Central Asia. Taking a descriptive-analytical method and based on economic data, the current research investigates opportunities and challenges that China's economic diplomacy must deal with in Central Asia. The findings show that China's economic diplomacy in Central Asia enjoys economic opportunities such as regional energy capacities, consumer markets, foreign demand for Chinese investment. In addition, China plays a key role in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. On the other hand, the country encounters political challenges such as the presence of rival powers in Central Asia, chinophobia in the region and the fragile governments in its neighborhood.

The Second Karabakh War resulted in a significant shift in the regional balance of power, as Russia and Turkey increased their influence to shape the changing geopolitics of the South Caucasus. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Iran’s policy in the South Caucasus has been based on preventing a full-scale war and maintaining the status quo in the region especially in the context of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. However, Tehran has never presented an initiative to mitigate geopolitical disputes or promote economic integration in the South Caucasus. At the theoretical level, the idea of regionalism in Iran’s foreign policy has usually been discussed from three perspectives: security-geopolitical, geo-economic and identity-civilizational. At the practical level, the main challenge for Iranian regionalism over the past four decades has been to create a balance between these divergent approaches. In a general view, the second war in Nagorno-Karabakh actually required the renewal of major geostrategic structures in the South Caucasus. While regional stakeholders such as Turkey and Russia aspired for a greater role through their operational-diplomatic initiatives, Tehran's passive response to regional geopolitical change made it clear that Iran had no strategic vision to shape these developments. As a result of the weak engagement, Iran is sidelined in emerging geopolitics of the South Caucasus in strategic terms.Research Question: The purpose of this article is to explain the reasons for the lack of regionalism in Iran's foreign policy in the South Caucasus. The main question is; what factors are at play in explaining Iran’s regionalism in the South Caucasus? How can we understand the reasons behind Iran's lack of regionalism in the South Caucasus in a systematic way?Research Hypothesis: This paper presents two interrelated arguments by providing a multi-level explanation. First, the Systemic pressures and lack of strategic vision of regionalism in foreign policy have isolated Iran in its neighboring regions. Second, the relative dominance of the security-geopolitical approach and at the same time, the centrality of the Arab Middle East to Iran’s regional policy, has increasingly marginalized other neighboring regions especially the South Caucasus.

In order to explain the main idea of the research, this article uses the analytical method of inductive-deductive reasoning. An Inductive- deductive mixed reasoning has been used in this article and it is tried to take advantage of the collected data in order to achieve a proper pattern for analyzing the status and implications of Iran’s regionalism in the South Caucuses.  In the prism of latest developments in theoretical literature of Regionalism, this article frames its main contribution by highlighting this main theoretical argument; Contrary to Western-oriented approaches, today the concept and requirements of regionalism are significantly different with regions and regionalism taking a quasi-autonomous role in shaping regional policies and in addressing different issues and areas with the rise of new actors and alliances in the regions. 

In the aftermath of the 2020 Karabakh war, emerging geopolitical realities convinced Iran to start rearranging its foreign policy in the South Caucasus and abandon its traditional policy of neutrality. Although the regionalism projects proposed by others could be a favorable ground for Tehran to strengthen cooperation with all stakeholders in the region, the major trend of Iran's foreign policy towards regionalism in the South Caucasus is not yet visible on the horizon.  In the meantime, while Iran has a rather open view toward the regionalist projects presented by Russia and Turkey, it views Western proposals as potential drivers of divergence rather than convergence aimed, among other things, at isolating Iran in its neighboring regions. Although the collapse of the Soviet Union had provided a significant space for regional powers to play an active role in the South Caucasus, Iran's engagement in this region and its relations with its neighbors have been limited. Except for Armenia, which has real political reasons in maintaining the balance in the conflict with Azerbaijan over Karabakh, Iran has not had close relations with the Republic of Azerbaijan and Georgia. In a general look, Iran's foreign policy in the South Caucasus has been mostly passive and a security-oriented approach. Over the last decades, Western powers, the US in particular, have made an increasing effort to securitize Iran’s regional behavior in the South Caucasus. By adopting the “everything without Iran policy”, the United States has sought to weaken Iran's role in transit corridors, energy transits and even cultural initiatives. Under the influence of the West's comprehensive Iranophobia policy, in order to weaken Iran’s strategic connections with its neighbors, a security and aggressive image of Iran's foreign policy has been portrayed in the eyes of its Caucasian neighbors especially Azerbaijan and Georgia.

Given the transition in the international system and the importance of regions in the structure of global governance, the development of cooperation with neighbors and active regionalism in the neighboring regions, especially the South Caucasus, is gradually becoming a strategic necessity in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Despite this, Iran is facing many international and domestic challenges in pursuing an active regionalism. Although the Raeisi administration seeks to develop the neighborhood policy and redefine the role and strategic position of Iran in the surrounding regions, it seems that at least in the foreseeable future, Tehran is incapable of designing and implementing an active regionalist approach in the South Caucasus independently.

Regionalism has been introduced as a conventional model of interaction in international relations and it is also a different model of exercising power in international arena which is based on values such as cooperation, unity and peace. Regionalism has undergone a transformation since the Cold War. The classical model of regionalism was the European model and some developing countries tried to copy the European regionalism model and implement it in their regions. But the European regionalism model was based on the goals and needs of European countries and was not suitable for other regions so developing countries have designed and implemented new models of regionalism. Modern regionalism does not have the elements of the European-oriented model. Organizations such as NAFTA, ASEAN and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization are examples of new and different models of regionalism that have broken the monopoly of the European model of regionalism and have launched their own model of regionalism. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization is one of the important regional organizations that offers a new model of regionalism, and the Islamic Republic of Iran is also a member. In this article, we examined the interaction pattern of the members of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the mechanisms of convergence and the challenges and perspectives of the regionalism of this organization.Research Question: The main question of this research is what is the regionalism model of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization? What are the interactive patterns and mechanisms for convergence in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization?Research Hypothesis: Considering that in this research we have used the systematic exploration strategy and historical review technique, we have not presented a hypothesis for this research because the main question of this article is about the regionalism model of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the answer to this question is related to the issues objectives and existing mechanisms in the structure of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Therefore, the answer to such a question requires examining the structure of this organization, documents, reports and historical events related to the convergence of this organization, so in this research we did not pay attention to the hypothesis or its possible answer.

To answer the main question in this research, the systematic exploration strategy and historical review technique have been used. In this strategy, the author does not provide any hypothesis for the main question and instead of checking the validity of the hypothesis, he directly refers to the evidence. Documents, reports, historical events, books and articles are the sources that are examined to answer the main question. Therefore, based on the historical study technique, we examined a historical period from 2001 until now, that is, since the establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization until now and we examined the sources available in this historical period and we were able to identify the patterns of internal interaction, the mechanism to identify the convergences, challenges and perspectives of the regionalism of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.

The findings show that since the establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, two different models of regionalism have been formed in this organization. The first model was common since the establishment of the organization until 2017, we call this model "guided", in fact, the structure of this regionalism model was "2 + 4". Two countries, Russia and China, were leading four other Central Asian countries towards regionalism. Russia and China provided financial support to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and provided practical ideas and plans to strengthen regionalism. But after the two nuclear countries India and Pakistan joined this organization in 2017, the second model of regionalism began. In fact, the "guided" model was changed to the "pervasive" model. In this model, the "2 + 4" pattern has been changed and different branches have been created in the organization. The leadership role of Russia and China has decreased and each country is trying to independently use the regionalism capacities of this organization. Based on this pervasive model, Iran's permanent membership has been accepted and Turkey's permanent membership is also being considered. With the increase in the number of members and the diversity of their interests, the fields of activity of the organization have expanded and various mechanisms have been launched to strengthen convergence. These mechanisms work in different fields including security, economic and cultural. These mechanisms are the most important factors for the deepening of convergence in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization because they provide the conditions for mutual trust between the member countries of the organization and facilitate cooperation and participation.

The conclusion of this research is that the concept of convergence has been continuously enriched and developed since the establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Convergence mechanisms have become more efficient and advanced and various fields of cooperation have expanded, so the possibility of cooperation in this organization has been facilitated and the motivation for the effective participation of the Shanghai Organization in global governance has increased. The organization now has the capacity to act as a driving force for the reconstruction of the new world order, but it should not be forgotten that the organization lacks a "strong collective identity", and there are many internal conflicts among members. The different religions, languages, cultures and histories of each of the member countries prevent the formation of a common identity and the conflicts between India and China, India and Pakistan, as well as Russia and China are so deep that we cannot easily ignore them. Therefore, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization does not have a sufficient condition (strong collective identity) to achieve complete convergence, but in general, the organization has been able to maintain mutual trust among members with agreements and annual meetings of the heads of member states and joint projects. Therefore, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization has the necessary condition (mutual trust) for regionalism.

West Asian countries faced with a variety of security problems and need a way out of this situation, including the establishment of a collective security regime. In this study, we try to identify the opportunities and challenges facing the countries of the region, to answer the questions: what is the collective security regime and is there a basis for creating a collective security regime in this region? What are the environmental variables and convergent or divergent factors for creating such a regime? To answer these questions, by using the interpretive paradigm and Environmental survey and Content analysis methods , attempts was made to analyze the data to determine the components involved in the research problem. Therefore, the main purpose of this study is to identify the effective factors, capacities and capabilities of the countries in the region in establishing a collective security regime. Based on this, the present study is of a development-applied type in terms of purpose. Examination of documents and analysis of our environment leads us to the conclusion that achieving a single mechanism to meet the security needs of West Asian countries is one of the important regional priorities and in creating a collective security regime, divergent factors such as instability in foreign policy and Competition between countries in the region, and convergent factors such as religious, cultural, social, and geographical affinities play important role.