نظام سیاسی

Integrity and liquidity are the main elements of the growth and excellence of the society and can lead to the reform of governance. This article was done with the aim of criticism in the governments after the Islamic Revolution (1368 to 1400) with an approach to critical education. This research was conducted with a qualitative approach and by using the method of library data collection and documentary technique and conceptual analysis. The findings showed that the factors that cause lack of criticism are, on the one hand, the gap between the society and the officials, self-centeredness, the presence of traits such as arrogance and self-conceit, desire for charismatic authority, lack of self-confidence, blaming others instead of accepting weaknesses. On the other hand, belittling criticism, and on the other hand, recounting weaknesses and ignoring strengths, aggression and insults instead of constructive criticism, malice and revenge instead of criticism. The results of the research indicate that providing a platform for criticism in the society increases the political and social participation of the people, creates unity between the people and the officials of the country, increases the political-social understanding of the society, prevents political-social tensions, preserves the independence of the country, and prevents the breach. Enemies and strengthen the foundations of the system.

The general purpose of the research is to contribute to the studies of political sociology and the foundations of the legitimacy of power in Islamic countries, including Turkey. The specific purpose of this paper is to provide an analysis of the state of the Turkish political system during the reign of Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

The data collection method is documentary and the research method is content analysis.

The central question of the article is how Erdogan used populist policies to consolidate his political power. The hypothesis of the research is based on the statement that Erdogan has prepared a platform for the consolidation of his political power and his party by resorting to various populist policies.

Recep Tayyip Erdoğan is a populist who, by highlighting the corruption and passivity of the previous regimes, with temporary economic development (borrowing) and by using his charismatic personality, has taken the pulse of the religious and historical beliefs of the Turkish people . With passionate speeches and creating a sense of empathy and fraternity with the people,, he has taken steps from the point of making reforms towards to the centralization for political power.er.

Today, due to the expansion of human societies and the complexities in human behavior and relationships, the concept of security has become broader and more complex. According to Friedman, the simplest idea of security is the absence of anxiety and the ability to counter any potential threat from others. In line with this concept, in the later stages of Western society, the states envisioned by Hobbes and Locke emerged to provide security for citizens under the social contract. In the East, political thought texts, such as the Letter of Tansar, also discuss governance styles and the application of security. Based on existing documents, one of the duties of governments in the Iranian Empire was to establish and maintain security. During the Sassanid Era, they were able to reunite Iranian society and, by relying on the Ahuric principles of the Zoroastrian religion, establish order and security. Therefore, in the Sassanid state, security was grounded in religious legitimacy, which can be observed in the political Books of Advice of that era, including the Letter of Tansar. Based on this, the present paper, utilizing Quentin Skinner's interpretive approach, seeks to answer the question: What is the meaning and concept of security in the Letter of Tansar?

This study is organized around Skinner's interpretive approach and John Morrow's teleology-legitimacy model. Skinner finds textual and contextual readings insufficient for understanding political texts. He believes that, in addition to reading the text and considering its context, one must also understand the author's intention and purpose. In addition, Morrow's model, which stands as one of the most credible philosophical approaches for understanding the political order governing human societies, aims to identify the goals and functions of a political system. To achieve this, he specifies criteria to serve as a basis for political evaluation and norm-setting.

The most compelling evidence for the security-centric nature of the Letter of Tansar lies in its association of religion and kingship. The letter asserts that the alignment of these two elements results in security, justice, and public satisfaction. Tansar further emphasizes that the structure and organization of social classes form the foundation of societal security. He adds that the breakdown of the social and hereditary class system leads to insecurity, attributing this disorder to the absence of a king. Political and social security, governmental security, economic security, and religious security are among the most critical issues addressed in the Letter of Tansar. He views the monarchy and the king as the security referent objects and the ones responsible for ensuring it. Just as he believes in one God, he envisions a centralized system with a single king. Thus, based on the doctrine of one God and one ruler, He considers Ardashir to be the only individual capable of aligning earthly order with divine order through his possession of divine grace, thereby establishing security.

Drawing on the teachings of Zoroastrianism and the concept of Asha, Tansar highlights three crucial elements: cosmic order, true religion, and social order. He uses Zoroaster's ideas as the basis for establishing legitimate security in society. Tansar places the king at the pinnacle of society, responsible for maintaining security. He believes that the government's and the king's legitimacy stems from divine grace, which cannot be challenged. Tansar asserts that disrupting the earthly order - connected to the divine order - leads to various security risks, and the king must address these issues, even if it involves the killing of many people. Overall, the Letter of Tansar offers several recommendations for enhancing security in society through the legitimate rule of a religious king, resulting in the public good and the elimination of security threats. Key security issues in the letter include maintaining social order, responsibility, the vital role of the king, religion's role in legitimizing the government, utilizing secret operatives to oversee society, punishing offenders, and confronting heresy and religious innovations.

One of the most important functions of political systems is to support and ensure human rights. However, the structure of some systems is such that it cannot realize this important goal. One example is Saudi Arabia, where, for several decades, one of the most significant its political challenges in both domestic and international arenas has been human rights issues. Therefore, examining the relationship between this political system and the state of human rights in the country seems essential. The main question of the research is: What is the role of the political system and structure of Saudi Arabia in violating the human rights of its citizens, particularly the right to self-determination? Through a descriptive-analytical method and by examining multiple documents related to Islamic human rights, global human rights, and other relevant documents, the hypothesis emphasizes that the Wahhabi ideological current, as the dominant thought framework of the political system, alongside the hereditary monarchy, an unjust judicial structure, and the absence of civil institutions in Saudi Arabia, deprives citizens of their most fundamental human rights, namely the right to self-determination and political freedoms. This situation leads to citizens' inability to access many other rights, such as the right to vote, the right to choose, the right to be elected, and the right to critique .

The US Congress, as one of the main governing forces in the US political system, plays a key and unique role. The main task of the Congress is to legislate based on the Constitution, which is extensively discussed in the text of the Constitution. This shows the importance and pivotal role of this institution from the point of view of the drafters of the Constitution. The Congress has a bicameral structure including the Senate and the House of Representatives, and the approval of both houses is necessary to pass laws. Legislation is exclusively in the power of Congress and even the President cannot interfere in this process. Congressional performance is monitored through the confirmation of senior government officials and the impeachment process. In addition to legislation, Congress has other duties; including approving the government budget, approving foreign treaties, approving ministers and judges of the Federal Supreme Court, declaring, war and impeaching the president. This research was done to investigate the position of Congress and the influence and authority of this institution in the policies of the United States of America using a descriptive and analytical method.

The public policy cycle, which includes the stages of problem determination, policy formulation, policy implementation, and evaluation and revision, is examined as a structured process to guide and improve public policies. The purpose of the policy cycle is to simplify and organize the policy-making process in the minds of decision-makers and decision-makers. With the help of this cycle, different stages of policy making can be divided into sections so that the analysis of the stages is possible separately. Of course, the stages of the political cycle have been operationalized in different ways over time and according to the type of political system. Also, despite having various advantages, the policy-making cycle has been criticized both empirically and scientifically due to the emphasis on different and discrete stages in the policy-making process. The present article, which was written using the descriptive-analytical method, tries to provide a complete, clear and optimized model of the public policy cycle in the implementation of the desired policy process while criticizing the existing models. This new cycle has twelve steps.

The present study aims to examine the position of the Supreme Leader in the structure of the Islamic Republic of Iran from the perspective of a nodal point. The research method is descriptive-analytical and is based on the hypothesis that leadership, as the main factor preserving the identity and unity of the nation, plays the role of the nodal point in the existing political structure. Ayatollah Khamenei, as the leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, has a significant role in guiding the nation, regulating the relationships among the branches of government, and managing crises. In his capacity as a leader, with legal and supra-institutional authority, he has performed vital functions during the Islamic system's passage through crises over the past three decades. Considering the importance of the nodal point in creating a sense of integration that is identity-forming and identity-preserving, it appears that the leadership acts as a kind of junction, organizing a vast number of floating signifiers, that is, a multitude of ideological elements within a unified domain. Additionally, the Supreme Leader, in fulfilling the role of the nodal point and executing specific functions, has played a unique role in the political system of the Islamic Republic, creating synergy and unity of action among the branches of government and officials, and thereby contributing to stability, security, and progress.

The current study delves into the political and social implications of securitizing protests in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The securitization of protest by executive and security organizations within the political system has become a contributing factor to numerous political and social ramifications for governments. Therefore, it is imperative to evaluate the challenges posed by these repercussions and their impact on the efficacy of political systems, and then seek solutions to address this issue. Utilizing a descriptive-analytic methodology in line with the Copenhagen School’s framework, this research demonstrates that the security repercussions of protests not only fuel people’s anger and distrust towards government officials but also erode fundamental societal values such as religious beliefs. Additionally, alongside its political and social repercussions, the securitization of protests also leads to economic ramifications for the country. Ultimately, in the Islamic Republic of Iran, the securitization of protests has morphed into a tool wielded by those vested in suppressing and silencing dissent. In critical circumstances, institutions securitize the atmosphere, amplifying protesters' anger and fostering discord among citizens and between the populace and the political system. Consequently, the political system loses one of its legitimate albeit extrajudicial tools during crises, rendering it unable to mobilize social capital and garner public support in times of security threats. As a result, the flames of protest pose a substantial threat to the very foundations of Iran’s political system.

Deterrence stands as a significant theory in defense and security within international politics, representing a key military doctrine embraced by global powers. In today's landscape marked by pervasive political and military conflicts, the concept of deterrence assumes paramount importance. Historically, the theory finds its roots in Western thought; however, considering the potentials within the Quran, it becomes plausible to formulate a Quranic rendition of this theory. Nonetheless, developing a precise scholarly theory of deterrence necessitates a thorough examination of its constituent elements, the conditions facilitating its realization, and its practical principles. This study endeavors to extract these fundamental aspects from the Quran. The research methodology employed herein is descriptive-analytic and inferential, with data collection conducted through the library method. The central inquiry revolves around delineating the components, conditions, and principles of deterrence policy from a Quranic perspective. The underlying hypothesis assumes that the components, conditions, and principles of deterrence can indeed be gleaned from the Quran. The research findings reveal that deterrence comprises four essential components: the invader, the deterrent, the tool of deterrence, and the subsequent action. To achieve deterrence effectively, certain conditions must be met, including possessing military strength, presenting a decisive threat by the deterrent, the presence of requisite awareness, and ensuring rationality on both sides. Furthermore, by adhering to specific governance principles such as understanding the enemy, preparing military forces, consolidating defenses, among others, the objectives of deterrence can be realized, and potential military threats from adversaries can be effectively thwarted.

The purpose of the current research is to investigate the what, dimensions and requirements as the cause for an advanced political system to be achieved. The problem of this research is the investigation of the what and types of goals for an advanced political system. The method used here is a descriptive-analytical one, and the results of the research show that, unlike developed political systems that only focus on and follow material and medium goals, the goals of an advanced political system are of two types: final goals and intermediate goals. The ultimate goal of this system is nearness to God and the intermediate goals are the five normal human needs, which are the five institutions of government, economy, family, education and religion or rights. This research, using the documentary method at the analytical level, identifies the ultimate cause of an advanced Islamic political system and differentiates it from the ultimate goal of the developed western political systems and mentions some of the levels and requirements for achieving the goal in an advanced Islamic political system

This research was conducted with the aim of analyzing the phenomenological perspectives of political science students towards the factors influencing political trust (political officials in the Islamic Republic of Iran). In this study, a qualitative approach and interpretative phenomenological method were used. The target population of the study consisted of postgraduate political science students from universities across the country in 2023. Through purposive sampling, interviews were conducted with 19 individuals. Data collection was done through semi-structured in-depth interviews. The data were analyzed using thematic analysis method based on grounded theory and a three-stage coding method by Strauss and Corbin (1990). Based on the results, 10 main themes (political legitimacy; management and performance weaknesses; democracy; economic security; cultural security; agent-oriented; political security; ideological; social security and judicial security), 4 sub-themes (political, social, economic, and cultural) and 62 codes were identified. It was concluded that in order to build trust in the country’s political officials, policies should be aimed at predictability, commitment, competence, transparency, and responsiveness. Through these policies, it is possible to help reduce political distrust in society.

Over the past two decades, despite the partisan changes in the executive branch of the United States between Democrats and Republicans, we have seen some principles and foundations in American foreign policy regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The question of this article is whether the change of governments of the United States causes a change in its foreign policy towards the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The findings of this research show that with the change of governments in the United States, the president plays a role in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. After that, the political system of the United States gradually overcomes the role of the president, and the foreign policy of the United States continues as usual. Then, government institutions put all-round support for the Zionist regime on their agenda and made the peace process in the Middle East more difficult by granting various aid. Also, to legitimize the Zionist regime, these institutions have followed the process of normalizing the relations of this regime with the Arab countries with all seriousness. This research is based on the qualitative method of studying documents and texts published by governments, international organizations, UN specialized agencies, and think tanks.

The variety of disputes and conflicts in the social life results in a wide range of approaches for conflict resolution in every field. In the meanwhile, settling political disputes is focused on a more limited range of solutions and the role of the political system as the decision-making party in such disputes. Given the effective role of political systems in conflict resolution and considering the limitations of the traditional approaches to a closed range of indexes for dispute resolution, the present study focuses on identifying newer approaches to settling political conflicts, which go beyond the traditional models. The method of this research is descriptive and analytical. It focuses on identifying new approaches to dispute resolution. The findings of the study, which are derived and formulated in an interdisciplinary manner, are examples of major novel approaches to conflict resolution, including analytical, compromise, moral, problem-solving, interactive, subjective, mutual reaction and response, human needs, and asymmetric approaches. These approaches can apply to political disputes.

The purpose of the present research is to study liberal political system in the ideas of Leo Strauss. The research method is descriptive-analytic and the results showed that Leo Strauss emphasizes on natural rights and classic political philosophy and that he criticizes liberal democracy. In his view, liberalism would lead to the omission of religion and emergence of secularism. Leo Strauss recognizes a secular society as the worst form of community because it leads to individualism, relativism, nihilism, and lack of meaning.

God Almighty puts all His servants to the test and affliction on the basis of individual, social, and political status. Meanwhile, the exams of the prophets are different from others according to the individual, spiritual, political and social personality and understanding and knowledge of the prophets. The present study is a descriptive-analytical method based on documentary and library information with the aim of examining the moral, political, and social analysis of the divine prophets from the perspective of monotheistic religions and seeks to examine the divine prophets as part of human society. Each of them has always been subjected to severe divine tests in various dimensions and cases, and this is an issue that each of the monotheistic religions has reflected in its religious books. The findings of the research indicate that God exposes the divine prophets to test and affliction for their growth and development, obedience and pure obedience, raising their dignity, remembrance and admonition, and the formation of a desirable political system in society. Has set.

The findings of the research indicate that Ayatollah Beheshti believed in a system called ummah and imamate, whose leadership is the responsibility of the innocent in the age of presence and the guardian of the jurist in the age of absence. But a jurist in the age of occultation must be accepted by the Ummah in addition to having the conditions mentioned in the Shari'i texts. ]n order to verify the management ability, courage, resourcefulness and awareness of the current conditions, there is a need to appeal to an expert in the aforementioned matters to recognize that this goal is achieved with two-level elections. According to Ayatollah Beheshti, the legitimacy of the ruling of the jurisprudence in the age of absenteeism is based on the selection theory of the province, according to which, in order to achieve legitimacy in leadership, in addition to the existence of jurisprudence and justice as the right of Allah in him, it is also necessary to accept the people as the right of people. These two conditions are necessary in addition to the acceptance of the people, and in the absence of any one of them, the legitimacy of the political system will not be completed. The mentioned article was written based on the analytical descriptive method and the library method was used to collect its information.

The purpose of this study is to study the hermeneutics of religious texts and the political context of the formation of these texts in the Safavid government, which took place with the activities of Shiite jurists. The Safavid rule marked the beginning of an important shift in Iranian history for the transfer of power from Sunni to Shiite governments. This change would not have been possible without reinterpreting religious texts. Skinner's hermeneutic method has been used to understand the process by which this change may occur. Skinner is one of the thinkers who, in addition to paying attention to the text and its context, emphasizes the author's intention to understand the meaning of the text and has been able to explain ideological change or change in the conventional norm of a society in its five stages. Give. The findings of this study show that the Safavid government, with the cooperation of Shiite jurists, succeeded in a gradual process to figure out this change in the norm with religious texts and special attention to the political context of the day.

Is the type of political regime effective in shaping the resources curse &weakening the performance of economic governance? By formulating an analytical framework &presenting empirical results, it is shown that the presence of natural resources in democratic regimes has not had a negative effect. Rather, the quality of democracy has been a determining factor in the formation of economic governance. In contrast, the presence of natural resources in centralized dictatorships has had a negative effect on the quality of economic governance. But such an effect is not seen in decentralized dictatorships where political power is divided among members of the ruling group. The results show that in addition to the type of political regime, the type of natural resource is also effective in the formation of the resources curse. Sensitivity analysis indicates the stability of the results to the dependent variable change, the addition of control variables, &the sample change.

Political awareness is one of the topics discussed in political sociology and is an influential component in democratic societies. Therefore, recognizing the factors influencing the formation and expansion of citizens' political awareness of the necessities of democratic systems. Citizens' political awareness in the age of prevalence and domination of social networks are intertwined as means of information and awareness. In this study, the effect of using the Telegram social network, the most widely used and popular messenger in Iran, on the political awareness of Shiraz citizens has been investigated. This research is a survey and designed using a questionnaire with a sample size of 326 people, among the citizens of Shiraz in order to answer the question of what is the relationship between membership in the Telegram social network and political awareness among the citizens of Shiraz? Pearson correlation analysis and regression were used to test the hypotheses. The results obtained from the analysis of the questionnaire indicate that there is a positive and significant relationship between the duration of use and activity of the Telegram user with political awareness. In fact, the time of use and activity of the user in Telegram has strengthened political awareness.

Politicized intelligence refers to intelligence products and analyzes that, instead of being realistic, are changed in order to support the options and results desired by policymakers or to please them. The politicization of intelligence represents the efforts of policymakers to shape intelligence in line with their political priorities. The research questions are; What are the differences between the formation of "politicized intelligence" and "politicization of intelligence" and what are the consequences of the politicization of intelligence for intelligence and political institutions? In response, interpretative research (fishing tool) and descriptive survey (questionnaire tool) methods were used respectively. Thematic analysis and Bartlett's tests and confirmatory factor analysis were used to analyze the data. The findings of the research show that "politicized intelligence" and "politicization of intelligence" are essentially different from each other in terms of formation through twelve fields. The outcome of both the problems of "politicized intelligence" and "politicization of intelligence" is similar and in fact, the ultimate influence of intelligence on politics is the distance of the intelligence organization from its professional identity and behavior and the inefficiency of the political system.