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The category of international order and how it is formed is one of the basic topics and themes in the field of theory and practice of international relations. Positioning and being placed in the hierarchy of global power and wealth for all governmental and non-governmental international actors depends on the extent of their influence in the development of international order structures. Therefore, shaping and regulating the rules and structures of the international order is one of the main axes of cooperation and competition in the international system. Different actors, according to their material and cognitive power, adopt different patterns of regularization or accepting the rules and structure of the existing order. The Islamic Republic of Iran is considered as one of those actors that has always taken steps to change the existing order and achieve its desired international order. The main concern of the current research is the analysis of the fundamentals and transtheoretical foundations of the international order from the perspective of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

International order has been undergone structural changes during past decades: the collapse of communist bloc, which turned the theoretical field of international relations into futuring speculations about the post-Cold War order, also rise of emerging powers, which led to the idea of changing the international order. According to "structuralism", the new international order leads to a change in state's foreign policy, especially one involved in systemic conflict such as the Islamic Republic. It should redefine its international role and status. Assuming the continuity of the polarity, the article is focused on question of which probable structure will determine the new international order and what requirements will it impose on the foreign policy of Iran? Purpose is to explain the most probable international order, and to prescribe the strategic requirements of Iran's foreign policy. The article uses TIA based on the "international order", explaines the continuities and changes of international polarity and its most probable perspective. The methodology founds on structuralism approach (Neorealosm and Neoliberalism), and consists two components. First, future-looking TIA that deals with the exploration of international trends and events and the driving forces of international politics and draws the probable future of the international order (bi-multipolarity). The second, future-writing TIA aimed at scenario-making for Iran's interest, and it address the normative inference of Iran's strategic requirements within bi-multipolar structure as a tolerable order. By examining international events and trends and inferring the drivers of international politics, the present article has assumed the continuity of polarity as the main component of the international order and has introduced the bi-multipolar structure as the most likely future form of the international order and model of a tolerable order for the Islamic Republic. In this probable order, the United States and China will have the upper hand in the international system far from other powers, and their competition-cooperation will determine international procedures and behavior patterns. It is in this structural context that the normative implications of Iran's foreign policy can be deduced. The findings indicate that Iran's foreign policy based on a realistic and consensus understanding of the new international structural and institutional arrangement requires international social capitalization, passing from the role of a disorderly actor to an orderly and order-building one, Passing from a negative participant to a positive participant in regional and international affairs and finally and the coexistence of a balancing foreign policy with a balanced foreign policy. Results show that the redistribution of wealth, power and ideology in international politics promises the gradual structural changes in international system. The preference of rising powers for improving their international role and position, and some old traditional powers, is irreversibility of bipolar and unipolar orders. Regardless of which type of international order is desirable for states including Iran, international trends and events show the formation of a bi-multipolar order with US-China polarity. Strong point of Iran's foreign policy is that it has already established harmonious relations with China. The policy seems important in two ways. Firstly, this policy is considered a strategic choice due to structural changes; secondly, it is considered a strategic necessity due to the possibility of continued confrontation between Iran- America. Despitely, Iran's foreign policy needs to diversify its foreign relations so that the rising powers don't become unrivaled activists in its foreign policy.

This article critiques the prevalent perception within Iran's decision-making apparatus and among some academic elites that Iran-China relations are progressing at a high level with no significant limitations. To challenge this notion, the article presents statistical data and figures on the volume of Chinese investment in Iran and China's unexpected positions on certain sensitive issues concerning Iran. The central question posed is: why are relations between the two countries facing significant obstacles? The article argues that, although various factors contribute to China's lack of motivation in deepening ties with Iran, a key reason lies in the differing approaches of the two nations toward the liberal international order. While Iran adopts a revolutionary revisionist stance, China takes a reformist revisionist approach. To explore this issue, the article is structured into three main sections. First, it defines the liberal international order and its key components. Second, it examines the perspectives of Iran and China on these components to identify the differences and similarities between their views. Finally, it analyzes how these divergences and commonalities have impacted the stagnation in relations between the two nations.

This study employs a comparative method with a descriptive-analytical approach. The liberal international order serves as the central framework for analysis. The perspectives of Iran and China toward this order are compared to assess how their differences and similarities influence the dynamics of their bilateral relations.

Differences in how Iran and China perceive the liberal international order are a key factor contributing to the slowdown in their bilateral relations. Iran adopts a revolutionary revisionist stance, fundamentally challenging the structure of the liberal order, whereas China takes a reformist revisionist approach, seeking to adjust and improve the existing framework rather than overthrow it. This divergence has led China to exercise caution at critical junctures in its relationship with Iran. The findings of this article indicate that China's success on the global stage is largely attributed to its strategic alignment with the liberal international order. As a result, Beijing is unwilling to compromise its broader interests to accommodate Iran's more radical stance toward the international system.

The Islamic Republic of Iran has placed significant emphasis on its partnership with China as part of its foreign policy strategy, driven largely by its ideological and geopolitical conflict with the West. However, China’s perspective on the liberal international order differs fundamentally from Iran’s. Moreover, China often views Iran’s revolutionary approach to the global order as counterproductive to its own interests. China's positions on issues such as Iran’s nuclear program, its conflict with the United States, and its relationships with other Middle Eastern nations underscore the limits of Sino-Iranian cooperation. While Iran views China as a counterbalance to the West, Beijing prioritizes its pragmatic and globally aligned approach, which frequently results in policies unfavorable to Iran.

The international system has gone through several periods in terms of its structure and system dynamics and interacting units. From the concerted order at the Congress of Vienna to the bipolar order of the Cold War period and subsequently, the post-Cold War international order (unipolar or unipolar), each of the aforementioned forms have undergone a transformation. The common denominator of most of these orders is British geopoliticism, which has played a key role in the formation, continuation, stabilization and revival of the liberal world empire. This factor has been used in the period of dominance of the American discourse and order in order to cover internal gaps and reproduce the desired order. The current article examines the state of changes in the international order in the period of historical transition and the prominence of signs of geopoliticism in the process of transition from the current international order. In this regard, Halford Mackinder's geopolitical framework has been used to analyze the process of formation, consolidation, strengthening and revival of empires. Using the approach of comparative reasoning and comparative-historical analysis of the era of the British Empire and the American international order in the post-Cold War period, it is argued that with the emergence of signs of transition in the western-oriented international order,. This article is comparative-historical and the required information is collected by library method and reference to reliable internet sources.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) was established in 2001 with the priority of security and political cooperation. China, as the main founder of the organization, follows various goals, including regional development and security, pursuing the goals of the Belt and Road Initiative, and laying the groundwork for the new world order by confronting unilateralism. This article, based on the theory of institutional balancing, considers the Shanghai Organization as an appropriate tool for achieving China's goals and, in addition to these goals, investigates the impact of recent international changes, including the situation in Afghanistan, the war in Ukraine, and the escalation of China's confrontation with the United States, on the position of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in the foreign policy of China and concludes that the mentioned factors have strengthened the position of the organization in the eyes of Chinese policymakers. To realize its goals and interests through the organization, China is facing challenges such as the lack of internal disunity within the Organization and fundamental conflicts with the other member states, the resolution of which requires thorough planning and adopting a suitable approach. The Descriptive Analysis method and library and internet data have been used in writing the article.

Although the future of the international order and its coordinates can be analyzed from different angles and from different levels of analysis, the complexity caused by rapid developments, network relationships, major events and frequent changes in the approaches and policies of major governments during the transition period, A situation of deep uncertainty prevails over the future of the order, which makes it impossible to reliably estimate and predict how it will be and faces internal contradictions. In this article, focusing on the war in Ukraine as a key event in the future state of the international order, the question is addressed, what are the future scenarios of the war in Ukraine and its implications for the international order? To answer this question, an attempt has been made to The foresight approach and the key uncertainty method, which are the approaches corresponding to the methodology of complexity in the philosophy of science, should be used.The findings confirm that out of the total of 5 main driving forces shaping the future of the war in Ukraine, two driving forces include: a) the level of NATO's risk tolerance for the continuation or extension of the war, and b) the level of cohesion, resilience and the possibility of continuation Russian trade exchanges to continue the war; It has higher uncertainty and importance, and according to the states of uncertainty, a total of four scenarios including: "nuclear war", "strategic stalemate", "restrained Russia ", and "victory Russia" as scenarios with The probability of occurrence is high in the next two years.

Political goals have always been one of the most important motives for providing aid in the international arena. In the conditions that China has become the second donor in the international arena after the United States based on published statistics, and the declared determination of leaders of Beijing to make their country the first international power, the analysis of the motivation for the expansion of foreign aid China deserves attention. Using descriptive and explanatory methods, the current research seeks to answer the question of how Chinese leaders have benefited from their foreign aid program in the years 2000 to 2022, in order to lay the groundwork for the rise of this country's power in the international arena? The answer given as a hypothesis to this question is "The Chinese government has tried to strengthen its power both in the field of bilateral and multilateral relations and in the field of international order by quantitatively expanding and resorting to new methods in providing aid in the years 2000 to 2022." The finding of the article and its original nature is that although China's foreign aid program has unique characteristics, accurate indicators can be shown in the analysis of the links between the foreign aid program and its foreign policy goals to become a major international power.

In recent years, there has been a notable trend in Iran's environment, characterized by China's increasing presence and influence in the Middle East, as well as its endeavors to strengthen relations with the Persian Gulf countries. Given America's longstanding presence in the Persian Gulf and its strategic partnerships with Arab countries, China's involvement has significantly contributed to the complexity of regional issues. For instance, Saudi Arabia, the largest Arab country in the Persian Gulf, has expanded its interactions with China focusing on energy, and in practice, China has become Riyadh's first commercial and economic partner.The main aim of this article is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the essential factors and significant changes that have shaped Saudi Arabia's foreign policy towards China during the reign of King Salman. It addresses the following questions: what are the determining elements of Saudi Arabia's foreign policy regarding China in the years after 2015, and how have these factors led to the prioritization of extensive cooperation and a comprehensive strategic partnership between the two countries?

Methods and Conceptual Framework: 

To identify and explain the underlying factors behind Saudi Arabia's shift in foreign policy toward China, this study adopts the conceptual framework of Neoclassical Realism and uses an explanatory methodology. Structural realists emphasize the importance of changes in the international system and the balance of global power in shaping countries' foreign policies. However, neoclassical realists emphasize the significance of internal factors in understanding a government's foreign policy. Therefore, a substantial part of this research focuses on investigating the impact of domestic variables on the strategic choices made by the Saudi government towards China.

The findings of this research indicate that the rise of China and its consequences at international and regional levels are the main and independent variables shaping Saudi Arabia's new foreign policy towards China. However, while international factors have a substantial impact, there are also specific domestic factors that serve as intermediate variables in Saudi Arabia's strategies toward China. At this level, several crucial factors contributed to the development of Saudi cooperation with China during King Salman's era. These factors included the capacities of national power, the rise of authoritarianism, unity and consensus among Saudi elites, the emergence of new Saudi nationalism, the centralization of authoritarian development, and evolving perceptions of Saudi leaders regarding recent international and regional transformations.Saudi Arabia and China's relations have shown a positive and steadily growing trend over the past three decades. However, it is during the reign of King Salman that these relations have entered a new stage, known as a comprehensive strategic partnership. This partnership is characterized by increased cooperation in the commercial, economic, and political spheres. The emergence of a new generation of Saudi leaders, led by Muhammad bin Salman, has significantly influenced the transformation of Saudi policies. These leaders possess a deep and comprehensive understanding of international trends and conditions, which has played a pivotal role in reshaping Saudi Arabia's approach. Particularly noteworthy is their realistic understanding of the shift of power from West to East, their pragmatic approach in relations with regional and global actors, and the new definition of national interests.

In the new circumstances, despite the persistence of some uncertainties regarding the overall direction of Saudi Arabia's foreign policy, the continuation of the country's military-security cooperation with the United States remains evident. However, the prioritization of authoritarian development by Saudi leaders is a significant driver that will lead to the continuation and development of Saudi Arabia-China relations in the coming years.

The Islamic Republic of Iran, in the fast-paced process of transformation in the world economic order, needs a fundamental transition from a vulnerable resource-oriented economic structure (oil) to a manufacturing-oriented economic model (industrial production). China, as one of the emerging powers effective in the formation of the new economic order, has an important capacity to create a new role for Iran at the regional and international level, but the bilateral relations between Tehran and Beijing have remained limited to the sale of oil and oil products. The main purpose of this research is to answer the question of how to redefine strategic relations with China according to the characteristics of the new world economic order. The findings of this research show that the most important concern that can cause a strategic link between Iran and China in the future is the overlap between China's need for continued economic growth and forming a new value chain and Iran's vision to become the factory of West Asia. With a new design, Iran can define an important part of its industrial development strategy and technological transformation program in the form of cooperation between Iranian and Chinese companies around the Belt and Road initiative corridor from Iran, and by learning and transferring experience and technology from China in A period of 5 to 10 years to become the main producer of factory industries in the region.

The international order in transition is not merely one of challenges or opportunities for countries at different levels of power. Depending on the leadership intelligence of a country and its decision-makers in the smart formulation of macro strategies, or its neglect, this can be a period of opportunities for that country to rise or fall on the global stage. The present paper aims to recognize the different roles of state players in the changing international order. By conceptualizing and the conceptual clarification of the international order, the authors will endeavor to classify state players into the three categories of shapers, opposers, and compliers of the order. The paper claims that a government at any level of power can adopt the required strategies in one or more dimensions of the transitioning order to play a constructive role. Evidently, in an ever-changing world of dynamic, multilevel governance, accepting any role imposes internal and structural requirements on any one country. Meanwhile, by accepting any of the abovementioned situations in the changing international order, the IR of Iran must undertake to formulate and implement its strategies. By relying on the formulation of the international order in transition from the viewpoint of Ayatollah Khamenei as the central decision-maker in Iran today, and the development of a conceptual framework for the transition period, the present paper has answered the basic question of how the key model of Iran’s macro requirements in choosing a constructive role in the international order and bespoke strategy with its role in the three categories of “basic component of role-playing”, “prerequisites for effectiveness”, and “cognitive requirements” can be explained.This is a theoretical and applied research. It has benefited from the description, elucidation, and logical analysis of library resources and theoretical and empirical analysis to follow the research topic. Notes were taken on library resources with a critical approach to serve the design of a new concept for the requirements of the IR of Iran.

China’s view to current international order has become important after rapid economic growth in the country. Due to its high population, geopolitics, and transformation of China into the world’s largest economy until 2030, some scholars believe that China will be challenged the current international order to achieve hegemon position. However, the economic growth and China’s rising have taken place within the framework of the current international order. Also, change the current international order will cost a lot. So, it seems that China wants to maintain the existing international order. The main question of this article: «what is the stand of status quo in China’s view to current international order?» The hypothesis of the article is «By assessing the official documents of the Chinese government, its participation in conventions and treaties and its votes in international organizations, China is considered as status quo state. China's rapid economic growth and development took place in the current international order, Thus, China regards preserving this order in its own interests». In this Article, descriptive-analytical method has been used.

Throughout the history of international relations and expert reviews, it can be concluded that the actors - of which governments are the main ones, have always played a role. The international system as a global structure is usually affected by the actions of actors in this field. The extent and manner of the impact also depends on the strength of the actors in the international arena. These effects increase during the competition of actors and affect other countries as well as international systems. Examining the Cold War era and the bipolar system evokes this importance in the mind. The United States of America and China, as two influential powers in the international arena, are very competitive in the political, economic, and... fields. Inevitably, the competition of these two world powers will affect the evolution of the international system, especially in the political and economic fields. In this research, we are trying to find the extent and how this competition affects international developments. As the researcher assumes the principle of impact, he seeks to find the amount of impact as well as the areas of impact. The present research has been carried out in a descriptive-analytical manner using library and internet resources.

Russia has become one of the main critics of current international order in recent years. Since Russia believes that this order is just ascertaining The USA's hegemonic goals. This article employs a descriptive-analytic approach, while analyzing Russia's attitude towards world order, it also explains and provides Russia’s alternative model for future world order. Accordingly, it raises the following question: what is Russia’s attitude and perspective about international order and how does Russia define and operate its alternative model of order in terms of structure, governance, and legitimacy? In response, it can be said that globally, the Kremlin has a structure based on a multipolar and multi-centralized international system, and at regional level, they want a unipolar and hegemonic order centered on great power The principles governing order and type of relationship between great powers are also based on principles such as competition, coexistence and balance, and define mode of governance based on multilateralism and its mechanism also define based on concert of forces and pivotal role of the United Nations in regulating international relations. Moreover, from Russia's point of view, behavior of great powers is legitimate if they observe Westphalian principles of sovereignty, non-interference in each other's internal affairs and prohibition in use of force unless authorized by the United Nations these views have been theorized and implemented both in the theoretical and practical by Russian thinkers and officials in the international system and in region level, Of course, it also comes along with contradictions

China and Iran experience harsh colonization in the 18th and 19th centuries by Europeans. During the two world wars, they became battlefield among the rival powers. After that China and Iran faced with the revolution in 1949 and 1979 respectively, the foundations of Foreign policy in both countries affected by their distasteful historical experiments and revolutionary principles. Therefore, Beijing and Iran consider the international order as injustice. So, Beijing and Tehran have had similar aims (not equivalent) in challenging international order. At the same time, Iran is in the center of world energy eclipse. Therefore, Iran and China attach much importance to their reciprocal relations. The foregoing discussion raises this question: How Iran and China's expectations and realities shape their bilateral relations? States may have different expectations from each other, but the inconsistency between expectations and realities may result in a strategic fault. There is ample support for the claim that “china's attitude to Iran is more economically and partly geopolitically against the United State. In contrast, Iran's expectation from China is more based on geopolitical leverage vis-à-vis the United States”. In this study, the discussion centers on the regional and International levels of actions between Iran and China. This research has been conducted in the framework of interdependence theory by the descriptive-analytical method.

Systemic change is the most critical development in the current international politics. China can be regarded as a key player in this ongoing change. The authors aim to investigate the Chinese approach to international orders. The authers assume that there are three overlapping international orders including hegemonic, constitutional and balance of power. The main question is that how China sees these international orders and how it reacts strategically. The article hypothesizes that Chinese opposition to hegemonic order, increasing role in the balance of power and revisionist approach and parallel institution-building in constitutional order are three inter-related elements of Chinese global strategy. The finding of the article shows that rather than sticking to some clichés such as challenger or revisionist, it is more beneficial to view China as an actor simultaneously challenging the hegemonic order, seeking security in the balance of power and making order in constitutional order. The article can open a new pathway for viewing rising international players with alternative approach.

I have called the current international system a volatile world order. I suppose the current world order is the most ideal system man is experiencing after the Treaty of Westphalia, although it may have sky-high distance from the desirable standards of various nations. It is, of course, for some time that parts of its features bear the hallmark of return to the past world orders. I am of the opinion that three great and successful revolutions, namely Indian independence movement under Mahatma Gandhi, Islamic Revolution of Iran under Imam Khomeini, South African anti-apartheid movement under Nelson Mandela had had very positive direct and indirect influence on both international system and international order, so that major issues have developed it towards joint human values.

States are always attempting in increasing their power. Occasionally, expanding power by a state in local, regional or international levels may be faced to contrasting reaction of other states. And sometimes, rising states confront opposing action of the others less. Rising states will not be equally restrained by established powers. The paper begins by addressing the questions of why and when rising powers are dangerous. What are the causal links between national growth and international conflicts? When a rising state is restricted by external environment pressure? This essay by a descriptive manner believes that if increasing power in a state is perceived threatening, it will prompt others to contrasting reaction. So, other states limit the rising state. So far, The dangers of rising states, has been examined from Realism, Liberalism, Constructivist and English school theories point of view. Eventually, peaceful rise approach which has relative new literature in International Relations has been represented. Findings, despite prevalent opinion, imply that constraints are exerted on rising state by milieu has structural causes, and the nature of the international system of states to make structural restrictions to rising powers, And the rise of emerging powers, found to be more intimidating, it is more sensitive to other governments to stimulate further confrontation.