نهادگرایی

The article examines the cultural policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the field of fiction by revolutionary writers after the Islamic Revolution. And, using the institutionalist method, an attempt has been made to outline the cultural policy-making environment of the Islamic Republic. Documents and development programs have been examined. The main question is what approach have the post-Islamic Revolution governments had towards the fiction of revolutionary writers and whether the policies adopted have been of a supportive nature? The hypothesis is that the cultural policies of the Islamic Republic have not reflected the support for the fiction of revolutionary writers directly and transparently in the laws. The findings show that cultural policy-making in the field of fiction in each of the governments is affected by the cultural discourse prevailing in that government. And despite numerous weaknesses, efforts have been made to support artists, but the laws have not explicitly addressed revolutionary writers as an independent movement.

This article analyzes the recurrence of similar issues in Iran’s monetary and banking policy-making since the establishment of the Central Bank. Utilizing the theory of Institutionalism and the concept of Path Dependency, the research assesses the persistence of problems such as inflation, budget deficit, and fiscal indiscipline in Iran from the 1960s to the conclusion of the 11th government of the Islamic Republic. The objective of this study is to demonstrate how Iran's institutional framework has contributed to the perpetuation of these challenges in the realm of monetary policy formulation. The findings of this study are derived from a content analysis of the memoirs and interviews of economic agents. The central hypothesis of This article posits that the generation of unproductive rents through inefficient institutions serves as the primary catalyst for path dependence in Iran's political economy. This research delves into the manner in which this dependence influences the recurrence of economic crises and the process of policy-making in Iran.

The establishment of a close relationship between sociology, political science and economics was established with the beginning of the new institutionalist debates in the mid-1980s and in particular with the efforts of Douglas North. Research findings show that this economic growth, increased foreign investment, trading partners (imports and exports), etc., is configured with attention to the internal environment. The Scandinavian economies (Denmark, Norway and Sweden) are among the richest economies in the world. Scandinavian people enjoy the highest living standards in the world due to a relatively low wage gap, very high employment and high taxes, along with good quality education and social security. From a regional perspective, Scandinavia is a cohesive region that performs much better than the average of the European Union and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). However, these countries differ on a number of important parameters: Sweden has the largest economy, followed by Norway and Denmark. Norway, on the other hand, has the highest level of GDP per capita, while only Denmark has shown a positive GDP growth rate since the 2008 financial crisis. Accordingly, a look at the statistics and data on foreign trade, the total value of exports and imports, and the economic performance of these countries helps to a great extent to formulate development-oriented approaches based on institutional patterns, the embedding of the economy in politics, elite perception, and a development-oriented foreign policy. For example, statistics on exports and imports of goods and services in Scandinavia show that in the period 2010-2020, we see a significant growth in the total value of exports of these countries.

The present research method will be developmental in terms of purpose, descriptive-analytical in terms of method, and library in terms of data collection. The author's approach will be descriptive and analytical.

Classical approaches hold that foreign policy is separate from domestic policy and that states are like billiard balls on the international stage that are in a state of flux with respect to their domestic relations. This is while recent approaches hold that domestic policy and foreign policy have an inseparable relationship with each other. Institutionalism in political economy is one of the approaches that, while paying attention to social traditions and institutions, emphasizes the importance of domestic relations over foreign practices and approaches. This issue becomes more important when examined in the context of Scandinavian countries. The research hypothesis, while utilizing an anthology method and resorting to institutional, perceptual, and development-oriented approaches, is that foreign policy and domestic policy have intertwined and "etched" relationships with each other, in such a way that domestic policy, by offering cultural, political, economic, and social attractions, has been able to create an environment receptive to a dynamic economy, and foreign policy, with its mobility, has been able to advance the goals of developmentism by attracting foreign direct investment, national branding, international coordination, the greatest amount of international communications, neutrality, and de-securitization of economic relations. Institutionalism emerged in the late 1870s and in response to the mechanical rationalism of the classical and neoclassical schools of economics.

Institutionalism gradually defined development from a non-classical perspective, given the major importance it gave to the cultural, social, political, and economic contexts and infrastructures of society. Institutions emerged as a product of human behavior and therefore were important. In the institutionalist model, political institutions are of great importance due to their importance in the formation, consistency and application of rules, both formal and informal, and therefore the role of the state in institutional economics becomes important.

Political development is a process that enhances the responsibility and accountability of the government in fulfilling its roles and duties. This involves not only increasing the number of political actors but also improving their quality. A key component of political development is the promotion of political equality and public oversight. This ensures that all members of society have an equal opportunity to influence the political direction of their society and to monitor the activities, decision-making processes, and actions of the government. Furthermore, the optimal use of both potential and actual human resources is a critical prerequisite for achieving development. Women constitute a crucial part of this effective force, and their optimal involvement is essential. It is important to recognize that human resources in development theories are not limited to men (Afrakhteh & Saraei, 2013). The position of women in the political development of a country is vital for promoting gender equality and ensuring inclusive governance. Thus, increasing women’s participation is essential for advancing political and economic development. Highlighting the importance of women’s participation in political development, the present study aimed to examine the long-term and mid-term consequences of their involvement in development plans. Addressing the research problem is crucial for developing comprehensive strategies, policies, and interventions that promote gender equality, inclusive governance, and sustainable development. The development plan plays a key role in shaping a country’s path toward progress, serving as a practical guide for executive and administrative bodies. Iran’s Development Plans encompass a set of mid-term initiatives, approved by the Islamic Parliament of Iran, that span a five-year period under the current government.

Literature Review:

The issue of gender permeates all institutions, as well as the intellectual and value systems of society. It is essential for values, norms, beliefs, legal frameworks, government institutions, organizations, decision-making systems, and policymakers to be attuned and responsive to the need for equal opportunities, facilitates, and gender equality (Afrakhteh & Saraei, 2013). Amartya Kumar Sen, a prominent institutional economist, emphasizes the importance of making individuals more capable, particularly women. In his book Development as Freedom, Sen dedicated a chapter to the active role of women in driving social transformations (Sen, 1999). A critical factor contributing to various forms of inequality against women is the planning process. Policies, programs, resource allocation, and other aspects of planning frequently result in women receiving a disproportionately smaller share of welfare benefits and occupying a marginal position in development. This disparity is evident across key indicators such as education, health, employment, and political participation (Sen, 1999). Concerning the Persian-language literature, the book Women and Political Participation (2017) by Simin Hajipour Sardovii used a questionnaire, administered to both men and women, to collect and analyze the relevant data. It explored structural barriers and gender issues in the dynamics of male–female relations in society. Moroever, in The Position of Women in the Progress of Society in Iran’s Five-Year Development Plans (2018), Mohammadi critically evaluated feminist theories while conceptualizing Islamic perspectives on women’s roles in society. Using a theoretical framework rooted in Islamic thought, the author examined women’s interactions and the concept of development, focusing on the involvement and support for women within the context of Iran’s First to Fifth Development Plans.

The present study used thematic analysis to examine the content of Iran’s Fifth and Sixth Economic, Social, and Cultural Development Plans. This process involved collecting relevant materials, including interviews, articles, and guidelines, related to women’s political participation and their position in Iran’s Development Plans. The data was then analyzed to identify key themes and patterns concerning women’s empowerment, gender equality, and political development.

Results and Discusssion:

The research hypothesis posits that enhancing political development indicators for women in Iran, through the country’s five-year development plans, will help dismantle structures of inequality and strengthen women’s empowerment. Guided by this hypothesis and a robust theoretical framework, the study yielded several key findings. First, women’s political participation was identified as a critical aspect of political development. Second, the analysis highlighted structural barriers and gender issues that hinder women’s active participation in political processes. Additionally, the study examined the contribution of Iran’s Development Plans in advancing women’s empowerment and promoting gender equality. Fourth, the research explored the strategies and policies necessary to increase women’s political participation and ensure equal opportunities in social and political arenas. Finally, the study assessed the progress made and the challenges encountered in achieving women’s empowerment and gender equality within the framework of Iran’s Development Plans.

The findings can have significant implications for policymakers, government agencies, and organizations involved in development planning and implementation. Drawing on the concept of capability, Amartya Sen emphasizes the individual’s ability to utilize facilities, resources, and goods in alignment with their diverse human characteristics. The current research underscored the critical role of women’s political participation in fostering inclusive governance and gender equality in development plans. The strategies and policies identified in this study provide valuable guidelines for enhancing women’s empowerment and creating an environment conducive to their active participation in decision-making. By addressing both the challenges and opportunities associated with women’s participation, the study contributes to the formulation of comprehensive and effective development plans that benefit the whole societ.

China is considered the most important emerging power in world politics in the early decades of the third millennium. The stunning economic rise of this country and the promotion of its position in the international system have made China's foreign policy behavior important to encountering various international trends and events. Following September 11 and the expansion of terrorist activities on an international scale, the need to deal with terrorism should become the main priority of the countries of the world. The role and position of China in the international system and the political economy requirements of this country at different national, regional and global levels have caused the impact of terrorism on China's internal, regional and international security interests. Based on this, how to manage terrorist threats from China and the complexity of this country's relations with other great powers, especially the United States as the largest country claiming to deal with terrorism on the other hand, analyzing the place of terrorism in China's foreign and security policy and the policy of this country's confrontation with has turned the mentioned phenomenon into a subject of study and research. In this regard, the main question of the current research is that what policy does China follow in confrontation with the phenomenon of terrorism? The hypothesis of the research in the framework of the assumptions and themes of the theory of institutionalism is that China's policy towards terrorism can be understood in the form of an institutional multilateralism approach in international relations.

The subject of this research is the judiciary's performance in the regeneration of political trust in Iran. The requirement for trust is that a person can make a positive prediction of the behavior and performance of institutions in the future. Citizens' political trust is dependent on getting the desired results from the government. If people feel that their problems will be solved in the future due to the performance of political institutions, their trust in the government will be preserved and regenerated. Some studies conducted in the last decade confirm that political trust amongst Iranian people has relatively decreased. The social capital measurement of the country, which was carried out in 2014 at the request of the National Center for Social Monitoring of the Ministry of Interior, reported people's evaluation of the future, which shows that only 24.2% of the target population believe that conditions will improve in the future, and 43.8% believe that their conditions will worsen.
In the regeneration of trust, especially political trust, there are two society-oriented or institution-oriented approaches: The first group are researchers who consider the regeneration of trust in the existence of some social and historical foundations of a country. Based on their research, they believe that the more people take part in some associations such as parents – teachers, or sports associations in a society, the greater trust will be developed from social and political standpoints. Based on their criticism, the second group suggests that the society-oriented approach imagines the role of the government in the regeneration of trust. They believe that the existence of such inclusive, fair, and impartial institutions as the police, courts, and health care contribute to the regeneration of trust from political and social perspectives, establishing the authority of the government
The standpoint of this research is close to the approach of the role of official institutions in the regeneration of political trust. In this research, we are trying to investigate the impact of institutions that exercise the authority of the government on political trust. Therefore, regarding the role of the judiciary as a judicial institution in the regeneration of political trust, to the best of our knowledge, we have found that there is a scientific gap in the research conducted in Iran. Thus, this article aims to evaluate the performance of an important and influential institution, namely the judiciary in building trust in government between Iranian citizens. According to what was raised, this article wants to investigate and answer this question; What is the role of the judiciary in political trust reduction in Iran?

To collect data in this article, in addition to studying documents, the field method was used. In the field method, in-depth interviews were conducted with 10 senior lawyers of the judiciary to make the data reach theoretical saturation. In this research, the data analysis method is theme analysis at first, and the second step is process tracking. For the theme analysis, in the first stage, 216 basic themes were identified with the help of the initial encoding of the interviews' text. Then, in the next stage, these themes were reanalyzed with the help of axial encoding to identify 13 basic concepts such as  "weakness of judges' knowledge", "Weak knowledge of lawyers", "Limited access to legal advice", "Lack of meritocracy among judges", "Guaranteed vote based on corruption in the judiciary", "Lack of transparency in the judiciary", "Feeling of corruption in the judiciary by people", "violations in the body of the judiciary at the level of employees and experts", "numerous and interpretable laws", "long handling of court cases and delays in proceedings", "lack of appeals due to the costs of proceedings", "threat to the independence of lawyers by the judiciary" and "influencing the court and limiting the independence of judges" in this research. Finally, and in the final analysis of the initial concepts, the following 5 categories were obtained, which are respectively "the presence of weakness in the expert staff", "the presence of corruption", "limitation of independence in the judiciary" and "structural weakness in the judiciary". These categories show that there is a disruption in access to a quick and fair judgment. In the subsequent stage, with the help of the process tracking method, the results obtained from thematic analysis about the effect of the quality of judgment on political trust were examined.

This research stands on the side that believes in a complex world and society, the existing order in the establishment of relationships between organizations and even people has a great need for a third party, which shows itself in the form of the government. When governments are supposed to play the role of a third party as a mediator, a virtue should be defined for them. A virtue that seeks to ensure the collective good, or in other words, is inclusive. Therefore, the important feature of a qualified government, being able to play the role of a third party (between people and organizations) to provide the collective good well, is to be impersonal. with this approach, there are a special type of political institutions that generate trust, governmental institutions that generate political, legal, and social equality and are based on the principles of fairness, honesty, and impartiality. Thus, to research the reasons behind political trust reduction in a society, one should look for signs of unfairness, dishonesty, or favoritism in political institutions. If the judicial system in a country is supposed to cause a decrease in political trust, it should make itself far away from the characteristics of inclusiveness. Two important indicators of inclusiveness in the judicial system are quick and fair access to this institution. The results of our investigations showed that the corruption and limitation of independence in the judiciary as well as some structural problems have disrupted access to quick and fair judgment in judicial courts, which has made the conditions that can contribute to making judicial institutions far away from the circle of inclusiveness. The more this distance is, the more effect on political trust reduction is conducted by the judiciary. Tracking the process stemming from the results obtained from thematic analysis in this research confirms that this disruption in quick and fair access has caused the performance of the judiciary to decrease political trust in Iran.

This article deals with the continuation of Iran's economic underdevelopment from the perspective of institutionalism. Over the centuries, Iran has experienced various political systems, but despite the decline and emergence of successive political systems, it still suffers from economic underdevelopment. Therefore, in this article, the main question of the research is proposed as follows: What are the fundamental factors that have caused the continuation of Iran's unfavorable performance in the economic field? In response, this hypothesis has been proposed that the limited access order and the lack of transition to the open access order is the fundamental factor explaining the continuation of Iran's unfavorable economic performance. The research method in this article is the historical method and the method of data collection is library. The findings of the article show that the order of limited access has affected Iran's incentive system over the centuries in a way that, rather than encouraging creativity, innovation and work, it has encouraged rent-seeking and the growth of individuals at the expense of the whole. This explains the lack of synergism of the achievements with the overall interests and as a result the continuation of Iran's unfavorable economic performance. In other words, throughout history, the dominant political groups have had the opportunity to change the motivational structure of the whole in the direction of general prosperity or organize it for their own interests at the expense of the whole, and the first model has not been adopted.

The evidence proves that the elections in Iran have faced challenges. Based on such an assumption, the question of this article is, "How can the election challenges in the period of the Islamic Republic of Iran be explained?" In response to the research question, this hypothesis is proposed that "the election challenges during the period of the Islamic Republic of Iran are the result of the uneven distribution of power among the political forces in the early years of the 1979 Islamic Revolution and the beliefs and interests of the political forces that founded and supported the election laws". To answer the research question, the process tracking research method has been used, and for the theoretical explanation of the research problem, the theoretical framework of political institutionalism has been used. The results of the research show that among the various political forces in the early years of the 1979 Islamic Revolution, the Islamic political forces, which were the product and representative of the traditional/modern political divide, had more (cultural) power and, as a result, made a significant contribution to the process. They have established election rules. The laws in question have been established and continued according to their beliefs and political interests, and this has led to challenges in the elections. On the other hand, due to the relative increase of benefits from the ruling electoral laws, the amendment of the electoral laws has faced strong resistance from the founders and supporters of the electoral laws.

The status of women in the Qajar period was such that they were deprived of the smallest social, economic, cultural and political rights and were under severe restrictions caused by the patriarchal society. One of the most important reasons that put women in that situation was illiteracy, lack of awareness and lack of communication with society. For this reason, one of the first measures taken by modern women was the construction of girls' schools and efforts to educate girls and women. Although the establishment of girls' schools in that environment was met with protest and reaction from the traditional society, but gradually, especially after the constitutional revolution, it spread and had beneficial effects on the status of women. The aim of the current research is to investigate the results and consequences of the establishment and gradual expansion of educational institutions on the status of women at this stage. Therefore, the question is, what effect did educational institutions have on the status of women in the Qajar period? The hypothesis is that educational institutions, including girls' schools, have caused literacy and, as a result, the growth of awareness, change of attitude and efforts to play a greater role for women in society. The findings of the research show that the submissive and undemanding women of the Qajar period, upon entering the Pahlavi period, turned into demanding women who raised demands such as the right to enter society and employment. The present research method is descriptive-analytical and the data were collected in a library manner.

The main purpose of the current research is to compare the political development during the stability period of Pahlavi II with the period of political stability of the Islamic Republic. Political development is one of the most important concepts of the political literature of the last century in Iran. The author is looking for an answer to the question that the components of political development in the period of stability of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and the period of stability of the Islamic Republic have commonalities and differences with each other. The method used in this article is an adaptation to the descriptive-analytical approach. The political development during the stability period of Pahlum II and the stability period of the Islamic Republic was analyzed and compared based on the four components of the institutionalization of the monopoly of political power, the institutionalization of the acquisition of political power, the institutionalization of the exercise of political power, and the institutionalization of the integration of political power.

The study of the survival of terrorist organizations and the variables involved in it is a new dimension in the study of terrorism.Among these, the intelligence activities of these organizations as the pulse of their lives, is of great importance in these studies.As a terrorist organization, from the very beginning of its existence, ISIS had a powerful and expert intelligence and counter-intelligence organization that had all aspects of its activities under its vast aristocracy.But this aristocracy was associated with external pressures, developments, and requirements that changed the organizational form and the way it operated.Accordingly, the present study in dealing with ISIS as a social entity, seeks to answer why and how ISIL's intelligence actions, by adopting a sociological institutional framework.Based on the findings of the present study, it shows that ISIS's intelligence action is initially imitative and has shifted from the nature of intelligence to ideological cover. Hands out of the control and nobility of the organization were clustered.In the present study, the data collection tools are library and interviews with elites are informed and the data analysis method is descriptive-analytical.

Sovereign wealth funds have been one of the important actors of political economy in the last two decades, and their role in the political economy of many societies, especially societies benefiting from rentier incomes from the sale of natural resources, such as the Persian Gulf countries, has been very prominent. Although these funds are considered an economic tool, governments have been able to benefit from their political gifts. This article tries to use the institutional approach to investigate the function of these funds in the framework of domestic political economy for the owner countries and its effects on their internal system. This article raises the question of what is the reason for the importance of foreign exchange reserve funds in the last two decades in the domestic political economy? Relying on the descriptive-analytical-exploratory method and using the data statistics and letters related to the funds, it is on the agenda to examine the hypothesis that foreign exchange reserve funds as an institution for countries have important political benefits despite their economic benefits. The findings of this research from examining the effects of these funds in two political and economic dimensions show that the important and fundamental role of currency reserve funds in creating power and forming a procedure appropriate to the ruling policy can help consolidate the internal power of governments.

First: The current water crisis in Iran is the product of years of inappropriate decisions and management, which occurred due to the increase in water demand from the country's water resources. Agrarian reform policy and the issue of land. The result was the fragmentation of agricultural land, which, along with the introduction of deep and semi-deep well exploitation technology, led to the digging of wells by small-scale farmers and landowners and the increase in underground water exploitation; because the easiest way for every person who owned land was to dig a well.Second: New institutionalism does not consider the economic future and the development of societies as a future with unlimited choices; considering that property rights are among the effective institutions; therefore, the policies that target the property rights of the society create major changes in the society. Land reform is a type of institutional change that is carried out by the government to transform the existing ownership structure and transform it into a desirable structure. Therefore, by using the new institutionalism, we can see the historical impact of land reforms, which was the policy of the government institution in changing and redefining the institution of land ownership; it highlighted the current water crisis.Third: Before land reforms, Iran's land system had three characteristics: 1- the concentration of land in the hands of a number of absent owners; 2- Shareholding as the dominant form of tenancy and 3- The prevalence of old and primitive techniques in production was determined. About the type of ownership of Iranian villages at that time, the information related to land reforms shows that 6,885 were in the care of religious institutions, 1,535 villages and parts of the other 245 were owned by the government and the royal institution also owned 2,167 villages and their lands. These institutions owned about 20% of the villages. In addition, Iran had 2,250 private owners, each of whom had more than one village; these people owned 11,740 villages. About 20 percent of the villages were for rural farmers and the remaining 38 percent belonged to 320,000 owners. However, following the changes in the ownership institution, the ratio of independent farmers to the rural population, which was less than 5% before the land reforms, reached 76% of the rural population after the land reforms. Although agrarian reforms increased the number of land-owning farmers, they could not give them enough land to become capable and self-reliant farmers. Because the average area of the farm in 1353 was 6.6 hectares and 37% of the land was in water shortage conditionFourth: The issue of land and the institution of ownership after the Islamic revolutionAt the beginning of the victory of the Islamic revolution, due to the expectations created among the rural strata and farmers within the framework of the slogans of the revolution era, in the rural areas, the conflict over land occupation had occupied everyone; In addition to local encroachments, the new regime tried to implement a series of land distribution policies. These land division policies culminated in the redistribution of what was mostly government land and the setting of ownership ceilings in each locality, which led to the redistribution of some of the remaining private land to large landowners. The result of the land division policy of the 1980s was to once again destroy the remnants of large-scale private capitalist agriculture and convert it into numerous small farms. At the same time as the fragmentation and scattering of agricultural lands, which was the result of land reforms and changes in the ownership institution; we see an increase in the number of well rings; the new owners began to dig wells for their newly acquired lands using the new well drilling technology. As a result of these events, the number of wells in the country increased from about 47,000 wells in the water year 1972-1973 to about 763,000 wells in the water year 2011-2012, and the amount of harvesting also increased from 9 billion cubic meters to more than 47 billion cubic meters. Thus, during this period, the number of wells has increased 16 times and the amount of harvests has increased more than 5 timesFifth: Before the land reforms, the number of small farmers was 320,000, who, together with 2,250 large owners, owned 60% of the agricultural land, and the average land of farmers was more than 20 hectares, the number of underground water resource exploitation wells was less than 40,000 wells, and the amount of exploitation was also It is less than 9,000 cubic meters But in 1979, when the number of small owners increased to 1,601,000 operators, the number of wells increased to more than 70,000 wells, and in 1988, when the number of operators increased to 2,800,000 and the average area of agricultural land is less than 3 hectares, the number of wells 221,691 and the amount of underground water extraction is 32,599 cubic meters and in 2003, when the number of users is 3,480,729, the number of well rings is 468,049 and the amount of extraction is 44,895 cubic meters; In the early 1990s, with the number of 3,359,409 operators, we see more than 763,664 wells and the extraction rate of 47,182 cubic meters.

US relations with the Soviet Union during the Cold War and with the Russian Federation thereafter have fluctuated from open hostility to competition.  However, during and after the Cold War, Track-Two diplomacy, as an organized and institutionalized mechanism, have complemented the official diplomacy between the two countries. During the cold war, the high level of mistrust and hostility between the two superpowers, which sometimes led to the blockage of official relations, forced both sides to use Track-Two diplomacy. But despite ending of systemic competition and changing in the U.S. - Russian relations during the post-collapse era, Track-Two diplomacy continued with the characteristics of the previous era.

Research Question: 

Considering what has been said, the question is how did intra-organizational dynamics lead to the pursuit of Track-Two diplomacy in realizing US and Russian interests during and after the Cold War?

Research Hypothesis: 

The hypothesis of the research is that according to the historical path taken during the Cold War, the need to provide the strategic and sustainable interests of each country, the use of institutions with close ties with the government and interactions formed among the participants in informal processes, have caused the continuation of Track-Two diplomacy in U.S. - Russian relations in post-collapse era.

Methodology and Theoretical Framework: 

To test the above hypothesis, the theory of “historical institutionalism” has been used. The emphasis of this paper is on the "equation" which is one of the main elements of the theory of historical institutionalism. In this direction and examining the same factors that had the same result in two different periods, the historical-comparative method is based on the comparison of the two periods of the Cold War and after the Cold War. The method of collecting information in this research is qualitative and based on documentary method.

Studying the process of Track-Two diplomacy between the United States and the Soviet Union and its future developments in the post collapse period indicates the necessity of using informal relations to realize foreign policy goals and strategic interests that could not be pursued through official channels. Due to a wall of mistrust between the two countries, Washington and Moscow have faced numerous challenges to reach any kind of agreement. The existence of a growing gap and mistrust at official levels has made it necessary to use government institutions or institutions trusted by governments to implement controlled informal diplomacy in such a way that even the use of Track-Two diplomacy, the experienced people of the two countries resumed the processes with institutionalization in the post-Soviet era.All considered cases were examined in the field of equation, pursuit of benefits resulting from sustainable requirements, dimensions of coalition building interactions and the level of communication between the institutions involved with the center of power.  During the Cold War era, there were several strategic interests: improving domestic capabilities, ensuring global strategic stability, and the need for direct communication with the opposing country's society. The adopted strategy was to use institutions or formal institutions with close ties to the government, which led to coalition-building interactions. In the post-collapse period, coalition-building interactions continued but the strategic interests were reduced to geopolitical - regional levels and maintaining the relative level of relations. These goals are generally pursued by non-governmental organizations. Among the three common causal factors in the equation of the two periods of the time, during the Cold War, the ability of Track-Two diplomacy to realize strategic interests is the most important factor.While in the post-collapse era, coalition building interaction is an influential factor.The comparison of the two research periods shows many similarities and differences. The similarities are: the use of the institutional model in Track-Two diplomacy processes, having a high level of support from the governments and the existence of coalition-building interactions in the realization of strategic interests. The most important similarity is the realization of strategic interests which is supported by the highest levels of governance in both periods. This support has been extended to different levels of governance in the post-collapse era. The development of this support is the result of coalition-building interactions formed in the processes of Track-Two diplomacy. The existence of interactions and high-level support in both periods indicates the correspondence of the Track-Two diplomacy in the post Cold War era with its historical path in the Cold War period.Differences can be seen in several fields. As mentioned above, strategic interests are reduced both quantitatively and qualitatively. Participating institutions are increased quantitatively and changed procedurally and substantively. They are changed from 9 governmental institutions to 21 non-governmental institutions. Criticism and opposition to the processes are reduced from the military and security level during the Cold War to the expert level during the post-collapse era. The achievements of Track-Two diplomacy are also decreased in terms of effectiveness. During the Cold War, Track-Two diplomacy processes influenced strategic plans. But in the post-collapse era, they are just a tool for adjusting and re-adjusting relationships.

The findings show that the continuity of the institutional model is common in both periods but the change in the level of interests and the entry of institutions far from the power centers have reduced the impact of these processes on official paths in the next period. On the other hand, the number of involved pathways and institutions in Track-Two diplomacy processes has significantly increased. Finally, in a general summary of the comparison, it can be said that during the Cold War, the track diplomacy between the United States and the Soviet Union was strengthened and effective. However, after the Cold War, US- Russia Track-Two diplomacy was developed but it did not have much impact.

This article is to consider analyzing the reasons of industrial sector slowdown in the economy and weakening the status of owners of infant industries during the first decade of the Islamic Republic of Iran from a neo-institutional perspective. For this purpose, “institutional-ideological” and “pre-institutional” conditions have been analyzed through historical context to clarify the institutional-historical mechanism leading to weakening of the industrial bourgeoisie and declining of the position of industry and industrial capitalism in the political economy of Iran. The methodological approach of this article is of the type of qualitative historical analysis in which documentary data extracted from official economic and statistical reports, memoirs, written works, and especially conversations with elites (governmental policy-makers and private industrialists active in the period under review), as well as historical, economic, and political analyses by other researchers and experts have been considered and utilized. The study shows that at the time of formation of post-revolutionary governmental and economic institutions in Iran, a set of interrelations institutional and pre-institutional factors in historical evolution and transformation shaped a path-dependent process in decision making institutions and mindset of decision makers in respect of economic policies of the country which was in contradiction with industrial capitalist development. This approach was one of the main factors inhibiting industrial growth and development in the country during the following decades.

Iran's economy has not experienced high growth rate during past decades despite huge revenue from oil export. This shows ineffectiveness of resource allocation in Iran economy. The cause of such a resource mis-allocation has been disputed by different theories. In this paper, a political economy approach is used to explain such an inefficiency and it will be shown that it provides a better and more comprehensive approach in compare to the rival explanations. The core idea of the paper is that institutional arrangement in the pollical system evolved after Iran revolution from one hand and the quality of institutions on the other hand leads to high social discount rate which dominates short-termism to long-termism. From institutional point of view, high quality institution helps to relax some political economy constraints and provide incentives for economic agents to follow long-term benefits rather than short term one. In the absence of high-quality institutions, supporters of the status-quo allocation prevail the forces who support reallocation to achieve optimal allocation. As a result, transition from current negative equilibrium to superior one is blocked. In another word, economic reform requires high-quality institutions which support reallocation of available resources. Otherwise, different political economy constraints prevent to prioritize superior allocation to inferior one.

The environment is the common heritage of humanity and the protection of its rights is a national and international necessity. But in recent years, this common heritage has been seriously jeopardized. In fact, with the advancement of human civilization and the development of technology and increasing population, the world is now facing a problem called crisis and environmental degradation that threatens the lives of the inhabitants of the planet. The environmental movements that have emerged in Europe have been able to influence the level of EU policy at the internal, regional and trans-regional levels due to the goals they have pursued since their inception. Environmental movements in European societies have sought to influence policies that have adverse effects on the human environment. Accordingly, the present study seeks to answer the question of what effect has environmental institutionalism had on the security and environmental issues in Europe? And how have environmental and social movements influenced the EU decision-making process? Answering these two questions requires an extensive study of environmental movements from different angles. As a result, this study focuses on how environmental movements in European communities affect EU environmental policy. The method used in this research will be descriptive-analytical.

After the discovery of huge oil and gas resources in different regions, fundamental changes took place in the economy, politics and political geography of the world. This shows the growing importance of oil in the world's political and economic relations, which has a special meaning for the countries that own it, which is the dream of economic development and growth. Oil-rich countries were expected to reduce their economic distance from developed countries in the long run. But what has happened in practice in many parts of the world; It was something different. Along with the unsuccessful experience of many countries in realizing the dream of development, there are second countries whose oil has become an important factor in their development. The most important country in this field is Norway. Accordingly, and considering the importance of oil for Iran, this study seeks to examine the experiences of Norway in the field of oil and identify these experiences and suggest them for the Iranian economy. The main question of the present study is what is the reason for the difference in the impact of oil on the economic development of Norway and the Islamic Republic of Iran? The answer lies in institutional hospitalization in Iran and Norway.

Achieving human development and good governance through appropriate functions between various institutions of society is one of the main criteria for measuring the prosperity and development of countries in recent decades and can meet the needs of citizens in a society. The current research with descriptive-analytical and causal-comparative method and in the theoretical framework of "New Institutionalism" seeks to answer the main question that "the position of good governance in Iran, Turkey and Egypt from the perspective of human development indicators in 10 years How is the recent one?" Based on the investigations carried out using reliable sources such as Persian and English books and researches and reliable domestic and foreign websites and by calculating the average indicators of optimal governance from the perspective of human development indicators in the two areas of efficiency and social welfare which include efficiency and effectiveness, unemployment rate, gross national product, life expectancy, health, education and gender equality in the three countries of Iran, Turkey and Egypt And also by presenting graphs and comparing these indicators with each other, this was the result that compared to Egypt, Iran has been ranked higher in all the indicators of the hypothesis, and compared to Turkey in all indicators except the index Education is at the lowest rank. Also, the position of all three countries is lower than the global human development average due to various institutional weaknesses.

The government in Egypt appeared fragile during the two periods of the 2011 revolution and the post-revolutionary period, but it survived with a military coup. In 2011, the government condition became incredibly complicated in a short time. This great experience was not instructive for the religious revolutionaries, and like a hasty government, they were soon overthrown by popular protests and military coups. Contrary to expectations, the military was able to form a stable government. Inspired by the descriptive method and the combination of two institutionalism and cultural theories, this study tries to address the important question of why the government appeared fragile in the era of Mubarak and Morsi, but stable in the era of the military? The results show that the experience of economic modernization and liberalization led to the emergence and development of social and political forces. The government, on the other hand, continued to emphasize the traditional discourse of power. This deprived the government of gaining hegemony in the context of civil society and creating institutions for community participation. The inefficiency of the government in the economic field, the lack of cultural hegemony and civil institutions, and repressive attitudes led to the emergence and formation of a pragmatic society. The state in this society became rootless and quickly appeared fragile against the mass movement. The Akhavan's government also failed to eliminate the institutions of power of the previous regime and create new ones, while by imitating Mubarak's policy, it monopolized power so that it could lose the conflict in the street arena and easily collapse. The military took advantage of these opportunities to emerge as a national-historical institution,  satisfy the dominant political forces, and to form a new authority in the form of an "efficient government.