نوعثمانی گری

This study aims to examine the issue of new Ottomanism, which has become a prominent discourse in the foreign policy of the Turkish government, by considering historical issues and paying attention to the evolution of the Turkish government's policy. By reviving the geography of the empire, new-Ottomanism has attracted the minds and attention of many scholars and commentators. The claim of new-Ottomanism is controversial and that is why there are many opinions and interpretations about it. Crossing national borders and what Sykes-Picot called the nation-state is not without controversy. Hence, in many studies, considering the geography and territory of the land that is thought of neo-Ottoman politics; such an approach has been interpreted in line with the Turkish government's determination to expand regional and even territorial authority. Concerns are being raised about the geopolitics of some countries, and Iran is no exception to this rule. Therefore, numerous interpretations of the policy of new-Ottomanism and the threat of this policy were written for some countries in the Middle East, the Caucasus, and the Balkans. It is important to examine such a policy, given its prominence over the last two decades and the targeting of various governments, especially Iran.

Why are the Turkish political elites inclined to Ottomanism and how can the impact of this policy on Iran be analyzed?

Such a policy is a response to Turkey's internal crises and a ploy to find a solution to Turkey's internal identity crisis and a sign of the failure of ethnic nationalism (Turkism) rather than a threat to Iran's territorial integrity and identity.

 The present study by qualitative method examines the discussion of new-Ottomanism in the foreign policy of the Turkish government. In this regard, an attempt is made to offer a different reading of neo-Ottoman politics by considering the two categories of politics and geography. Also, considering that new-Ottomanism is a return to the past, historical issues are not neglected in the present study. The importance of the three components of politics, geography, and history in the interpretation of new-Ottomanism shows that research is of a fundamental type and can be proposed in the humanities framework. The Content was collected and arranged in a library method. To explain the idea of research, an attempt is made to reflect such a discourse in Turkish foreign policy, and especially towards Iran, by analyzing the discourse and re-reading the ideas of the founders of neo-Ottoman policy. Studying the policies of the political elites of the Turkish government along with paying attention to the internal conditions and events of this government in the last few decades, provides the possibility of why neo-Ottomanism is valid in foreign policy.  In this research, the foundations of Constructivism theory are also used to provide a comprehensive understanding of new-Ottomanism policy.
 

New-Ottomanism has become an important discourse in Turkish politics since the AKP came to power. Several interpretations have been made as to the historical background and purpose of such a return. Unlike the Young Turks and the Republic of Turkey, new-Ottomanism insists on geography that is more close to the imperial system, a system in which a wide range of nationalities, religions, and groups were ruled by one. Many scholars and commentators have analyzed such a return in the meaning of the Turkish government's expansion of authority and geographical influence. So, there is a concern about Iran's geopolitics that new-Ottomanism policy may affect Iran's geopolitics and some of Iran's identity geography. In the present study, with the historical reading of new-Ottomanism, it was argued that new-Ottomanism policy could be considered more a tactic or solution to resolve Turkey's internal identity crises than a threat to the territorial integrity and identity of Iran.

Geopolitical idealism under the name of new-Ottomanism became more important and heated when dissatisfaction with politics and governance arose in Turkey. The incompatibility of the Turkish Kurds, the failure to join the European Union, the coup, the change of political system from a parliamentary to a presidential one, the Gulen movement, the tendency towards authoritarianism in domestic politics, and the rise of the Syrian Kurds, especially in the Syrian crisis and Kurd' resistance against Daesh (ISIS) which improve the position of the Kurds in northern Syria are concerns and crises that the Turkish government is aware of.
Therefore, the policy of new-Ottomanism, which comes at the same time as such crises, seeks to use the capacity of geography and history to deviate minds from deep internal crises. New-Ottomanism also suggests that the insistence on Turkish nationalism and ethnocentrism failed to solve the problem of Turkish identity and that the Turkish Kurds remain a serious issue for the government. As a result, returning to Ottomanism means defining everything under geography, including Turks and Kurds.  Although such a policy may face Iran with problems, it cannot create an inherent and complete threat to Iran's territorial integrity.

This article seeks to study human rights conditions in Turkey and their repercussions for the EU accession negotiations. Turkey represents a strategically important country in the region, but Turkey’s relationship with the European Union has been accompanied with numerous challenges since Turkey applied for accession. Generally speaking, Turkey’s EU accession debates have been focused on the incompatibility of human rights conditions in Turkey with the EU standards. Since it took office, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has made efforts at creating the political and economic space needed for a democratic state, whereas EU suffers from lack of transparency concerning the minority rights and just stresses on the rights of a particular group of minorities. Apart from this, other issues that have delayed Turkey’s EU accession process include the Cyprus question, Kurdish nationalist activities, suppression of the 2013 demonstrations as well as the July 2016 coup attempt.

The new Turkey (Republic of Turkey) was founded in 1923 by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. After the establishment of the Turkish government (the new Republic of Turkey) in 1923, Kamal Ataturk took all his efforts to reduce Islam as a minimum religion to the private realm and to accelerate society more closely in line with the requirements of modernity in the contemporary era. But after his death, it became obvious that all his activities and plans to break the relationship with the Ottoman past (which represents the Islamic world) and reducing the influence of Islamic thoughts were not effective, and Islam continues to play a fundamental role in the formation of the Islamic-Turkish identity as well as the past. So the main question of this research is that: “who are the pioneers of Islam in the new Turkey and what their goals are?” The findings of the study confirm that two political Islamist movements led by Najmuddin Erbakan and social Islam led by Fethullah Gulen in Turkey are active in Turkey, which not only are significcant difference in aims and ideals, but also in strategies so that Arghakan, for the growth of the Islamists, has drawn on utopia city and jihad in order to achieve it, and wanted to achieve its goals by unifying Muslims and fighting with colonialism, while Gulen prefers to pursue his goals through educational, promotional and economic activities that of course had special emphasis on the Turkish nationalism.

Justice and development party claimed for a moderate and efficient model to merge the Islam and western liberal democracy in favor of the other Islamic countries in 2011. On the basis of this model, the present writing is to answer the question in relation with the challenges on the way of this paradigm by considering the Muslims’ challenges and particularly the Islamic movements as the main beneficiaries of turkey‘s model, The base of significant variables including secularism, normal and standard justifications, outward interferences, political cooperation, the issue of Palestine and the unitarian policies considered by the Islamic movements of area. The hypothesis of the article is that the paradigm of justice and development party is dealing with numerous challenges. The development of this pattern on the basis of dual approach of profit and identity will lead to the dual partition within the strategic policies and consequently the inconstancy on the strategic depth of party. These paradoxes will include the imperative issues such as the fundamental disagreement of Islam and liberal democracy, value wise-liberalist westernization, the identity and Takfiri orientalism, the strategic communication with sahyunist regime besides some stand taking towards the issue of Palestine and lastly, considering the issue of Syria provides the ground for zero - hundred tension.

With the rise of the Justice and Development’s party to power in 2002, Turkey has followed different and seldom paradoxical decisions and actions in internal and external affairs. This article aims at studying these altitudes based upon the leaders of Justice and Development’s party. Hence, the article decides to clarify mainly from which sources the strategic attitudes of Turkey have been inspired and how these sources determined today’s Turkish decisions. The hypothesis is based upon the fact that the Party follows to keep power and obtain its interests with an identitary flavor in internal and external policies. Hence, from the perspective of this article despite the effectiveness of different variables in producing such decisions, the role of the Party leaders grows more important with their enjoyment of interest-identity attitudes insofar as they endeavor to keep and enhance political power. Therefore, such attitudes have left fundamental impact on Turkish decisions in realms such as secularism, liberal economy and Neo-Ottomanism. In addition, they have proven to determine today’s Turkish politics specifically the developments occurring in the process of Islamic awakening and current crisis governing the region. This article enjoys the documentary analysis.

By Turkey's Islamists coming to power in 2002 and the victory of Justice and Development Party, a model of foreign policy making has been formed by political leaders of this country titled "Neo-Ottomanism". Components ruling this policy-making were "zeroing problems with neighbors" on one hand, and efforts to provide new face of Muslim Turkey as "model of democracy, freedom and human rights" in Middle East and other peripheral regions of this country. The aim of Neo-Ottomanism was revival of the cultural, political, economic and even military influence of the country on regions that were considered part of Ottoman Empire in near historical past. Adopting and persuasion of this policy led to increase in influence of this country in Middle East, especially in Arabic revolutions and faces Iranian traditional and strategic areas and interests in Middle East to create major issues in bilateral relations of two countries. Investigation of why and how this meeting of interests that are mainly affected by foreign policy of Neo-Ottomanism of Turkey is the aim of this study. The research findings gathered by cross-sectional study, and using library resources and documents in constructivism theory suggest that the norms and identity of Turkey's Islamist government policy makers are in conflict with Iranian policymakers, so, it is observed that Turkey's Neo-Ottomanism would meet of interests between the two countries in the Middle East.

Turkish foreign policy has gone through important changes since its establishment due to changing internal and international conditions. Even though its major orientation remained the same as well as its basic principles, the transformation of the global balance of power had important impacts over the Turkish diplomacy. In the last decade, marked by the outcome of the September 11 attacks in the international level and the AK Party rule in Turkey, the latter has taken important foreign policy decisions, which are mainly influenced by Ahmet Davutoğlu’s geopolitical approach, on how to deal with the new issues of the international scene. These can be seen both a continuation of Turkey’s traditional diplomacy line and a new vision implemented to better serve Turkey’s national interests. will be translatedwill be translatedwill be translatedwill be translatedwill be translatedwill be translatedwill be translated will be translatedwill be translatedwill be translated will be translated.

With the expression of the modernization theory as the dominant paradigm of development during the 1950s, approaches towards development were extracted from this paradigm. But with the birth of the attachment school of thought, the modernization theory was scrutinized. For Latin American countries however, the attachment school of thought was considered a Marxist ideology up until the end of the Cold War. Towards the end of the Cold War, and with the changes that took place in the international system, Marxist visions, including the attachment school of thought were also scrutinized due to a lack of resources. Latin American countries were able to distance themselves from the attachment system, and instead establish proper relations with advanced countries that helped their development. The aim of this study is examine and criticize common visions regarding the development of Latin American countries after the Cold War era. According to the findings in this paper, Latin American countries are advancing towards growth and development through their approaches to structural and institutional globalization of economics.