نگاه به شرق

The international relations between Iran and Russia, as two pivotal players in the global political and economic arenas, have long attracted the attention of researchers and policymakers. Both countries, with their strategic geopolitical Locations, have a significant impact on regional and global developments. Throughout history, relations between Iran-Russia have been characterized by fluctuations shaped by a range of factors, including changes in domestic and foreign policies, regional and global crises and economic and security developments. Bilateral relations have entered a new and dynamic stage in recent decades, especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the resulting structural changes in the international system. On the one hand, shared interests in areas such as energy, security and trade have led both countries to seek deeper bilateral and multilateral cooperation. On the other hand, persistent challenges, including international pressures, economic sanctions and political differences, continue to pose significant obstacles to advancing a full-fledged strategic partnership.

Research question: 

This study aims to address the question of what opportunities and obstacles exist in Iran-Russia relations for establishing a strategic partnership?Research hypothesis: Despite the inter-connectedness of Iran-Russia relations in various fields and their extensive cooperation on regional and trans-regional issues, structural, political and economic challenges—including competition in the energy sector, economic sanctions and mutual distrust—have prevented the two countries from achieving a full-fledged strategic partnership.

Methodology and theoretical framework:

 This research uses a qualitative and descriptive approach to analyze the content of selected data along with topic analysis. The theoretical framework of this article is based on the construction of strategic relationships in international relations. The goal of these relations is to bring countries closer together on a global stage, enabling them to pursue and achieve their national interests through proximity.

During the Islamic Republic of Iran, it sought to establish strategic relations with selected governments within the framework of the international system and prioritized a structured approach to these partnerships. Russia stands out as a key country in this effort. Several factors, including historical, political and normative commonalities, provide the foundation for strengthening strategic relations. However, despite some progress, significant challenges remain that prevent the full realization of a sustainable strategic partnership. Iran-Russia relations have evolved over the past four decades, shifting from short-term tactical interactions to more comprehensive cooperation in regional and international geopolitical arenas. Trade relations, with significant growth over the past decade, have been one of the main pillars of this partnership. For instance, Russian exports to Iran increased from $770 million in 2011 to $1.58 billion in 2022, while Iranian exports to Russia increased from $350 million to $750 million over the same period. This economic growth is driven by mutual efforts to counter Western sanctions, with key cooperation in the energy, technology, and agriculture sectors. Joint projects, such as developing oil and gas fields, constructing nuclear power plants and participating in technology transfers, underscore the economic interdependence of the two countries. Geopolitical and security cooperation has also played a vital role, especially in conflict zones such as Syria and during the tensions in Ukraine. In Syria, both countries supported the Assad regime and demonstrated their ability to align with strategic goals. Iran’s stance on the Ukraine crisis further reinforces the country's geopolitical alignment with Russia against Western influence. However, fundamental challenges remain. Geopolitical priorities and diverging national interests often cause friction. Russia’s broader strategies sometimes include aligning with countries that Iran consider enemies, complicating their relations. Domestic political dynamics in both nations further limit their ability to fully commit to a long-term alliance. Despite these obstacles, opportunities remain for deeper cooperation. Strengthening economic ties in energy, technology and agriculture, along with mechanisms for building mutual trust and resolving disputes, could pave the way for a more sustainable and enduring strategic partnership.

Despite a long history of cooperation in geopolitical, security and economic spheres, Iran and Russia have not yet reached the level of a sustainable and comprehensive strategic partnership. This situation is shaped by various structural and systemic challenges that affect their relations at the domestic, regional and international levels. On the other hand, competition in energy markets, different approaches to some regional issues and historical mistrust, especially in economic and political spheres, create significant obstacles to deepening these relations. Western economic sanctions against both countries have created opportunities for closer ties; however, structural challenges, such as inefficient trade mechanisms, underdeveloped transportation infrastructure and a lack of technological innovation, limit their ability to fully capitalize on these opportunities. Additionally, geopolitical issues, such as conflicts in the South Caucasus and Russia's engagement with countries such as the Republic of Azerbaijan and Armenia, further complicate their relations. Furthermore, Iran-Russia relations are heavily influenced by external factors, including Russia’s tensions with the West and Iran’s efforts to reduce its dependence on limited partners and their relations are largely opportunistic and tactical rather than strategic. To overcome these challenges and strengthen their strategic relationship, Iran and Russia should focus on several key areas: 1) Building mutual trust through the development of joint institutions and legal frameworks that ensure long-term benefits for both countries. 2) Enhancing economic and trade cooperation by removing structural barriers, improving transportation infrastructure such as the North-South Corridor and strengthening technology-based partnerships.3) Deepening cultural and social interactions to bridge gaps in understanding and create greater social cohesion. 4) Determining long-term and common foreign policy goals with a focus on countering unilateralism and promoting multilateralism in the international system.

With the advent of the ninth government, the Approach of Look to the East has gained prominence in the foreign policy arena of the Islamic Republic of Iran and is also emphasized in the thirteenth government. However, during this period, the behavior of Eastern countries in various contexts has shown that they either lack the necessary capacities to secure Iran's national interests in the face of multilateral pressures, including economic, political, military, and security pressures from Western countries, or they do not see this confrontation as compatible with their own national interests and therefore do not have a tendency to meet the defined demands of the Islamic Republic of Iran under this approach. Therefore, this research delves into the reasons for the choice and continuation of this approach by the Islamic Republic of Iran despite the lack of full cooperation from Eastern countries. To achieve this goal, a future-oriented approach and a layered analysis method using defensive realism theoretical framework and decision-making theory have been utilized. The results show that the main reasons for the Approach of Look to the East in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran can be identified in four layers or functions, structures and systems, worldview and discourse, and metaphors.

One of the prominent axes of the Raisi administration's foreign policy is the pursuit of looking east approach. Both the president and other Iranian officials have continuously emphasized the importance of these relations and their expansion. The government's will to develop relations with China and Russia arises this question: which factors were effective in choosing the policy of looking east by the Raisi administration? The hypothesis of the research considers the Iranian president's belonging to the fundamentalist faction and systemic support for him to be effective in pursuing the approach of looking to the east. To answer the main question, coherence theory of James Rosenau and the causal method have been used. Also, research data were collected through a library method. The findings of the research showed that the approach of looking to the east was a choice by the Raisi administration and it’s not a coercion arising from the international system. The belonging of Ebrahim Raisi and his cabinet members to the fundamentalist faction, the preference of this faction to develop relations with the East and highlight the conflict with the West, systemic support of the looking to the East approach, and the presentation of Raisi as a revolutionary person, supporter of Islamic norms, a supporter of Velayat al-Faqih and an anti-Western president by advocators have been effective in the formation of this foreign policy.

The Islamic Republic of Iran has consistently prioritized an orientation towards the East, with a particular focus on China posing a significant and influential challenge to the prevailing hegemon, the USA, within the global system. Similarly, Saudi Arabia's foreign policy has substantially shifted towards the East in recent years. In light of the pivotal roles that Iran and Saudi Arabia play in reshaping the regional landscape, this study aims to elucidate the underlying motives and outcomes of their foreign policy tendency towards China. Accordingly, the principal questions addressed in this paper are as follows: What is the logic behind the tendency towards China in the foreign policies of Iran and Saudi Arabia? What have been the outcomes? Based on the symbolic interactionism theory and the descriptive-analytical method, this study indicates that Iran's inclination towards China is an essential strategy driven by the perception of alliance with the East and animosity toward the West. However, the inclination of Saudi Arabia towards China is more of a tactical maneuver. In addition to reviving the attention of the West, this tactical maneuver serves to demonstrate Saudi Arabia’s self-help. The short-term outcome of such strategies adopted by Iran and Saudi Arabia was the cessation of their enmity and rapprochement.

At least in the last three decades, the concept of identity and its consequences on the behavior of governments at the regional and international levels have been the focus of attention for researchers and more broadly, critics of traditional theories of international relations. In other words, it is argued that, unlike traditionalists who focus on certain principles in the behavior of actors, to explain the actions of states, one must take seriously the power, preferences, interests and normative structures, that are inextricably linked to the identity of the actors. For example, post-Structuralists argue that the identity of the state is achieved through the inscription of boundaries that mark the 'inside' from the 'outside', the 'self' from the 'other', and “domestic” from “foreign”. Against this background, this research tries to evaluate the process of othering by actors in international arena and answer the basic questions of what othering is. What role does othering play in the identity of actors? In addition to answering the above questions, this study also attempts to evaluate othering in the eastern policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Russian Federation.

research question: 

How do the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Russian Federation try to distinguish themselves from others with the "looking to the east" strategy and what is the common point or intersection of their strategies?Research hypothesis: The research has arguments, the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Russian Federation are trying to distinguish themselves from others (the West) by emphasizing elements such as geography, culture, civilization, ideology, etc. The common point of this distinction is the rejection of the West (especially the United States). Similarities in the Eastern strategy of the two countries, such as the geographical overlap, the emphasis on traditionalism and traditional values (anti-modern) and anti-hegemonic multipolar order also strengthens this common position.

This research is qualitative, and the author has tried to test the research hypothesis using a descriptive-analytical approach. The data needed to explain the problem is also collected through library studies (authorized articles, books and internet sources). Since the purpose of the research paper is to provide evidence of othering in the search strategy of Iran and Russia, the conceptual framework of othering was used to test the hypothesis

The results of this research show that countries define their identity in the regional and international arena and differentiate themselves from others through the process of othering. This distinction is based on the specific characteristics of each country, which can be cultural, historical, geographical, etc. This othering is an inevitable part of identification. The results of this research also show that identification and foreign determination can be seen largely in the looking east strategy of the Russian Federation and the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Iran and Russia are trying to distinguish themselves from others (especially the West) by referring to their unique geographical, cultural and civilizational features in the form of a look-to-the-east strategy and at the same time they try to attract others (especially Eastern countries) to their side. In the meantime, there are some commonalities between the Russian Federation's and the Islamic Republic of Iran's strategy of looking East, which increase the areas of convergence towards identification and cooperation with each other. The first of these similarities is the geographical overlap. In this context, both countries emphasize regions such as Central Asia and the Caucasus as a region of the East. Regardless of the physical geographical dimension, both countries consider regions such as Latin America in their geopolitical imagination as part of the Looking to the East strategy. The most important point in this context is the non-contradiction of the geographical borders of these two countries.The second similarity between the eastern strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Russian Federation is that both countries emphasize traditional values. Values such as justice, equality, freedom and similar values that are usually in conflict with modern values (especially the interpretation represented by the United States and European countries in the form of liberalism). Finally, the third feature of the Eastern strategy of these two countries is their emphasis on the anti-hegemonic multipolar order. Based on the interpretation of these countries, there are different countries and civilizations in the international system, each of which has its own characteristics and coordinates, so we cannot have one.

“Looking to the East” as an approach in Iran’s foreign policy has been proposed during the last two decades. In parallel with the tightening of international sanctions on Iran and escalation of economic and political restrictions on Iran's international interactions, this approach received more attention in the theoretical and political sphere. The refusal of Europe and America to cooperate in the political, economic and security levels in one hand and expanding Iran's cooperation with countries such as China, Russia and India during recent years in other hand and also the emergence of the East in international economic and strategic affairs are the most important reasons for adopting this approach by Iran. Due to the failure of this policy in achieving its expected goals during the past years and regarding its position in Iran's foreign policy, it is obvious that along with the system factors and variables, features derived from ideology, discourse and strategic culture have played a role in the desirability of this approach. Based on this assumption, this article tries to evaluate the policy using the layered causal analysis approach at the four levels of objectivity, system, discourse and worldview, and finally Iranian political and identity myths and metaphors in order to understand the foundations of the Looking to the East policy. Surveys show the distance between the ideal point of the Islamic Republic of Iran to pursue the look to the east policy and the current situation. From the strategic foresight viewpoint this is rooted in the lowest levels, the "worldviews and metaphors and myths layers. In this sense, the existence of resources for differentiation and non-sharing these layers, along with the lack of common understanding about issues, challenges and opportunities, and especially the weakness in establishing a common cultural and identity context, has defined the policy as a react to systemic pressures and also trying to advance specific agendas in the field of foreign relations not an independent strategy.

in this article, an attempt is made to explain Iran's foreign policy by emphasizing some variables of James Rosena, such as the government, society and the structure of the international system. In addition, its evaluation should be paid during the period (about 1.5 years) of the Rasis's state. The question of this article is: What changes has Iran's foreign policy undergone in the light of the demands, values and norms of the groups and middle classes of the society, the foreign tendencies of the government and the relationship with the great powers? The explanation to be proven is: the identity and value distinction of the 13th state with groups and the middle class, especially women and young people, is going on at different levels and dimensions, especially in the field of foreign policy. The similarity of identity between these groups with culture The West has caused America and Western European countries to align with them. On the other hand, the Rasis’s state is trying to confront the West, especially the United States, by strengthening its view of the East and trying to establish a strategic relationship with China and Russia. The findings of the research indicate that the variables of the state and the international system have the greatest impact, and the variables of the society, especially the values, norms and demands of the middle class, play a marginal role in the direction of the Rasis's foreign policy

The Ukrainecrisis turned into a warin February 2021 after the escalation of conflicts. What sets this event apart from its 2014 record is the breadth, depth, subject matter, and sides of the conflict. In the third decade of the twenty-first millennium, a security-military crisis broke out again and geopolitical differences between the powers led to a massive conflict in the territory of a weak neighbor. Moscow's stance is that the expansionism of its Western rivals through the eastward expansion of NATO is a military preparation of Russian geography and the direct threat against it. Theoretically, the war in Ukraine is reminiscent ofthe concept of “indirect balance of power” which is defined as the competition of great powers over a small or weak country and their conflict on its territory. The war in Ukraine has shown the breadth and depth of the offensive / defensive power on both sides, forcing others to support one side against the other. Iran, which previously pursued balance in its foreign policy based on the “Looking to the East” policy and promoted its strategic relations with Moscow, has taken a position based onits grand strategy. Since the war in Ukraine has gained international dimensions, any stance Iran takes on international structural disputes and subject to sanctions, will affect the country’s foreign policy.

Research question: 

what effects do the Ukraine war have on Iran's balancing foreign policy and does it lead to a balanced foreign policy?

Research hypothesis: 

The war in Ukraine has made Iran increase the geographical scope of its balancing measures and promote the “Looking to the East” Policy at divided (bilateral) levels; combined (trilateral); institutionalized (multilateral) and “regional politics” in the framework of restoration diplomacy.

Methodology and theoretical framework: 

The purpose of the article is to analyze the impact of the Ukrainian war on Iran's balancing foreign policy to show the process of continuity and change, outline the perspective of this policy and evaluate its results. Also, the goal is to critically analyze Iran’s balancing policy in the context of war. In this article, the trend Impact Analysis (TIA) method is used as a qualitative research method based on descriptive-analytical approach. TIA is a method for analyzing consecutive events in a given period to formulate trends by extracting data. Accordingly, events that shape or fluctuate a trend are selected as independent variables. Therefore, trends are the result of successive events as turning points. Understanding events allows analysts interested in tracking a particular trend to systematically examine the effects of current and future significantevents. TIA considers events as data and reflects trends by examining the relationship between them. Trends are identified with events and are defined as the result of successive events over time periods. The war in Ukraine has affected the balancing processof Iran's foreign policy in aseries of events that show the conflict between the interests of Russia and the West. Therefore, TIA is suitable for analyzing Iran's foreign policy and uses two theories; The theory of “balancing as a model of foreign policy” to explain Iran's foreign policy, which aims to prevent a great powerfrom attaining a dominant position or to counter such a position through alliances with rival powers, and the new theory of “balance of relation” which includes the concept of “balanced foreign policy” criticizes Iran's balancing foreign policy.

The main subject of the article is to explain the impact of the war in Ukraine on Iran's balancing foreign policy. While inspired by the concept of balanced foreign policy in the post-Cold War era, balancing foreign policy was theoretically formulated within realism concept as a behavioral model of the Cold War era. To explain Iran's behavior towards the war, the foreign balancing theorized by Waltz and Morgenthau was mentioned. Studies show that Iran's balancing foreign policy within the framework “Looking to the East” has been revived after the withdrawal of U.S. from the JCPOA and expanded with the warbetween Russia and Ukraine. From Iran’s point of view, the anti-hegemonic nature of the war and the prospect of continued conflict between the West is based on its foreign policy. Iran has expanded its relations with rising powers in the framework of the “Looking tothe east again” policy, through which Russia is military-security ally and China is an economic-trade partner. Furthermore, Iran seeks to form a strategic triangle including Tehran-Moscow-Beijing. Also, Iran’s diplomatic actions, including membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the BRICS and the creation of economic blocks for Asia, show that it considers the war as an institutionalized way toadjustits “Looking to the East” policy and expand its balancing foreign policy. Finally, Iran has expanded balancing and has undertaken diplomacyto rebuild the region.

The goal of Iran's balancing foreign policy isto reduce structural pressures by expanding relations with the emerging powers, reducing the consensus of great powers and the ability of the United States to delegitimize Iran at the international level. The “Looking to the East” approach is based on the balance of power during the Cold War. Today, countries act based on a different logic of balancing and adaption to international power dynamics. The logic is based on the balance of relations, diversifyingpartners from the different poles of power, avoiding alliances with one power against another and focusing on balance in interaction with great powers, whether old / new or West / East. Therefore, although in the dominant discourse of Iran's foreign policy, the classical balancing act originating from the cold war era is strategically necessary, but it lacks strategic sufficiency; because it does not include the diversity of orientation in geographical and thematic areas and therefore does not lead to a balanced foreign policy. The countries strategy in the balanced foreign policy is aimed at achieving interests in various subject areas through communication with a wide range of great powers without conflict, while this strategy has no place in Iran's foreign policy.

​The Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia, as two main and effective regional players, have played and will continue to play an influential role in the relations and geopolitical developments of the Persian Gulf. In the last decade and due to many political developments, the relations between these two actors faced serious challenges and the tensions between them have played a destructive role in the region.The foreign policy discourse of the Islamic Republic of Iran, despite elements such as: culture of resistance, rejection of dominance, religious democracy and the spirit of martyrdom in its discourse, succeeded in bringing Saudi Arabia to the negotiating table and after nearly seven years of breaking relations and The pervasive and escalating tension will re-establish relations between the two regional powers.Using the method of discourse analysis and extraction of existing elements, in the foreign policy discourse of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the role of the aforementioned discourse in re-establishing the relationship between the two countries is investigated.

With the collapse of the bipolar system and the intensification of America's hostility against Iran, the orientation towards the East in foreign policy became Iran's strategic priority. In the meantime, facing threats from the West and wishing to form a multipolar world, Iran has abandoned its historical rivalry with Russia and has recently expressed positions beyond the "Looking East" approach in the Ukraine war.This article tries to answer these questions: Under the influence of what components has Iran's foreign policy been formed in response to Russia's invasion of Ukraine? To what extent is it in line with Iran's national goals and long-term interests?In response, it can be said that Iran interprets Russia's invasion as the beginning of a transformation in the international system with the emergence of new blocs and alliances, which gives Tehran the opportunity to get out of isolation and become an actor in the world arena. For the Islamic Republic, the all-out support of Moscow in the Ukraine war is part of a single strategy for participation and use of the emerging international order. By measuring the opportunities and threats of the Ukraine crisis, this article recommends that Iran, by adopting a cautious approach in supporting Russia, avoids provoking Western governments and keeps the country away from being exposed to wider sanctions and pressures. The article examines Iran's foreign policy in the Ukraine war with a qualitative approach and within the framework of neoclassical realism theory.

There is a close connection between domestic policy and foreign policy in the contemporary world. Meanwhile, the expansion and strengthening of the middle class and increasing its role as the driver of the development of societies is influenced by the governments' foreign policy. In this regard, the aim of this research is to explain the consequences of Iran's foreign policy on the position and fate of the middle class. The main question is: What effect has Iran's foreign policy approaches had on the middle class? Have these approaches led to the strengthening or weakening of the middle class? The hypothesis of the research is that "Iran's foreign policy strategy is based on the priority of security issues over economic development, and this has caused neglect of economic goals, and as a result, the position of the middle class in Iran has been weakened." The theoretical framework of the research is a free use of the literature of development-oriented foreign policy. The article deals with this issue with a qualitative approach and using the method of analyzing events. This study is a library-documentary research. The findings of the research indicate that this activist class has lost its social, economic, political and cultural dignity in the last two decades and this situation is the result of foreign policy and its impact on the economic conditions of the country and on the fate of the middle class as the drivers of changes and the dynamics of society

The geographical, cultural, and economic position of contemporary Iran has invariably induced the ruling elites to adopt the logic of balance in the international politics to preserve national independence and interests against external powers. This is a logic that enables the containment of one aggressive and expansionist state through the expansion of cooperation with its rival or adversarial states— relying on the protagonists (the relatively good guys) to deter the antagonists (the bad guys). The conduct and direction of foreign relations of Iran have changed substantially since the overthrow of the pro-western monarchy. With the victory of the 1979 Islamic Revolution, the perception of Iran's foreign policy makers of the nature of the international system changed, and attentively opposing foreign domination became the main component of foreign policy formulation. A clear transition in Iran’s foreign policy orientations is evident in its relations with the great powers. The Pahlavi regime’s policy of looking to the West, the post-revolution policies of rejecting both the West and the East, and the consideration of looking to the East policy by the current foreign policy makers in Iran could be explained by this logic. The policy of “neither East, nor West, but the Islamic Republic” was introduced during the anti-Pahlavi protests and was founded on the revolutionary ideal of “Independence, Liberty, the Islamic Republic” in 1979. The slogan of “neither East, nor West- but the Islamic Republic” (nah sharqi, nah gharbi– amā Jomhouri-e eslāmī-ʼi) was recognized as a key principle to guide foreign policy goals and behaviors in Article 152 of the Constitution of the Islamic republic of Iran (IRI). Historically, the mantra of “neither East, nor West” has been activated whenever bipolarity gains momentum in the international system, and small and medium powers had no choice for the preservation of their national interest than joining either one of the two superpowers of the East or West. The “neither East, nor West” policy rejected the alliance with the superpowers and called for neutrality since it was argued that both superpowers had been in favor of maximizing their own powers at the expense of the rest of global community. The history has shown that their first priorities had been their national interest. As a result, the two power blocs have been conceived to be similar and on the same side of one global arrogance which repeatedly ignored the rights of the oppressed. With such a pessimistic view, the Islamic Republic of Iran rejected dependence on either of the world powers and opted for self-reliance in foreign relations. With the end of the Cold War, the fall of the Soviet Union, and the hope for multipolarity in international system, this foreign policy outlook of the Islamic Republic was somehow moderated. The IRI actively entered the global political equations as a regional power. Using the theoretical framework of neorealism, the author attempts to find answers to the following two research questions: 1. To what extent have the main principles that guided Iran's foreign policy changed? 2. What domestic and external factors led to the change in Iran’s foreign policy from the “Neither East nor West” to the “Look to the East” policy? In the research hypothesis, it is argued that the new international security environment that emerged with the transformation of the nature of the international system after the fall of the USSR and the end of the Cold War as well as the anti-Iran US-imposed sanctions forced Iranian leaders to  gradually revise the foreign policy of “Neither West, Nor East” calling for rejecting dependence on the great powers to the “Look to the East” policy. To find answers to the research questions, the author draws on policy statements made by Iranian government officials, formal document analysis, and the evidence provided in the works of analysts and theorists who have tried to explain Iran’s post-revolution foreign policy. To elaborate on the core factors which influence the making of foreign policy of Iran, he emphasizes the escalation of US-Iran tensions, Iranian leaders’ determination to challenge the US hegemony and unilateralism, and the deterioration of East-West relations that increased the chances of forming a united front against the Western domination with help of the great Eastern powers.  Iran’s foreign policies at different post-revolution time-periods—particularly the three policies of moderate revolutionism, 'uma’garai of supporting Muslims and liberation movements, and finally pragmatism— are analyzed. In conclusion, it is argued that the success of Iran’s foreign policy requires a proper degree of accommodation and normalization of relations with the West based on mutual respect, shared interests, and multilateralism to avoid disproportionate, one-sided dependence on the East, which would lead to perilous limitation on Iran’s choices in foreign policy.

“Look to East” strategy has become one of the main themes related to the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in recent years. Despite the repeated emphasis on this strategy, one of the main problems in this field is the lack of a precise explanation and different definitions of the word "East". On the other hand, in recent decades, and especially after the beginning of the new millennium, we have witnessed the rise of Asia and the increasing role of the Asian countries in international relations. The question posing itself is whether it is possible to forge a bridge between look to east and rise of Asia. The investigations of the current research under the descriptive-analytical method and based on library sources presented a new reading of looking to the East, categorized under the policy of "pivot to Asia" or more specifically “Asianization”. In addition, it became clear that this policy is a global trend that has been implemented in different countries of the world. Finally, by examining the history of Look to East policy in the Islamic Republic of Iran, it became clear that the strategy is the most likely option that the foreign policy apparatus of the Islamic Republic of Iran will pursue, at least in the next few years.

The look to east is the result of oscillating role of internal decision makers influenced by the international structure in Iran’s foreign policy. With Ahmadinejad’s victory, a need to reconsider prioritizations in foreign policy was felt and the topic “look to east” was highlighted in scientific and executive circles pointing out that the existing capacity in foreign policy had not been exploited properly. Thus, a move toward the east and forming a strategic alliance with China was known as one of the capacities which would lead to a more powerful status for Iran. At that period, efforts were made to enhance the place of China in foreign policy. With Rouhani’s election victory, attempts were aimed at focusing on interaction with the West one more time, just like when Executives of Construction Party and Popular Party of Reforms were in power. Since the middle of Rouhani’s government, however, particularly due to the United States withdrawing JCPOA and applying maximum pressure policy, revisions to the foreign policy were made once again and the preference of proactive relationship with China was taken into consideration.During the last 40 years, Iran has been passing a trend full of tension with the West and in the last two decades, regional players have taken a trend of convergence with the West against Iran. Such contradiction is caused Iran to consider a look east approach in order to get rid of isolation in its foreign policy, reduce the impact of sanctions, and increase multilateralism. Ahmadinejad’s coming to power coincided the deadlock in nuclear negotiation with the EU and when the EU proposals were considered by the Iranian authority in opposition to the negotiations in Khatami’s period between the two sides, problems emerged. These factors justify the look to east in foreign policy both in affirmative and negative terms. From negative point of view, these principles are against the structure of the international system and USA approaches. China in spite, did not follow a trend based on convergence with Iran due to the pressure of that same structure. In Rouhani’s time, with the suspension of sanctions and signing JCPOA, the ground was ready for modifying the role of international system structure in Iran’s foreign policy and the trend of approaching the west began. With USA withdrawing JCPOA, maximum pressure policy and reinforcing regional unions against Iran, Rouhani’s government, also affected by the pressure from international system structure, followed a China-centered look east policy. Iran is facing problems regarding its foreign policy which considers international system structure undesirable. This issue became more obvious with the increase of various sanctions during Ahmadinejad and Rouhani’s time including post JCPOA in a way that governments considered finding ways of escaping from pressure of the structure for example by means of shifting foreign relations to some countries or deepening relations with others. Iran-China relation in these governments is affected by these structural situations dominating Iran which is the topic of present study.Research Question: which factors have influenced the place of China in Iran’s look east policy for internal decision makers and international system structure during Ahmadinejad and Rouhani presidency?Research Hypothesis: it is hypothesized that Iran-China relation in both presidents’ periods has been heavily influenced by the international system structure, and the place of China in look east policy has been highlighted more in Rouhani’s period compared to Ahmadinejad’s. In addition, that same structure has in fact turned the attention of internal decision makers toward China.

The present study makes use of compare and contrast methodology. In this article, neoclassical realism has been selected as the theoretical framework and will be explained subsequently.

This article addresses the following factors as giving “look east policy” priority in Ahmadinejad’s period: increasing tension between Iran an Persian Gulf Arabs, counter hegemony balancing, increased deterrence and economic requirements, fighting against international system structure. Furthermore, Iran-China relation during Ahmadinejad’s period in political, economic and military areas has been addressed. Political, economic and military relations of Iran and China in this period was influenced by Iran’s nuclear issue and Western sanctions against Iran. The level of relations reveal that it was Iran who most of the time had the tendency to develop relations with China while China mostly followed political considerations of the western powers. In the following, Rouhani’s foreign policy has been investigated in short and factors leading look east policy out of the focus of foreign policy have been addressed namely, criticizing the relations with east in Ahmadinejad’s government, enhancing the relations with Arab countries in the region, revisioning the relations with west, solving the nuclear issue and desecuritization of Iran which led the look east policy out of the priority of foreign policy in Rouhani’s period. Then, the relation of Iran and China in political, economic and military areas during Rouhani’s presidency has been addressed. The level and quality of the relation of Iran and China was better than that in Ahmadinejad’s period due to the signing of JCPOA.

in fact, our look to east in the last four governments were mostly influenced by structural pressures giving direction to the foreign policy. Thus, our interactions particularly in relation to powers of the east have always had a tactical aspect rather than strategic. As a result, we lacked a pragmatic foreign policy based on internal capabilities and international limitations. Regarding the logic of the look to east and the type of Iran’s relation with China and Russia in last 16 years, it seems that look east policy for Iran at least in this period of time has not been a principal and strategic approach. 16 years of experience has shown that the portion of pressure of international system structure was heavier than the approaches of the governments of this time and such development of relations was not so much dependent on internal factors compared to structural factors.

The three countries of Iran, Russia and Turkey have had fluctuating relations with European countries and North America (Western group) during the last two centuries. These relations have always been associated with setbacks since World War II. This situation has led to a kind of frustration and failure in the relations between the three countries and the West after the Cold War and the beginning of the new millennium, which resulted in tendencies with different strengths and weaknesses and fluctuated towards Eastern (Asian) countries in The form of orientation towards the East should be expressed in declarative and practical positions (political, economic and cultural relations). The question posed in this article is: Why has the view of the East been strengthened in the foreign policy of Iran, Russia and Turkey in the post-Cold War era? Our hypothesis is that: "The background of the identity borders of Iran, Russia and Turkey with the West and the confrontation of these countries with the hegemonic identity of the West in the post-Cold War period, has strengthened the view of the East in the foreign policy of these countries Is The present article uses the theory of constructivism in foreign policy (the importance of identities and interactions uses library and Internet resources to find the answer to the above question and confirm the hypothesis. It has been concluded that both historical, religious and civilizational identity, geographical identity (geographical demarcations barriers and pressures of Western hegemonic identity have played a role in the tendency of these three countries to East and Asia.

According to Relative similar approach of I.R Iran with Russia and China, it is possible to use the potential of Russia and China to design the optimal Security strategy for I.R Iran. Therefore, this research offers some suggested strategies and tries to answer the following question. Which strategies are suitable for I.R Iran to utilize the Russia and China's abilities? In order to suggest strategies, We applying the SWOT method and Quantitative Strategic Planning Matrix (QSPM). The basic data of this article gathered by In-depth semi-structured interview and Ayatollah Khamenei's Statements. Gathered information set in survey. The result of Internal Factors Evaluation (IFE) and External Factors Evaluation (EFE) show the Central Strategic position. Therefore, strategies have been presented in the form of four aggressive, contradictory, adaptive and defensive patterns. But the final classification based on the matrix (Q.S.P.M) shows that aggressive strategies (S.O) and adaptation (O.W) based on the use of China and Russia are highly desirable, with the first five strategies based on cooperation with China and Russia, especially in economic dimensions

In recent years, in order to consolidate and develop its national interests, Iran, by establishing a traditional strategy of looking to the East, has paid special attention to establishing close relations and close interaction with countries present in the Indo-Pacific strategic region. Considering the strategic transformations that have overshadowed the Iranian diplomatic apparatus, the authors of the present study have tried to answer this strategic question by answering this strategic question with a descriptive-analytical approach and applying the hidden theoretical assumptions in the new regionalist theory. How is the Indo-Pacific powerhouse evaluated? The hypothesis raised by the above question suggests that the system was influenced by the difficulties imposed by the unprecedented sanctions imposed by the West as well as by the special position that the Indo-Pacific strategic area has achieved in the post-Cold War geopolitical equations of Iran. The more active presence in multilateral regional systems and the increase in the level of its political-economic interactions with the system of East Asian powers such as China, the direction, axis and scope of its foreign policy is directed to the regions beyond the eastern borders.

The main purpose of this article is to study the backgrounds and reasons for Iran's new Eurasianism in Rouhani era and to analyze the goals and requirements of this policy. The previous strategy, called "Looking East" did not have clear achievements for some reasons, including inaccurate understanding of Eurasian trends and powers, little consensus, politicization, and anti-Americanization. It was largely a response to US pressure. Although this pressure is still an important variable in Iran's neo-Eurasianism, efforts have been made to address these problems and to take an active approach to adapt to new dynamics in Eurasia and the international arena. This article examines the theoretical and practical aspects of Iran’s neo-Eurasianism with a qualitative-systemic method, considering the interaction of variables, agents and various issues at regional and international levels in the framework of "new intergovernmentalism". Avoiding politicization, trying to moderate pressure rather than confronting the US, greater domestic consensus, multivectoral approach, emphasis on geoeconomics rather than geopolitics and a comprehensive rather than limited view are major characteristics of Iran's new Eurasianism in the Rouhani era. As a result, the paper emphasizes that while US pressure as a "coercive" factor is important in the Iran’s neo-Eurasianism, the "selective" effort to adapt to growing international and Eurasian developments is also a significant variable in shaping this policy.

In today's world, education is the fourth dimension of foreign policy. Educational cooperation is a kind of investment for the future of diplomatic relations among nations. Since the most political elites are selected from academia, the expansion of international scholarships and the admission of international students are two ways of introduction of their cultures and communities to the future political leaders and the senior executives around the world. Academic relations can also develop political and economic relations between the governments. It is argued that from an economic point of view, science and technology diplomacy can save countries’ national economies, because, first, it accelerates countries’ scientific development; second, it creates a wealth of economic experience and connections, and third, it expands trade, industry, science, and national gross income as an economic resource. From a cultural point of view, the most important function of science and technology diplomacy is to spread and export the values, principles, norms, and meanings of the national culture of countries to the international arena. One of the pillars of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran since the ninth government onward has been to expand the relations with Asian countries in the form of Look East Policy. This article tries to analyze and evaluate a part of Look East Policy, namely science and technology diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran toward the countries of the Southeast Asia region, especially the Islamic countries of this region. On this basis, we first address the issue of what is science and technology diplomacy and what are its components, features, and dimensions. Secondly, what are the goals and manifestations of this type of diplomacy? Third, what is the place of science and technology diplomacy in the Look East Policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and finally, how is Iran's science and technology diplomacy evaluated in relation to the Islamic countries of Southeast Asia, namely Malaysia and Indonesia?

If we want to study the science and technology diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran toward the Islamic countries of Southeast Asia, namely Indonesia, Malaysia and Brunei, this study has to be done based on documented data. Unfortunately, there was no data on the country of Brunei in the research process, and therefore, this country was removed from the list of countries which were surveyed. There were also scattered data on scientific and technological cooperation of Iran on the one hand and Malaysia and Indonesia on the other hand, based on which the data of this topic has been adjusted. However, the science and technology diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran toward the Islamic countries of Southeast Asia is significant in some indicators, including joint scientific productions with researchers from Malaysia, the establishment of a Persian language department at Putra University Malaysia and the conclusion of memorandums and academic agreements, but in some respects it still needs further strengthening. It seems that before addressing other indicators of the science and technology diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran toward the Islamic countries of Southeast Asia, the issue of reviewing the Look East Policy should be on the agenda of the country's policymakers. Accordingly, the Look East Policy should move away from the initial reactionary and reflective status and become a strategic and long-term plan of Iran's foreign policy. The Islamic Republic of Iran can easily expand its cooperation with the mentioned countries in various fields, including science and technology, by belonging to the civilization of the Orient and having some cultural and religious commonalities and historical relations with the inhabitants of the Southeast Asian countries. Therefore, it must take a strategic and long-term approach to the great society of the East and devise a suitable strategy to make optimal use of the maximum capacity of Asian countries and promote its national interests.

In this regard, due to some cultural and religious commonalities, and historical relations with the countries of Southeast Asia, it is possible to come up with proposals focusing on different dimensions of diplomacy, which can be viewed as strategies for expanding science and technology diplomacy under the Look East Policy:• Holding joint scientific conferences and meetings in various areas;
• Identifying the scientific capabilities of the Islamic countries of the region and trying to strengthen relations in those fields;
• Compilation of a science and technology diplomacy document and determining the position of Islamic countries in the Southeast Asian region;
• Making efforts at further expansion of the exchange of professors and students between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Islamic countries of the region;
• Promoting cooperation of national scientific and technological institutions with their counterparts in the Islamic countries of the region;
• Establishig Persian language departments in Malaysian and Indonesian universities;
• Using the capacity of regional institutions and organizations to expand scientific and technological relations;
• Holding training courses for Iranian ambassadors and diplomats in the countries of the region to get acquainted with science and technology diplomacy as well as the scientific developments in the country of mission.