همگرایی

Our world is not a single unified global community but one composed of diverse societies with distinct cultures—a diversity that has existed throughout history. Ethnicities, religions, and languages represent this irreducible plurality, arising from various origins and sources. Thus, multicultural societies have developed within the contexts of ancient civilizations, preserving their plurality within the framework of legal boundaries and structures. Among these, Lebanon, with its historical background and as a multicultural society, deserves particular attention. Despite its small geographical size, Lebanon holds significant regional and trans-regional importance. Its influence and susceptibility to global and trans-regional events have been consistently evident throughout its history. Lebanon, with its historical legacy, encompasses communities of various ethnicities, religions, and cultures, undoubtedly classifying it as a multicultural society. Ethnically, Lebanon consists predominantly of Arabs, with smaller groups of Kurds and Armenians (the latter considered a religious minority). However, its religious diversity is profound. Lebanon is a society characterized by the coexistence of ethnic, religious, and cultural communities, governed by a distinctive configuration of power and political structure. Yet, cultural and ethnic divisions pose significant challenges, which have nevertheless shaped the country’s political and social unity. This study aims to employ Thomas Spragens' crisis theory as a framework for understanding political thought. It seeks to identify the challenges and issues of Lebanon’s multicultural society, analyze the underlying causes of its crises, and explore potential solutions based on proven experiences. In the phase of reconstructing the ideal political society and offering remedies, the study evaluates John Rawls’ theory of overlapping consensus while analyzing the political thought of Imam Musa Sadr in the context of Lebanon’s multicultural society. This exploration underscores that the only viable path to resolving the political deadlock in countries like Lebanon lies in transitioning from temporary compromises to a political system based on overlapping consensus. This study finds that Imam Musa Sadr, as a leader of Lebanon’s Shia community, sought to transcend sectarian self-interest and establish the foundations for overlapping consensus among Lebanon’s sects, groups, and political parties through religious tolerance and mutual understanding. Rawls argues that comprehensive doctrines (including religious ones) that insist on the exclusive truth of their beliefs, when granted political power, will impose those beliefs. Therefore, Rawls’ first step is to propose a political conception of justice detached from any comprehensive philosophical, religious, or ethical doctrine. The second step is overlapping consensus, demonstrating how this conception can gain acceptance among conflicting doctrines. Accordingly, this study examines Rawls’ works on justice, political thought, and The Law of Peoples, alongside the writings, articles, and interviews of Imam Musa Sadr, particularly those addressing human roles in society, freedom, justice, and the role of religion. The objective is to extract strategies for coexistence and solidarity among Lebanon’s diverse ethnic and religious groups, based on Rawlsian overlapping consensus. Through studying Imam Musa Sadr’s speeches and actions, this research identifies his political thought and evaluates its alignment with Rawls’ overlapping consensus approach in fostering convergence and coexistence among Lebanon’s ethnic and religious groups. By analyzing his foundational ideas, the study derives his principles and strategies for achieving consensus. Imam Musa Sadr’s engagement with politics was not that of a philosopher or theorist but rather a lived political experience. He did not theorize political issues but instead established a new socio-political mode of living through practice and experience. His political thought is thus original, directly addressing the real issues faced by the Lebanese society in which he operated. As a reformist leader in Lebanon’s diverse society, Imam Musa Sadr presented a practical model compatible with its sociopolitical conditions (comprising various sects and religions). By introducing these ideas into the public domain and rejecting temporary compromises, he successfully overcame sectarian and secular dichotomies, working toward a cohesive society. Imam Musa Sadr emphasized humanity and human dignity, defining justice and rights, and fostering solidarity and mutual respect. He paved the way for freedom and justice in a multicultural society, arguing that unity and harmony must be achieved through genuine respect and trust rather than compromise. He envisioned a society where all sects and religions pursue their rights while contributing to national interests and social solidarity, advancing toward a just society. Imam Musa Sadr’s ideas on justice are rooted in creation and derived from the Creator. Consequently, adherence to divine laws and principles constitutes justice itself. He sought to correct disparities and inequalities through restorative justice, guiding them toward consensus and convergence. Aligning with Rawlsian overlapping consensus, he aimed to establish a unifying divine government with shared objectives in Lebanon’s multicultural society. In addressing the dual concepts of temporary compromise and overlapping consensus in Lebanon’s multicultural society, Imam Musa Sadr articulated justice and rights while fostering solidarity and mutual respect. His efforts made Rawlsian institutional consensus a reality, paving the way for freedom and justice in a multicultural society. He maintained that unity and harmony must be built on trust and genuine respect rather than compromise. In Lebanon’s multicultural and diverse context, Imam Musa Sadr took significant steps to strengthen coexistence. A cornerstone of his approach was fostering understanding and rapprochement between Sunni and Shia communities. His efforts in this direction were rooted in his earlier intellectual, religious, and anthropological principles, which laid the groundwork for his unity-oriented initiatives in Lebanon and other Islamic countries. Upon arriving in Lebanon in 1959, he immediately established friendly relations with Sunni scholars in Tyre, laying the foundation for interfaith dialogue. Imam Musa Sadr viewed the Quranic concept of kalima sawaʾ (common ground) as a model for security, stability, and national cooperation within overlapping consensus. He promoted dialogue among Lebanon’s ethnic and religious groups, adopting a pluralistic perspective and striving for a uniquely Lebanese discourse. One essential principle in fostering solidarity, according to Imam Musa Sadr, is mutual respect. With slight modification, this principle aligns closely with the conditions necessary for Rawlsian institutional consensus. As Rawls argues, institutional consensus requires political principles and ideals rooted in political justice and capable of engaging citizens’ foundational beliefs. Similarly, Imam Musa Sadr emphasized that any societal framework, from small village communities to large organizations like the United Nations, must rest on principles grounded in concrete realities, especially those tied to deep historical, geographical, human, and religious roots. Drawing on rational principles, Imam Musa Sadr sought both theoretically and practically to establish a foundation for justice—particularly social, political, and economic justice. His efforts improved the conditions of Lebanon’s Shia community, transforming it from a marginalized and impoverished group into an empowered and influential segment of Lebanese society. In summary, this research concludes that the only path out of political deadlock in countries like Lebanon lies in transitioning from temporary compromises to a political system based on overlapping consensus. The hypothesis of this study rests on the political thought of Imam Musa Sadr, emphasizing peaceful coexistence among Lebanon’s religious, sectarian, and ethnic groups through the Rawlsian model of overlapping consensus rather than temporary compromise. This approach, as seen in a key period of Lebanese history, highlights the dangers of reverting to temporary compromises in contemporary Lebanon, which could perpetuate political deadlock in its multicultural society.

The economic growth of China in the last few decades and the emergence of this power in the international scene has caused this country to focus on the Persian Gulf region in order to access numerous sources of energy, oil and gas, and to try to improve its relations. strengthen with the countries of this region. Meanwhile, the Islamic Republic of Iran as a regional power with a special geopolitical and geostrategic position and having rich energy resources is of great importance in Chinese diplomacy. Despite this, the relations between these two countries have not always had a constant trend and many variables have played a role in shaping it. The main question of the current article is: why despite the deep convergence between the policies of China and Iran, there are also divergences between these two countries in relation to the Persian Gulf? The hypothesis that is raised following the mentioned question is that China's effort in the Persian Gulf to establish a soft balance through the strategic cover of the United States and also the desire of this country to improve relations with the countries of this region in order to diversify its needs to Energy has caused China to adopt a cautious policy towards Iran, which is in tension with the West and the international system, as well as the countries of the region. According to the findings of the research, this cautious policy has led to the divergence between China and Iran.

Due to its unique geopolitical features and resources, the Persian Gulf region has been very economically attractive for Western countries. The field of energy and energy technologies has caused regional and extra-regional countries to be attracted to this region. On the other hand, the energy-based political economy of the Persian Gulf region is entering a period of profound change as it intersects with the emergence of a younger leadership among US strategic partners such as Saudi Arabia and Qatar. Countries such as the United Arab Emirates and Kuwait have also moved to adopt long-term plans to diversify their economies, strengthen the private sector, and create jobs for a growing workforce. On the other hand, moving towards renewable energies and new energy technologies is growing in line with the diversification of the economies of these countries. These efforts in the field of energy have caused more cooperation and convergence between these countries to increase and increase stability and sustainable development in the region and provide opportunities for cooperation between the countries of the region. This research seeks to discuss and examine the factors involved in the convergence of the countries of the region in the field of energy and to answer the question of what role and place energy has in the convergence of the countries of the Persian Gulf region.

The purpose of the research:

Considering the high importance of the economy category and the energy component in the international system, the most important goals and necessities are described as follows:- The spread of challenges among the Persian Gulf countries and the creation of divergence in the economic field Interference of extra-regional countries in the current affairs of the Persian Gulf region and preventing convergence between the countries of the region Lack of agreement on the issue of energy pricing (oil and energy carriers) and consequently the pressure on trans-regional countries and great powers to receive energy at a low price. Extending economic divergence to political and security areas; Creating a crisis in the relations between the Persian Gulf countries

This article tries to answer the question raised in this research with a descriptive method. The data collection method in this research is consolidated and based on field and library methods. This means that to use the conceptual framework and necessary information to investigate the issue, library resources were used and books, articles, and websites in Latin and Persian languages were used. Also, statistical data has been used to enrich the work and show real data. In addition, five people were selected from among the specialists and professors of the university, and they were asked questions in the form of a semi-structured interview.

The findings of the research show that convergence in the Persian Gulf environment is associated with challenges, one of these areas being energy. They are the first; dependence of great powers on Persian Gulf energy and second; The role of the Persian Gulf in the energy transit of the Caspian basin. The research also concludes that while challenges remain, strategic energy cooperation remains a key pillar of regional unity and stability in the Persian Gulf, highlighting its vital role in the global energy landscape.

What we have been looking for in this research is the answer to the question that was stated at the beginning; "What is the role and position of the energy component on the convergence of the countries of the Persian Gulf region?" we answered in this article. The statistical population of this research is the countries of the Persian Gulf, as it has been stated, the Persian Gulf was considered a peripheral land in the past geopolitical theories, but in the new geopolitical theories, this sea has become the land of "heartland" or "axis" or the center of centers. One of the most important reasons for the importance of this region is the presence of huge energy resources (oil and gas), which have always been the focus of great powers.Convergence in the general field between the Persian Gulf countries should be summarized in a few cases, the main of which are; oil and gas, common religion, common geopolitics, the Palestinian issue, the importance of the Strait of Hormuz, and the regional countries' dependence on it, cooperation in environmental fields, cooperation in the field of agriculture, cooperation in the field of transportation, research, scientific, educational and sports cooperation, cooperation in the framework of Organizations (OPEC Organization), active cooperation in the fight against terrorism.But the focus of this research has been mostly in the field of energy, where the most important capacities in this field are; First; the dependence of great powers on Persian Gulf energy and second; The role of the Persian Gulf in the energy transit of the Caspian basin. In the area of the first case that was mentioned, the developed countries and the great eastern powers, including India and China, have been in dire need of the oil resources of the Persian Gulf in the past years, and in the past years, they tried to attract the oil of the Persian Gulf countries with large contracts. They have had their position. On the other hand, the Western powers, including the European Union, could not meet their needs through the United States, so they came to the Persian Gulf. In the long run, this component can create a need for a new organization in addition to OPEC, through which all the countries of the Persian Gulf can achieve convergence.On the other hand, the Persian Gulf can have the energy of the Caspian basin in the direction of transit. For a long time, Russia has sought to gain access to the Persian Gulf and then to open waters, but it has never been able to achieve it easily. Iran'sroute can be the best way for Russia and other Caspian countries to reach this important region, and through that, the countries of the Persian Gulf can achieve convergence in the economic field with the cooperation and transit of these resources.Also, in this research, the theoretical framework of neo-functionalism has been used. Because neo-functionalists want to achieve political integration from economic integration. It seems that due to the cooperation of all the countries of the region, according to the historical and cultural foundations, regional convergence can be achieved. As stated; Political integration is a process by which political actors in several distinct national groups are trying to transfer their loyalty, expectations and political actions to a new center. Institutions that have more powers and demands than the previous governments. According to the economic capacities and existing capacities in the field of energy, the countries of the Persian Gulf can create organizations in this field; that these organizations provide more closeness and convergence with continuous and structured meetings.One of the most important factors that fuel the convergence in the energy field of the Persian Gulf is the dependence of the great economic and political powers of the world on the energy resources of this region. The increasing demand for oil and natural gas has made the countries of this region the main suppliers of these resources in the world. This interdependence requires cooperation and convergence to ensure the stability and security of energy supply and demand.Powerful countries such as the United States, China, the European Union, and Japan increasingly rely on oil and gas imports from the Persian Gulf region. This dependence creates a strong incentive for these countries to ensure stable access to energy resources by maintaining peaceful diplomatic and political relations with the countries of the region.In addition, major economic powers have made huge investments in the field of exploration, extraction and refining of energy resources in the Persian Gulf. These investments create common interests between these countries and the countries of the region, which, in turn, helps convergence in the field of energy and the overall stability of the region.The Persian Gulf region also plays a vital role in energy transit from the Caspian Sea to global markets. Caspian Sea countries, including the Republic of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan, have significant reserves of oil and natural gas. However, due to the lack of access to deep water ports, these countries face challenges in exporting these resources to global markets.In this regard, transit routes through the Persian Gulf countries are considered an ideal option for exporting energy from the Caspian Sea basin. Pipelines and export terminals in this region provide the possibility of oil and gas transfer to global markets through the Oman Sea and the Persian Gulf.Cooperation between the countries of the Persian Gulf and the countries of the Caspian Sea in the field of energy transit provides the basis for joint investments, infrastructure development, and mutual benefits. This, in turn, helps convergence and stability in these two strategic regions.

After the Second World War, many thinkers and politicians, due to the heavy costs caused by the war, sought to provide a solution with the aim of preventing the recurrence of such incidents, as a result of which many experts shifted from national loyalties to transnational loyalties and formed efficient transnational institutions. suggested as a solution. However, the OPEC organization has faced many challenges in achieving its goals during more than six decades of activity and has stopped in the early stages of convergence.Using the qualitative method and the application of the theory of action, this research tries to address the basic question of what are the most important obstacles in the path of convergence in the OPEC organization and what solutions are envisioned in order to remove the said obstacles? The findings of the research confirm the fact that challenges such as heterogeneity in the political, legal and ideological structure of the member countries, heterogeneity in the oil reserves and population of the members, arbitrary actions outside the rules of OPEC and so on.Among the causes of OPEC's failure, assuming the desire to strengthen convergence among OPEC members, there are things such as creating structural changes in the OPEC organization's statutes, removing tension and political and ideological differences among members, and establishing academic centers focusing on the expansion of the oil industry among members. OPEC, increasing economic cooperation and moving towards the establishment of an OPEC bank with a currency unit independent of the dollar, increasing the cooperation of the members of the organization in important matters such as insurance, transportation and security of oil transmission lines by establishing organizations such as the OPEC Insurance Organization, the transnational oil tanker company And. It is recommended to remove the existing obstacles

Da'wa and Reform Jama'at, as one of the Islamic currents and an extension of the Muslim Brotherhood movement in the Islamic Republic of Iran, is currently at least at the level of declarative policy in convergence with the system. However, some ideological and functional factors can threaten the aforementioned convergence. Therefore, the divergence of the Jamaat and the system towards each other in the coming years and decades is an issue that is likely to happen. Based on the crisis cube theory, the present article examines the mentioned issue and explains the factors that threaten the convergence of the congregation and the system. According to the findings of the research, the said convergence is threatened by at least three factors: a) The commitment of the Da'wa and Reform congregation to structural factors in thought and practice. b) Monopoly of this group in past tragedies. c) The tenses and signs in his speech.

The Formation the Defense Treaty Organization as a form of "collective defense" is considered to maximize the strategic capability of countries that are faced with extensive threats. Islamic countries have always been coveted by politicians and world powers due to their privileged territorial and geographical position. Therefore, the Formation the Defense Treaty Organization among Islamic countries is important as a security convergence. The general purpose of the current research is to identify The Capacities and Challenges of Formation the Defense Treaty Organization of the Islamic Countries of West Asia This research is descriptive-analytical in terms of method. The required information has been collected using the library method and referring to books and articles. Islamic countries, despite having challenges such as competition in beliefs and ways of thinking, territorial and ethnic-tribal differences, have many capacities such as single ideology, geopolitical scope, human resources and extensive military power to a Formation the Defense Treaty Organization. The general result indicates that Islamic countries can take effective steps to form a Formation the Defense Treaty Organization by adhering to commonalities, strengthening solidarity, paying attention to defense diplomacy and coalition in the fight against terrorism.

The governing principles of identity politics in Iran should lead to the strengthening of national commonalities and efforts to bring ethnicities closer together. Therefore, the important thing that exists is that the more the axes and principles agreed upon by the collective are promoted, the more harmony, empathy and convergence will be achieved. Therefore, the aim of the current research is to investigate the role of economic factors in increasing the convergence of Iranian ethnic groups. Therefore, the following article seeks to answer the main question, "What is the role of economic factors in increasing the convergence of Iranian ethnic groups?" In this regard, the research implementation method is a survey method and questionnaire data collection tool. The statistical population of the research was 214 people. In this study, the sample size was 66 people using Cochran's formula and 0.1 error. The data were analyzed with one-sample t-tests, Friedman's test and SPSS software. The findings indicate that all economic components have an effective role on the convergence of Iranian ethnic groups.

Currently, Iran and China are known as two revisionist actors in the international arena who, while opposing the unipolar international system, have succeeded in creating a multipolar system and changing the equations in their favor, and in this regard, they begin to develop comprehensive cooperation and relations. However, despite the strengthening of relations and the development of cooperation, the role of external and internal factors prevents the formation of strategic relations between Iran and China. Therefore, the main question of the research is what measures Iran and China have taken to develop cooperation and what are the reasons for not forming strategic relations between the parties? The hypothesis of the article is that the dissatisfaction and opposition of Iran and China with the unipolar system and American hegemony provides the necessary capacity and possibility for the development of cooperation and convergence between Tehran and Beijing. Nevertheless, influential external and internal factors and variables have prevented the formation of a specific and uniform pattern in Iran-China relations and these relations do not take a strategic form. The method used in this article is descriptive-analytical.

During many centuries humans realized the importance of co-existence and friendly interaction with their fellows for their survival against the surrounding dangers. It has long been believed that for peace and development, human societies must move towards integration and unity. In the last century, the first human attempts to create a regional union in Europe worked. The European Union was formed from the European Coal and Steel Organization. EU member states followed two important principles; one is peace and the other is a common identity with European roots. Although this union was economic in nature in the first step, but over the time, it was able to achieve its important goals and make Europe flourish in all areas. What the European Union has brought to the green continent is integration and common identity. After the successful experience of the European Union, other regions of the world were also encouraged to form regional organizations and unions. Since the formation of the European Union, regional organizations and associations have emerged one after another on every continent. ASEAN and SAARK in Asia, OAU and ECOWAS in Africa and MERCOSUR in South America were among the most important ones. Meanwhile, the Regional Cooperation for Development (RCD) was formed in the Middle East, which was dissolved in 1980 due to the revolution in Iran. In 1985, the Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) was established at the initiative of Iran with the cooperation of Pakistan and Turkey (the same RCD members).

Research question: 

“Why has the Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) not yet become a successful union after four decades of activity?”

Research hypothesis: 

To become Union, ECO needs to creat a common identity by analysing its roots, connections and cultural contexts.

Methodology and theoretical framwork: 

To examine this hypothesis “Constructivism theory” has been chosen as the theoretical framework of the research. It will be a clear guide during the research. The method of this research is qualitative with a descriptive-analytical approach and based on a case study. The method of data collection is library and internet sources.

About four decades have passed since the establishment of the Economic Cooperation Organization. During this time, this organization has gone through many changes. ECO started working with the initiative of Iran in 1985 with the aim of becoming an efficient economic organization in the Middle East. A goal that became more unattainable over time. When seven Central Asian countries joined ECO in 1991, many observers expected it to become a successful union. The addition of the newly independent countries of Central Asia made this organization able to take steps toward realizing its long-standing goals, but now, after three decades, ECO is still not where it should be. The geographical area where ECO was established is a reminder of the thousands of years of co-existence of the people of this region far from today's political borders. With the formation and expansion of ECO, suddenly after the passage of several centuries, there were many hopes to return to the glorious days of the brilliant civilizations of this land. ECO is the epitome of the powerful "Heartland" empires throughout history. The legacy of centuries of co-existence for ECO; It is a rich culture by which it can help its member states to faciliate integration.

The question of this research becomes important because by reviewing the experience of the formation of the European Union, we see that this organization, like ECO, it was initially a regional economic organization with the membership of several countries, which gradually became a strong organization and a powerful union. The European Union started the process of redefining a common regional identity. A “common culture” is what brings countries together in a regional organization. In order to find the answer to its question, this research has briefly investigated the background of the formation of ECO. By reviewing the history of the formation of ECO, it is clear that the identity of ECO has always been changing. According to integration theory of constructionism, identity is not a permanent subject and changes according to the conditions throughout history. The establishment of ECO Cultural Institute has been an important step in the direction of cultural convergence in this organization. However, one of the reasons why this organization could not achieve consensus, success and unbreakable bond and appear in the form of a union is the lack of real attention to its cultural points.Undoubtedly, what causes the integration and unification of a group and the formation of a union will be addressing the issue of culture and its recognition. Culture is a “common heritage” of a region and a union. By exploring the common heritage of ECO member countries, one can take a step towards defining a common identity for this organization. Topics such as history, Nowruz, language, art, religion and the Silk Road are the six main legacies of ECO's identity. Each of these great legacies is an important artery in the direction of the formation of dynamic identity and meaning for the ECO organozation.

Undoubtedly, the Arab unrest in 2010, which started in Tunisia and spread to other Arab states in a short time, is considered a turning point in the political history of Arab countries in the Middle East and North Africa. These measures, which started with the overthrow of some Arab countries such as Tunisia and Egypt, gradually led to civil wars, proxy battles of powerful countries, and even the withdrawal of troops from neighboring countries by some governments, with the extensive and diverse interference of other regional and extra-regional countries. The process of these changes and the resulting results have always been more important for the countries of the southern border of the Persian Gulf, or in more appropriate terms, the governments of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, which include Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait, and Oman. Because the commonalities and similarities in various political, economic, and cultural fields among the member states of the Council and the fear of unrest spreading within their political borders have caused the above countries to take measures to prevent such a thing. In the meantime, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, due to various reasons such as size, population, foreign exchange earnings, inherent characteristics of leaders, and regional competition, seek their desired changes in the context of regional trends more than others. These two countries, in addition to the deep commonalities and sense of brotherhood they have among themselves, are always involved in competition with each other for various reasons, such as maintaining the balance of power, especially on the part of the UAE, the authoritarian leadership of both countries, and territorial disputes left over from the colonial era. includes It is from this point of view that the convergence and divergence between these two countries is important in the shadow of the new developments in the Middle East region.Methodology is always considered a function of the theory used in scientific and research works, on this basis and with the theory used in this work, an attempt will be made to explain the methodology of the present writing to the reader. The category of security is one of the fields of study that, despite a long history for mankind, a significant period has not passed since its systematization as an academic discipline. In this work, according to the use of Stephen Walt's threat balance theory and the need-to-know concepts such as power, size, population, economic capabilities, as well as geography, offensive capabilities and hostile intentions, the methodology of this article is a combination of methods Quantitative and qualitative crosswise. In other words, some areas such as the economy area can be analyzed through quantitative methods of contract analysis and based on this, the security and competitive status of actors can be analyzed. While in some other areas such as social security, and freedom of expression, intentions and behavioral characteristics of leaders cannot be investigated simply and based on quantitative methods; In this case, using the qualitative method and paying attention to the intentions of the actors is more prominent. Considering the political characteristics of the governments of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, the simultaneous use of quantitative and qualitative methods leads the readers of the present work to a correct understanding of the relations between these two actors.According to the studies conducted on the intergovernmental relations between Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, the existence of internal differences between the above countries regarding various regional issues clearly shows that these governments, despite all the political, economic, and cultural commonalities, at the same time in dealing with the issues and The problems that arise in the field of foreign policy have national and sometimes personal implications, which is why they sometimes try to take parallel and even opposing actions. It is worth noting that these measures appear and appear more from the side of the smaller country, the United Arab Emirates, in front of the Saudi government, because Saudi Arabia always considers itself the leader of the Arab countries and expects support from other members of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council. ; It was for this reason that he reacted militarily to the changes in Bahrain and economically to Qatar to prove to everyone that he is not indifferent to the developments in the Arab countries around him, especially the governments of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, and that his interference in He considers their affairs as a natural matter and a reserved right for himself. In the meantime, according to the approach they have drawn for themselves in the field of foreign politics, the Emirati rulers are always trying to maintain their independence and balance of power against this larger government while accompanying the Saudi government in various regional issues, in addition to protecting themselves from The flames of anger of the Al Saud rulers also promote their national and family interests, which is evident in the UAE's behavior in Yemen and diplomatic relations with Iran and Syria.The new order of West Asia, which is the result of the great changes caused by the Arab events of 2010, showed more than ever the continuity and intertwining of the Arab states of the region, especially the states of the Persian Gulf. These governments, which have come together in the framework of a regional organization such as the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, led by Saudi Arabia and with the support of the other pillar of the council, the United Arab Emirates, are sensitive to the spread of waves of Arab unrest to the territories under their rule and any movement in this direction They have suffocated sperm. This cooperation, which has been established over the years and especially between Saudi Arabia and the UAE, is more than anything due to the sharing of their broad interests in regional dimensions. Regardless of the inherent characteristics of their ambitious leaders, both the Saudi and UAE governments have converged on various issues such as the unrest in Bahrain, the war in Syria, and the battle in Yemen due to the sense of competitiveness with each other and the need to balance power against Iran. However, during this period, they have diverged and split, especially concerning the manner of diplomatic relations with Iran and Bashar Assad's government in Syria, as well as how to manage the war in Yemen. Of course, it should be noted that the role of the United Arab Emirates in the emergence of divergence with the Saudi government is more colorful because maintaining the balance between the two powerful countries of Iran and Arabia on both sides of the Persian Gulf, as well as maintaining independence and achieving special political-economic interests in the pursuit of regional issues It is of special importance for the Bin Zaid family in the UAE.

The Islamic Revolution of Iran has transnational consequences that could breathe new life into the body of Muslims around the world, especially Shiites. One of the most important of them is Shiite groups in the Republic of Azerbaijan. Shiites make up the majority of the country's population, making it the second largest Shiite country in the world. The focus of this article is to answer the question of what effect the Islamic Revolution of Iran had on the convergence of the Shiite groups of Azerbaijan. Iran has revitalized the Shiites of the Republic of Azerbaijan, who in the past decades, under the influence of the ruling secular political system of the country, and far from the idea of political Islam and religious movements. Findings and results show that the reflection of the Islamic Revolution of Iran on the Shiites of Azerbaijan, through the transmission of displacement, transmission and hierarchy due to the cultural, religious and geographical proximity of Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan and the alignment of leaders of Iranian Shiite parties and groups with the leaders of the Islamic Revolution. It has been more influential than any other factor in the origin, destination, and subject matter of the broadcast.

One of the most important current challenges in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is to discover the nature, contexts, and consequences of Saudi-Zionist relations. According to Bari Bozan's point of view and in the framework of the regional security complex theory, in addition to international, regional, and interregional variables, identifying Saudi-Zionist subnational level variables influencing these relations is of particular importance. The question of the study, therefore, runs as: what are the expected variables at the transnational level? In response to the question, the hypothesis is raised that social, religious, ethnic divisions as well as the political, economic, security-military, and geopolitical weaknesses within the Saudi and Zionist societies are the basis of this convergence. The findings of this research, while confirming the aforementioned hypothesis, show that at the sub-national level of Saudi Arabia, the consequences of the existence of the two holy shrines, Wahhabism, tyranny, and governance disputes; and at the sub-national level of the Zionist regime, the existence of the security state, political-territorial geography, identity crisis, social gaps and the effect of economic weakness on limiting the military power, more than other internal factors, have an effect on the convergence of the two regimes.

European Integration Process have always been suspected in various countries of the Green Continent. Although Euroscepticism, which dates back to a period of suspicion, reluctance, and skepticism about these Processes, peaked and emerged with the election, the process of negative convergence with the EU and other arrangements in other societies and states also existed. Perhaps the most striking of these centrifugal tendencies can be traced to northern Europe and the Nordic region. The question that arises here is how the Eurosceptic flow in the Nordic basin is formulated. In response to the existence of Eurosceptic tendencies at the three levels of social system, political system and party system, in the Nordics in general and in Norway, Iceland, Sweden, Denmark and Finland, the formation of opposing currents towards the convergence process. Europe is being considered. The present study is applied in terms of purpose and descriptive-analytical in terms of method and library type in terms of data collection.

By the end of 2016, China has cooperated with about 78 countries and 5 regions in 24 types of partnerships. China has created effective networking through its partnerships. China's networking is aimed at advancing the Belt and Road, and one of the most important types of China's partnerships is the comprehensive strategic partnership model. The main question of the research has been, what was China's behavior pattern in comprehensive strategic partnerships? By describing , analyzing and examining the concept of partnership, the concept of ancient Chinese social philosophy of Confucius, the attitude of new Chinese leaders to partnership and examining some comprehensive strategic partnerships, the authors have reached the conclusion that the behavioral pattern of China's comprehensive strategic partnerships is currently economic, which can It is caused by the internal needs of the destination countries that try to operationalize the Belt and Road super project and then this leads to the conclusion that it criticizes American unilateralism in thought and action and promotes a new model of order in which Peace and stability and a kind of win-win game for all parties. Of course, in this type of partnerships, according to the position of each country, a kind of selectivity of China can be witnessed. For example, the role and geopolitical position and the anti-hegemonic approach of I.R.Iran are important, or the UAE is the gateway for China to enter West Asia and North Africa in the belt - is the way Considering the excess production and the urgent need for energy in different parts of the world.

The subject is to identify and explain the effective factors in the policies of the Iranian diplomatic system in the disputes between them.The researcher intends to answer the question that what are the effective factors in the strategies of the Iranian diplomatic towards Saudi and how can it be evaluated.The researcher mainly tries to investigate the key factors causing tension from two perspectives,referring to documents and interviewing experts in this field, i.e. political science, in order to achieve key indicators with the help of phenomenological method.This research emphasizes on two main references to understand the tension factors.First:the paradigm governing the country's political behavior and diplomacy and second:the spatial behavior and pattern of Saudi political thinking in the region.The research method in this research is explanatory,with the help of Claizi's method,to explain and interpret the subject.At the same time,it is trying to identify and classify the main drivers of tension with the help of the Mic-Mac model.Based on the research problem,this hypothesis comes to mind that the effective factors in Iran's diplomatic system in categories such as Iran's regional influence,influence on the resistance front Saudi's view of Iran can be explained and evaluated through the lens of America.The results of the research showed that in relation to the effective factors in the policy-making of the diplomatic system in the occurrence of differences between them,not only the political behavior of Iran,but also the occurrence of regional and global events and the ruling political thinking,especially on the part of Saudi have't been unaffected.

One of the most important issues in the political circles of the Islamic Republic of Iran is the issue of relations with America and achieving development and progress under this relation. The current research is based on the comparative method, by comparing the political economy of the two countries of Iran and Egypt as two complete patterns of divergence and convergence in relation to America, while examining the development patterns of the two countries based on the theories of dependence and modernization, and also examining the consequences of this divergence and convergence. with the United States on the development process of the two countries, it is important to answer this question: How can the comparison of the development process of the two countries Iran and Egypt be evaluated from the point of view of divergence and economic political convergence with the United States? The hypothesis raised in response to this question is that the divergence and convergence with America has advantages and disadvantages for both countries. In such a way that the convergence of Egypt's political economy with America has led to Egypt's economic dependence on Western aid on the one hand, and on the other hand, it has led to the attraction of foreign investment, political-security cooperation with America, and the development of tourism. While the divergence of Iran's political economy with the United States has led to political, security, and scientific self-reliance on the one hand,

Just as on a national scale, with the strengthening of friendship and affection between people, the ground for the promotion of national power through unity and empathy is provided, in the field of Islam, the concept of affection and friendship plays a role in the formation of "one unity" in order to consolidate authority. Islam is undeniable.

Examining the views of the late Imam (RA) regarding the unity of Muslims proves that, by focusing on spiritual and non-material factors and elements, he achieved the goal of the lofty idea of a united Islamic Ummah in the plan of the unification of Muslims with a deep awareness of the necessity of establishing a relationship of friendship and Based on the love between Muslims, he thought that through the realization of understanding and not only moral, but in a normative framework and the formation of a kind of inter-subjective relationship between Muslims in order to achieve a good life.

This article aims to answer the basic question, "What is the function of the mechanism of brotherhood and friendship in creating convergence among the Muslims of the world in the opinions of the late Imam?" It is based on the correctness of the hypothesis that the late Imam's emphasis on the necessity of adopting a united approach of Muslims towards the interests of the Islamic Ummah, including confronting the common enemy that causes the differences to be sidelined, is the foundation of understanding and empathy among Muslim nations in order to achieve a good life. to provide" by using descriptive-analytical method.

The findings of the research show the sublime idea of the revolutionary leader in strengthening as much affection and friendship as possible for the unity of Muslim nations-regardless of religious differences-, the importance of forming a single nation in order to realize the good life of Islam by disregarding evil plans. The enemies wanted to prove the humiliation of the Islamic world in fueling sectarian differences to all the Muslims of the world.

Throughout history, a deep cultural and historical connection has been established between the people of Larestan and the citizens of Persian Gulf Arab countries, and many people of Larestan live in Arab countries or travel to these areas several times a year. These interactions and communications can play a key role in promoting Iran's soft power and serving the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran vis-.-Vis rich Arab countries. Given the importance of this topic, the author of this article tries to answer this question: What is the position and role of Larestani immigrants in the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf in increasing soft power and achieving the software goals of Iran's foreign policy towards Arab countries? According to the research hypothesis, due to the trade and commercial relations, as well as the cultural and historical interaction of the people of Lar with these areas, they as an informal channel, can be a determining factor in creating solidarity and common interests between the two parties, creating a positive attitude towards the country of origin and the determination of preferences.

Arab countries have tried to deal with the formation of the Zionist regime through four wars, and in this regard, several resolutions and peace plans have been issued by the United Nations and some governments to end this conflict, but In the end, the failure of the Arabs in front of Israel to the extent that even a part of the land of the Arab countries was occupied by the Zionist regime caused the Arab countries to give up their confrontational position with Israel and one after the other try to normalize their relations with Israel. Based on this, the main question of the current research has been raised as follows: What effect have the new developments in Arab-Israeli relations had on the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran from an ontological point of view? This hypothesis has been proposed that the new developments in Arab-Israeli relations by reducing the conditions of uncertainty, due to the reproduction of the previous self-understanding and the deepening of the constant and continuous understanding of the Islamic Republic of Iran's identity, priorities, goals and interests, will lead to the improvement of security. It has been systematized. The findings show that after the Islamic Revolution, the Islamic Republic of Iran saw the relations between Arabs and Israel in conflict with its identity and has always tried to create divergence in the relations between Arabs and Israel.

In the years after the relative domestic stability following the Islamic Revolution of Iran, regional and international issues became the most important concerns of the Iranian politicians. The Iran hostage crisis and the ensuing break in Iran–US relations as well as the Iraqi-imposed war on Iran during the early years of the formation of the Islamic Revolution practically led to a crisis in Iran’s relations with the Western, Eastern, and Arab countries in the Persian Gulf.Later on, some analysts of Iran’s foreign policy pointed to the ideological nature of Iran’s foreign policy, the idealist viewpoint of Iran’s revolutionary leaders, and the attempt to export the Revolution to other countries. The foreign policy of Iran was based on the preference for nations over states in international relations, the emphasis on the political independence in planning and policymaking, on the preference for beliefs over economic and commercial interests in bilateral and multilateral relations, and the importance attached to political justice in the relations between states in international relations.Highlighting the convergence in intra- and extraregional cooperation, recent changes in Iran’s foreign policy have led to the current emphasis on convergence of issues such as expansion of bilateral and multilateral relations, cooperation and good-neighborliness with neighbors (esp. in the Persian Gulf region), and reduction of disputes. This new approach to foreign policy subscribes to the view that Iran has strategic depth due to its geographical and historical location, hence capable of attaining strategic-cum-global significance. For this purpose, it is necessary for Iran to resolve its problems and differences with its neighbors, establish friendly relationships based on good-neighborliness, and prepare the grounds for the convergence of countries by exporting strategic goods, for example, gas export to Oman. Iran–Oman relations in the field of energy can move to a transregional level, leading to the greater convergence and cooperation in the Persian Gulf region and even in the countries such as India and China.This article aims to evaluate one of the most important developments in Iran’s foreign policy in the last decade, that is, the focus on the surrounding regions, including the Persian Gulf, and the look to the East and Asian countries (e.g., India and China) for the purpose of reducing the disputes with neighbors and seeking extensive cooperation with the East concerning the export of natural gas. The main question is, how can Iran’s export of gas to Oman contribute to the expansion of convergence in Iran–Oman relations? The research hypothesis predicts that the expansion of communications (e.g., the export of strategic goods, such as gas, to Oman) will prepare the ground for enhancing the convergence between the two countries in other fields. The research used Peter McLaughlin’s functional explanation as the method and convergence theory as well as Karl Deutsch’s communications theory as the conceptual frameworks.Considering the economic power and energy in the Persian Gulf region, the analysis indicates that Iran is able to be one of the important sources of income and set gas transit in the region, hence the transit hub of the Persian Gulf. Iran’s gas export to Oman faces challenges and advantages. Regarding the challenges, the enormous investment is required for transporting gas through pipelines over a long distance, which stresses the need to guarantee the gas consumption market and access to a large volume of gas reserves. The dispute between Oman and the UAE over determining the route of the gas pipeline constitutes an important challenge for Iran’s export of gas to Oman. Another challenge is the sanctions through which the US and the Western countries, unable to dominate the energy and resources of Iran after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, tried to oppose Iran. The US has prevented Iran from reaching its desired goals. Despite the challenges, Iran’s gas export to Oman has advantages. For example, the construction of the gas pipeline is beneficial given the fact that Iran is supposed to export 30 million cubic meters gas to Oman and increase this figure to 70 million. This long-term contract enables Iran to achieve between 20 to 30 million dollars of gas revenue.The findings show that the increase in communications (e.g., the export of strategic goods, such as gas) between the two countries can prepare the ground for increasing exchanges of other goods and services. Exporting gas to Oman is considered as the reason for meeting the country’s energy needs, energy security, and even as the basis for the expansion of the gas pipeline from Oman to India and China—which is the most effective factor for the implementation of Iran’s active foreign policy based on convergence between the countries of the Persian Gulf.