balance of power

The Islamic Revolution of Iran became a focal point for reviving and disseminating the religious identity of the Shīʿah—and more broadly, the religious identity of Muslims—and led to the emergence of Shīʿī states and movements in the Middle East, thereby transforming the region’s balance of power. This study aims to answer the question: What is the role of Shiʿi ideology in altering the balance of power in the Middle East? Employing a descriptive-analytical method, the findings show that the Islamic Revolution of Iran influenced contemporary Islamic political movements by instilling in them the courage and determination to resist and assert that Islam does not belong exclusively to any single nation, but rather seeks the salvation of the deprived and the oppressed. Moreover, the values and doctrinal principles of Shīʿī jurisprudence prompted the Shīʿah in Iran—guided by powerful religious leadership—to react to the status quo, leading to the Islamic Revolution. Concurrently, the Islamic Revolution of Iran expanded the sphere of Shiʿi influence across the Middle East.

This research aims to analyze and examine the African policies of this Union with the presence of prominent competitors such as China, based on the strategic and executive policies of the European Union. Considering the influential role of China in global equations and the presence of this country in the African continent, and considering the important issue that the African continent is considered the colonial heritage of Europe in the past, it is relevant to mention the question of what policy the European Union has adopted towards China's influence in the continent of Africa? The hypothesis of the research is based on the fact that due to the importance of Africa in the security strategy of the European Union, this Union finds the presence of China as a great competitor power challenging and tries to create a balance against China's influence. A policy that is examined in the form of balance of threat. The nature of the current research is descriptive-analytical. Data collection method is done based on library and internet sources, and data analysis method is done based on qualitative content analysis of the collected sources. According to the findings of the research, the African strategy of the European Union with the presence of China, under the influence of NATO and the United States of America, has led this Union to adopt a strategy of balance of threat and multilateralism, which can be called the European Union's strategic duality.

According to the history of European diplomacy, Russia's security hinges on its strategic influence in Central and Eastern Europe. With the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Russia's strategy to regain its position and security in Central and Eastern Europe raised concerns among countries in the region. In this regard, the Ukraine crisis in 2014 and the annexation of Crimea by Russia posed serious challenges to the security of the region and Europe as a whole. Consequently, countries in the region turned to forming regionalism patterns characterized by an anti-Russian stance to balance against Russia's power and influence. The Russia-Ukraine war in 2022 further aligned and synchronized anti-Russian behaviors in multilateral regional frameworks. Considering these factors, the question arises: How has anti-Russian regionalism in Central and Eastern Europe threatened Russia's national interests? The research hypothesis posits that anti-Russian regionalism in Central and Eastern Europe has threatened Russia's national interests and security through the political, military, and economic convergence of the regional countries. The research findings indicate that developing strategic relations among Central and Eastern European countries through tripartite cooperation triangles, regional organizations, and multilateral initiatives aimed at balancing against Russia has created military-security, political, and economic threats to Moscow's national interests in the region. The research method is qualitative with an analytical-explanatory approach, using the realist theory of balance of power to explain the subject.

One of the most important events of the 21st century is Russia's war against Ukraine, which affected not only the behavior pattern of the great powers, but also the type of activism of medium and weak governments. From this point of view, the following article, using the balance of power theory, tries to answer the question of what factors and goals caused Russia's military attack against Ukraine, and what are its consequences for Russia? From the point of view of the objective, this research is considered an applied research; Because it aims to investigate its various aspects, in terms of the power struggle between the great powers and its consequences. Due to the qualitative nature of the research, the library study method has been taken into consideration in this research and data has been collected through questionnaires. The main claim of the research states that geopolitical concerns and changes in the world order have caused Russia's military attack against Ukraine. Nevertheless, the type of performance of Russia and Ukraine against each other indicates a balance that has scattered the distribution of power. The research results show that the current war will have many consequences for Russia. So that the aid of Western powers to Ukraine, economic sanctions, imposing military costs on Russia, the development of NATO's influence in Russia's peripheral environment as negative aspects and the weakening of the hegemonic position of the US dollar, the decline of the liberal order and hegemony. America's aggression and multilateralism and the expansion of the look-to-the-east policy have been among the positive consequences for Russia in the Ukraine war.

The security features in the Persian Gulf, given the geographical proximity to various countries with different cultures and political, security, military, and economic capabilities, have fundamentally influenced the strategic interests and position of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the security arrangements of this region. In light of this reality, various countries, both regional and extra-regional, display technical and tactical movements as part of their operational behavior in the Gulf region. This is a natural and even necessary occurrence for the regional countries, but these movements are interpreted as interventionist by the extra-regional countries. This research is written with an analytical-descriptive method, based on library data. The findings of this research indicate that extra-regional powers, through basic measures such as politics, economics, cultural, social, and military issues, have turned this region into a playground of their influence. The result of these measures creates a confrontational space between the regional countries, which ultimately benefits the extra-regional powers and their influence. Therefore, through security network-building based on political, economic, cultural, and military interactions with regional countries, it is possible to neutralize this influence.

Iran places significant emphasis on protecting its national interests and security in the West Asia region, where numerous actors have resorted to arms race as a result of geopolitical rivalries, conflicts of interest, and the necessity of establishing a balance of power. The long-term arms race in this area, stretching several decades, has not only exacerbated the precarious security situation in West Asia but also led to inquiries into Iran's possible options for attaining regional balance of Power. The mentioned inquiry has emerged as the primary concern of this study, compelling the authors to pursue answers. To address this question, this article employs a mixed-methods (quantitative-descriptive) research design to assess the current state of arms race in West Asia, the factors that influence it, and the consequences that result from such competition. The research findings suggest that states in West Asia allocate a significant amount of their economic resources towards military expenditures that exceed the global average. In pursuit of achieving a balance of power, these nations rely heavily on their economic capabilities. As a consequence of the constraints it faces, the Islamic Republic of Iran is compelled to implement more dependency on its domestic resources in order to achieve the deterrence it seeks

Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran have always been rivals in the Persian Gulf region, and more importantly, the developments in Bahrain are considered a common area of ​​influence for both countries. This article aims to answer the main question by using descriptive, analytical and library sources, what are the effects of Saudi influence in Bahrain on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The hypothesis of the article is that Saudi Arabia's actions in the Persian Gulf region, especially in Bahrain, include threats such as disrupting regional deterrence and the balance of power, intensifying militaristic policies, economic hegemony, and propaganda and political threats in order to induce Iran's obstruction in the realization The peace of the Middle East knows, and at the same time, it will lead to opportunities such as the expansion of Iran's soft and networked power and the failure of American and Saudi strategies in the region.

With the Al-Aqsa Storm operation, a large-scale attack launched by Palestinian groups against Israel in October 2023, profound impacts were made on the relations between Israel and Arab countries. While Saudi Arabia is recognized as one of the key players in the region, this event led to shifts in its regional policies and diplomatic relations with Israel. Saudi Arabia, which had previously maintained covert security and economic ties with Israel, began to feel both internal and international pressures to adopt clearer stances towards Israel after the Al-Aqsa Storm. This study examines how the Al-Aqsa Storm led to a reassessment of Saudi policies, particularly in terms of political and economic interactions with Israel. Additionally, it analyzes how this attack may influence the process of normalizing relations between Arab countries and Israel and how it might alter the balance of power in the region. The article employs a descriptive-analytical approach and is based on library-based documentation.

The victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran is considered a turning point in the history of international relations, because it was able to upset the equations of the United States of America in the strategic region of the Middle East and the world. The decline of America is an idea that says that America is no longer the only superpower in the world that dominates every sphere in every region of the world. In the current research, an attempt has been made to answer the question, what is the role of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the decline of the power of the United States of America from the point of view of Imam Khamenei ? The researcher used the method of thematic analysis to analyze the data obtained from Imam Khamenei's statements. conceptualized. Based on these concepts, the primary themes termite-like decline, statistics of crimes and murders) and organizing topics and pervasive themes were achieved. By combining and integrating the pervasive themes, the five components of the increase in foreign debt, the failure of the government model Liberal democracy, widespread military failures, the reduction of influence in international institutions and the collapse of the family institution were extracted with emphasis on the thought of Imam Khamenei.

Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran are two influential regional powers in Lebanon. Since the 1980s, with the formation of Hezbollah, Iran established its influential presence in the political atmosphere of Lebanon, and the Saudis managed to maintain their influence after the Lebanese civil war and with the Taif Agreement. This competition continued silently until 2005 and the assassination of Hariri. But from this year onwards, it started in the form of supporting the March 8 and 14 coalitions, continued in the 33-day war in 2006, and reached its peak with the orientation towards the Islamic awakening in 2011. The main purpose of this research is to study the policies of Saudi Arabia in Lebanon regarding the influence of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the process of Islamic awakening and the axis of resistance. The main question is that: what policies did Saudi Arabia adopt and pursue in Lebanon between 2011 till 2022? The main hypothesis is that Saudi Arabia, by supporting the March 14 movement (Hizb Al-Mustaqbal, Al-Kataib and Al-Quwat al-Lebaaniyyah), has tried to increase its influence in the interior of Lebanon and reduce the influence of the resistance movement and Iran. Using the descriptive-explanatory approach and benefiting from library resources, this research explains the Saudi policy in Lebanon and explains how these policies affect the country's relations with Lebanon and the axis of resistance.

Behavioral patterns of regional powers have an undeniable role in the crisis management process. The focus of the current research is to examine the behavioral patterns of regional powers in the management of the Palestinian crisis, which has turned into a conflict between regional powers and their coalitions (issue). The main question of this research is: Considering the realist models in crisis management, how have the behavioral patterns of regional actors manifested in the management of the Palestinian crisis? (question). It seems that in the management of the Palestinian crisis, despite the existence of patterns of aggressive war and power-based politics, as well as making explicit agreements in the form of treaties, the most important behavioral pattern of regional actors has been the pattern based on the balance of power approach (hypothesis).  This research is based on descriptive-analytical approach (method).  In the Palestinian issue, regional powers such as Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey are subject to the logic of the balance of power. Based on this approach, no country can eliminate another actor and each of the powers, based on the principle of survival of the allies prevents the elimination of one side in the region and the crisis continues (findings).

Afghanistan experienced a new experience of state-building from 2001-2021. During this period, the Afghan government, with its international and mainly Western partners, tried to establish a liberal state in Afghanistan. Although there were high hopes for the formation of a modern state from 2001-2003, since 2003, disappointment in the efficiency of the state has slowly emerged; because since 2003, insecurity has been intensifying. Some have considered the reason for insecurity to be the inability of political leaders to manage the country; some have pointed to the negative role of neighbors; and others have spoken of the Great Game. The purpose of the current article is to explain this issue. Therefore, the main question in this research is how has the competition between Russia and the United States in the three dimensions of politics, military-security, and economy affected the security of Afghanistan? The research hypothesis is that these two powers, considering the differences over the US presence in Afghanistan, the issue of the Taliban and Afghan peace, the transfer of energy through Afghanistan, and American democratization, have pursued a confrontational policy in Afghanistan, which has led to a decrease in security in Afghanistan. This article, using a qualitative method and library data, has reached the conclusion that the competition between Russia and the US in Afghanistan in the three aforementioned areas has caused both countries to seek to balance and limit each other's influence and pursue a complex multi-level game in Afghanistan. This has damaged the country's relative security and rendered peace talks fruitless. Because the alignment of interests of domestic groups (whether political parties, part of the government, or the Taliban) with these two countries has complicated security policymaking and measures to ensure security.

Recent political, security, military, and economic developments in the region have forced Saudi Arabia and the Zionist regime, despite their many differences (geographical, historical, cultural-religious, and governmental system), to exert influence on regional governments. Upgrade. The main purpose of this research is to identify the main components influencing and facilitating the relations between Saudi Arabia and the Zionist regime in the framework of neo-realist theory and understanding the threats posed by these relations on the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this research, descriptive and analytical methods have been used to gather information from library and documentary sources and in order to collect scientific observations and research findings, the theoretical approach of power balance has been used. For Waltz, the balance of power is a fundamental factor in harnessing strong actors in international relations, and in fact, it is the structure of the international system and the necessity of survival. The main issue of the research is that the relations between Saudi Arabia and the Zionist regime can be explained and evaluated in the framework of neo-realist theory? The main hypothesis of the research is in response to the question that the components facilitating the relations between Saudi Arabia and the Zionist regime are based on the neorealist approach based on exploiting the system of balance of power, using political, economic, security and military opportunities for unity. Coherent governments in controlling Iran's regional and international power can be explained and evaluated.

Over the past two decades, Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran have engaged in a competition to extend their influence beyond their borders and establish dominance in the region. Geopolitical ambitions have played a pivotal role, particularly in the wake of the Arab Spring in 2011. The general issue of the article is that, despite receiving support from the international community, Saudi Arabia faced a challenge as certain opportunities emerged for Iran to expand its role and influence. Consequently, Riyadh adopted more aggressive approaches in an attempt to halt Tehran and achieve its regional objectives swiftly, resulting in heightened insecurity in the Middle East. Addressing the main question of how geopolitical rivalries contributed to the aggressiveness of Saudi foreign policy against Iran, this article employs a descriptive and analytical approach, utilizing the theory of offensive realism. This theoretical framework explains Saudi Arabia's behavior in its pursuit of favorable geopolitical regions and tests the hypothesis of the article. The primary goal of this research is to demonstrate that the Saudi government has extensively employed violent and chaotic methods to alter the regional order and balance of power in its favor. The research concludes that in order to address the instability in the Middle East and regulate the geopolitical competition between Riyadh and Tehran, a transformation of the tension-inducing geopolitical structure in the region is imperative. Consequently, Saudi Arabia is compelled to reassess its approach and curb its aggressive behavior.

The debate about the international order, how it is changed and built, as well as its types, has been one of the most important subjects in the literature of international relations. From the perspective of this paper, this issue can have a very important value in foreign policy literature, because attention the types of order and how to deal with it can be considered as one of the important preconditions in the successful foreign policy making. In this regard, this article by assuming three parallel orders in the current international system, i.e. "hegemonic order, balance of power order and institutional order", seeks to answer the question of how the most important policy prescriptions of Iran in these three orders should be? In response to this question, it is suggested that Iran should be considered as a rational actor and constitutive revisionist in the hegemonic order, as a rational actor and security or power seeking actor in the balance of power order, and as a norm-creating and idea-creating actor in the institutional order. Each of these roles requires the use of specific policies that will be discussed in the article. This research is considered a prescriptive research whose policy prescriptions are according to the theoretical framework of the relevant literature.

Since 1979, few rivalries have influenced Middle East politics as much as the one between Saudi Arabia and Iran, and usually the relations between the two countries accompanied by competition and suspicion. The aim of the current research is to evaluate different theories about the nature of competition and cooperation between Iran and Saudi Arabia and how it can be changed to cooperation. Therefore, in the framework of Pierre Bourdieu's sociological theory, this paper is trying to answer the question of what is the nature of the competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia and how can this competition replace with expansion of cooperation now? In response to this hypothesis, it was proposed that the competition between the two countries is political in nature, and at the same time, it is expressed in Islamic rhetoric, which is due to the desire of both sides to guarantee Islamic security and legitimacy, along with increasing influence throughout the Middle East conditioned to regional conditions. The results of the research indicate that, since the beginning of the revolution, there have been periods of open hostility and open closeness, conditioned to developments at the domestic level, regional and international politics in the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia. Finally, the developments were in a way that in the year2023, led to the control of competition and increased cooperation.

Despite the passage of more than four decades since the Iraq-Iran war, due to the effects that this war has had on geopolitics and regional order, and specifically on Iran's political-security approach and regional policy and its influence in the West Asian region, it is worthy of paying attention. Therefore, the question that arises is that how did the Iran-Iraq war affect the relations between Iran and Syria and the expansion of the regional influence of the Islamic Republic of Iran? Investigating the issue using the defensive neorealism approach, descriptive-analytical method and using library and documentary sources shows that this war made Iran's strategic loneliness and its unwanted isolation and lack of an ally in the region more obvious and the strategic proximity of Iran and Syria and The expansion of the scope of security cooperation between the two countries from Iraq to Lebanon and Palestine led to confrontation with the Zionist regime and it caused attention to regional influence and strategic deepening and countering security threats with the help of non-governmental allies in Iran's regional political-security approach. This ultimately led to an increase in political-ideological influence and strategic depth and regional deterrence power of Iran in West Asia.

The buffer space, how it is formed, the survival of this space, and its role in regulating the power equation between different countries is one of the significant topics that entered the political literature in a clear and structured way, especially from the end of the 19th century. The understanding of the concept of a buffer has been developed throughout history and due to the systematization of relations between different countries and the emergence of the international system. This article is a new expression of the growing development of its concepts and functions in this particular field. In this article, an attempt has been made to first present a general picture of the concept of the buffer space based on the study, understanding and perception of researchers, which is mostly a matter of consensus, and then to present new concepts and perceptions of the buffer space, which are mainly affected by the developments that have occurred during the current century. Continuous occurrence, to be offered. This new understanding of the buffer space will be in two separate images with different coordinates. In a picture, geography as the main base will still maintain its position with a different function. In the second image, geography has lost its concept, its function is beyond geographical boundaries, with a nature separate from national governments, and its purpose is independent narrating of the phenomenon.

Due to environmental changes and global warming, the competition between regional powers especially NATO countries and Russia has intensified to gain geo-strategic and geo-economic advantages in the Arctic region. The Arctic holds approximately 13% of the world's oil reserves and Russia holds the largest share of the region's oil and gas resources. The Arctic also make a significant contribution to Russia's economy, accounting for one-fifth of its GDP and 30% of government revenues. Six out of eight Arctic countries are NATO members, including the United States, Canada, Denmark, Norway, Iceland, and Finland. Sweden is interested in joining this organization because of its close cooperation with NATO. The existence of common interests has increased the diplomatic and military relations among NATO member states in the Arctic and has made NATO and Russia the main players in the region. Nevertheless, Russia-Ukraine War and the subsequent increase in NATO's active presence in the region have intensified concerns for Russia in this competition. In addition, Finland's recent membership in NATO has expanded the organization's border areas with Russia and any actions by NATO member states poses a threat to Russia's interests and national security in the Arctic.

Research question: 

Considering the above factors, the main question is what is Russia’s strategy to deal with NATO's threats in the Arctic region?

Research hypothesis: 

The study shows that Russia has adopted a balance-of-power strategy to counter NATO's threats by strengthening the military balance in the region.

Methodology and theoretical framework: 

This study uses a qualitative and descriptive approach to analyze the content of selected data together with subject matter analysis. The theoretical approach of the research is based on the components of Kenneth Waltz's balance of power theory, which emphasizes that governments create balance by increasing their capabilities against the dominant power in the region and international system.

By adopting a multifaceted policy in the Arctic region, NATO seeks to limit Russia and its interests and national security. First, NATO has expanded its military activities in the region by increasing its bases, conducting military exercises, and establishing a submarine defense line. Second, NATO has suspended cooperation with Russia in regional Arctic organizations; on March 9, 2022, members of the European Arctic Barents Council announced the suspension of cooperation with the Russian Federation.It was most striking when the seven members of the Arctic Council issued a joint statement and refused to participate in all meetings under Russia's chairmanship on March 3, 2022. Third, sanctions have been imposed and investment companies have left the Arctic region. Fourth, NATO worked for regional integration, Finland's membership and encouraging other countries such as Sweden to apply for permanent membership. And fifth, the internationalization of the North Sea route is another NATO threat to Russia in the Arctic. The North Sea route is one of Moscow's main interests in the region which is reflected in Russia's foreign policy documents. These actions are reminiscent of the military build-up of allies and Axis powers during World War II and the cold war as demonstrated by NATO's recent collective defense scenario. They provoked negative reactions from Russia and responded by the adopting a balancing policy against NATO threats. To overcome these concerns, Russia has strengthened its military capabilities in the region by building radar stations and missile defense systems, increasing military forces, strengthening, and equipping the naval force known as the Northern Fleet, modernizing naval bases and conducting various military exercises. 

Having vast territory and largest hydrocarbon resources, Russia considers the Arctic a strategic deterrent base against NATO's activities, especially those of the United States. However, since the start of the Russia-Ukraine war, Moscow has increased its emphasis on expanding military bases and strengthening military capabilities in the Arctic, Finland's membership in NATO and Sweden's potential membership have doubled Russia's border threats while tying the countries to a proxy war. NATO members know that Russia is alone in the Arctic and that its strategic allies do not have the abilities to have a military presence in the region. On the contrary, NATO member states have tried to increase the number of non-Arctic states in the region in the form of military exercises. But Russia has increased its attention to defense and security issues in the Arctic. Therefore, measures are being taken to strengthen the power of Russian armed forces in the region. Russia also has a policy of multilateralism on its agenda in the Arctic. As long as the war between Russia and Ukraine continues on the international stage, tensions will continue in the Arctic and Ukraine's efforts to get NATO and the United States more involved in confronting Russia will escalate tensions in the Arctic.

The international system in transition and the uncertainty in it, has caused the dynamism of most regions in the world. The South Caucasus region is not exempt from this situation. The 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war and its subsequent develpements, especially the 2023 Karabakh war, marked a path of no return for the South Caucasus region, so these developments had a significant impact on the actors of the South Caucasus.

Research question: 

What effect did the second and third Karabakh war in the South Caucasus region between Armenia and Azerbaijan have on the regional interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran?

Research Hypothesis: 

It is hypothesized that Nagorno-Karabakh war in 2020 and 2023 respectively, has increased the dynamics of competition, threat and escalation of tension against Iran, while there are not many opportunities for it.

In this article, a comparative research approach has been used, which is realistic using a study model and the geopolitical approach in the framework of regional studies. Using geopolitical components such as politics, power, geography, economy (geoeconomics), culture (geoculture), geopolitical relations and balance of power. Data analysis is done in a descriptive-analytical way. The method of collecting information in this research is done by the library method.

Since the early 2000s, Russia’s policy towards the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis has changed. Therefore, Russia's attitude toward the South Caucasus has changed from a sphere of exclusive Russian influence to a space in which it must both cooperate and compete with other regional powers. Moscow prefers to cooperate with Iran and mostly Turkey to respond to the growing challenges. In this situation and due to the fact that Azerbaijan is close to Russia and Armenia is far from Russia, the second Karabakh war started. But the third Karabakh war took place in a situation where Russia's power vacuum was evident in the South Caucasus after Moscow's involvement in the Ukraine war. The Karabakh war of 2020 and 2023 in the national dimension between Azerbaijan and Armenia caused the position of the victorious and defeated actors of the first Karabakh war to be reversed. In the regional dimension, new geopolitical relations and balance of power emerged in the South Caucasus.

The findings of the research proved the hypothesis raised in the article. The 2020 and 2023 Karabakh war once again showed the geopolitical dynamics of the South Caucasus. These wars have significantly changed the geopolitical relations of regional players and led to the formation of a new balance of power in the region. Azerbaijan has strengthened and Armenia has become very weak. However, with the cease-fire of the Second Karabakh War, Russia was able to marginalize the western axis, which further weakened the role of the West, the United States, the European Union and especially the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (Minsk Group). But by entering the war with Ukraine and creating a power vacuum in the South Caucasus region, Russia saw its power in this region challenged by Turkey. In this way, the second and third Karabakh war marked Turkey's return to the region and pushed Iran to the sidelines of regional developments.Therefore, the 2020 and 2023 Karabakh war destroyed the fragile state of neither war nor peace that Iran was in favor of maintaining in the South Caucasus. In these wars, Iran could not play a role in regional developments to expand its influence and presence; Therefore, it led to the escalation of tension with the Republic of Azerbaijan, the intensification of competition with Turkey, and the seriousness of the threat of Israel's presence along Iran's borders. In the new balance of power that has been formed in the South Caucasus region, the Islamic Republic of Iran has a low role and position in the South Caucasus. It seems that Iran has been marginalized by Russia on the one hand, on the other hand, due to the role of western sanctions in preventing Iran’s action in the region; Iran has not been able to play a serious role and pursue its historical-civilizational interests in the South Caucasus. Therefore, the Islamic Republic of Iran has tried to maintain its territorial integrity, prevent geopolitical changes in the region and its geo-economic interests in the South Caucasus. It has also tried not to get involved in ethnic movements and internal instability based on geocultural provocations.