challenges

Since the development of Iran's trade is facing many internal and external bottlenecks, including limited access to export markets, this article seeks to answer these questions: how much of the export capacity of Iranian food products to the Oman market has not been used? What measures should be taken to develop the export to this market? In response to these questions, this article evaluated the export performance of Iran's food products and the prospect of import demand for food products in the Oman market in a 10-year period. The study results of the export performance of Iranian food products to the Oman market showed that there is a big gap between what is and what should be. Currently, in the value chain of food production, Iran is generally at the beginning of the chain, without having a higher added-value and often relies on food products that have a higher internal content, and is far from product diversity and differentiation, economies of scale, structural changes and endogenous competitive advantages in desirable food products. The study of the performance and pathology of the export of Iranian food products to the Oman market at the levels of the government, organizations and enterprises from the aspects of economic diplomacy, trade policy, institutional factors and infrastructures showed that the platforms, infrastructures and requirements for the development of the production and export of food products at the three levels of international-regional, government and Institutions are not suitable and the beneficiaries of production and trade still face high transaction costs in comparison with global and even regional competitors. Estimating Iran's export potential and analyzing the import demand outlook in the Oman market, the results showed that there is a high export capacity to the Oman market- in terms of number, variety, value and unused export capacity.

The present research was conducted with the aim of phenomenologically exploring political science students' experiences of job insecurity challenges in this field. A qualitative approach and interpretive phenomenological method were employed in this study. The study population comprised political science students from universities across the country in the year 2024 (1403 Iranian calendar). Researchers conducted in-depth semi-structured interviews with 14 students using purposive sampling. Data collection was performed through interviews, and raw data were analyzed using grounded theory method and the three-stage coding approach of Strauss and Corbin (1990). Results revealed that from a total of 65 initially extracted codes, eight primary components were identified, including economic security, ethical issues, individual personality challenges, security threats, social problems, managerial weakness dimensions, academic challenges, and political dimensions. The related components were categorized into five main dimensions: educational, political, social, economic, and psychological aspects. The research findings exposed the extensive range of job insecurity threats in the political science field from students' perspectives. Based on the results, it is recommended that education and employment sector managers adopt strategies that can reduce job threats for political science students. This approach may contribute to enhancing educational productivity and improving the effectiveness of related organizations. The findings of the present study can be valuable and insightful for experts in public policy, internal security, and employment domains.

The question of this article is what are the most important challenges and limitations of cultural diplomacy between Iran and post-Saddam Iraq from 2003 to 2024? This research has been done with analytical-descriptive method with historical sociological approach to international relations and with library, internet and documentary techniques. The findings of this study showed that Iran has tried using the comprehensive discourse of historical relations with Iraqi Arabs in general and with Shiites in particular based on cultural and religious commonalities and an approach based on resistance against the development and hegemony of trans-regional powers, of course with the cooperation of the Iraqi government. , to create a suitable environment for cultural diplomacy and improving relations between the two nations. However, there have been challenges and obstacles in the way of cultural diplomacy between Iran and Iraq from 2003 to 2024, the most important of which are: the activities and negative role-playing of the American-Saudi media centered on Iran phobia in the region, the activities and destructive actions of Takfiri terrorist groups, especially ISIS. The formation and political-intellectual divisions between the Shiite organizations, especially the Sadr group and the rest of the Shiites, Shiite phobia in the region in the context of geocultural competition between the Shiite Crescent led by Iran and the Sunni bloc led by Saudi Arabia, the activeness of anti-Iranian currents in Iraq and the remnants of the Baath party. Foreign interventions in Iraqi affairs to make the government fragile.

The problem of this research is why the challenge between Iran and America continues by using the approach of critical thinking and layered analysis of causes and tried to answer the questions that the challenge between Iran and America has layers and what factors in each layer have influenced this challenge. And how can these challenges be managed or reduced in each layer?The study method is a combined method including descriptive methods and theme analysis and inferential method which have been used to explain the causes in different layers respectively. The findings of this research show that the causes of the challenge between Iran and the United States are rooted in the actions and policies of the parties on the one hand and on the other hand in the visible and visible level. In the second layer, the objective causes affecting the challenge (such as the interests of the parties or other actors in this challenge or the components of power) or mental causes such as (mental images of each other) are important and in the third level this challenge is influenced by two types of discourse and The different world view of America and Iran means trying to realize the great American dream in the world and the ideal of independence and confronting hegemony on the part of Iran, and finally, at the deepest level, the causes of two important myths, namely American exceptionalism and Iran's revolutionary mission, play an important role in the continuation of this challenge. It is possible to provide strategies to reduce, manage or solve challenges according to each layer.

Examining China's Soft Power in Central Asia with an Emphasis on the Role of the Media: Challenges Ahead is the subject of this article. To this end, using Joseph Nye's theory of soft power, and descriptively, it was found that the existing literature on China's soft power is largely related to its success or failure, while less to the use of social media to promote culture and The challenges ahead are mentioned. China has used soft power (with an emphasis on strategic social media tools) to create a secure and peaceful environment in the region and meet its vast and growing energy needs in the national interest and to present a favorable image of itself among the Central Asian countries. To provide. To achieve this, China has used a variety of tools to activate its soft power, including movies, TV series, newspapers, news agencies, and virtual media such as WhatsApp and Twitter, etc., which are mainly used as tools for defense purposes, including emphasis. Peace, stability and a positive image of China are considered. Despite the promotion of Chinese culture and interest in it, the unpopularity of Chinese culture and the complexity of the Mandarin language are challenges to China's soft power in the region.

The expansion of cyber space in the electromagnetic spectrum and the emergence of guided, autonomous, Standoff and intelligent weapons such as UAVs (Unmanned aerial vehicle), USVs (Unmanned surface vehicles), UUV (Unmanned underwater vehicle), MAV (Micro air vehicle requirements) and other Remotely control equipment, along with command and control and decision support technologies such as cloud computing technologies, Battlefield Internet of Things, Big data, 5G, SCADA and Starlink technologies have greatly varied the battlefield environment and expanded in civilian areas. The intertwining of the cyberspace and the electromagnetic environment has created a new space called "cyberelectronics or cyberelectromagnetism)" which is able to influence all capitals of other domains (physical and cyber) in a short period of time. In such a situation, if the possibility of surprise was not out of mind until yesterday, it has become a concrete example with the cowardly assassination of the IRGC Quds Force commander and then the assassination of Martyr Fakhrizadeh with remote control weapons. The first step to deal with cyber-electronic attacks is to recognize the challenges and threats in this area, which reduces and to some extent eliminates the level of surprise. Therefore, the question of this research is, what are the challenges and threats in the field of cyberelectronics? In this research, by studying the documents of the countries with the name and the available articles and by using the MaxQuda tool with a meta-composite approach, four challenging and threatening categories have been extracted, respectively "technology", "fundamental", "integration" and "operational forces".

One of the topics that is the concern of criminal and criminal policy today is money laundering and related issues. Because not paying attention to it can lead to many challenges both at the national and international level. According to these conditions, different countries have started to establish criminal and penal laws in this field, among which Iran is one of these countries. Therefore, this article tries to answer this question by using the descriptive-analytical research method and the analysis of legal documents, what are the serious criticisms of money laundering laws in Iran? In response to this hypothesis, it is suggested that "criticisms on money laundering laws are from two aspects, jurisprudence and thematic laws, and this issue has caused Iran's laws to be ineffective in combating money laundering". The findings show that paying attention to the changes made in international laws in this regard, creating a regulation or instruction to identify the dimensions and prevent confusion in the judicial procedure, trying to create a suitable legal framework for money laundering, guaranteeing a guarantee High enforcement in this type of law, involving people and non-governmental organizations, strengthening judicial and executive criminal policy, the necessity of a type of executive criminal policy with police and control missions, examining the necessity of dealing with money laundering crimes in international legal and criminal courts, cooperation of national judges and international and efforts in line with the provisions of FATF group in this field are the main and necessary components of Iran's laws in the field of money laundering.

This research was conducted with the aim of investigating the requirements and challenges of fighting economic corruption in the governing bodies based on the views of the leaders of the Islamic Revolution.

The current research method is a descriptive-analytical method and a review of library documents and texts.

The findings of the research showed that the most important causes of economic corruption in the public sector are related to government enterprises in the economy and include trade restrictions, industrial subsidies, price controls, multiple exchange rates, low wages in government services, commercial, and reserves of natural resources such as oil. Economic corruption causes a decrease in investment and slow economic growth and ultimately causes the failure of economic development goals in the country. Tax revenues will decrease and the quality of economic infrastructure and public services will decrease.

The most basic policies to combat economic corruption and economic reforms include creating institutions for this purpose, increasing public sector wages, reducing the size of the government in the economy, accurate financial auditing, independence of mass communication media, independence of the judiciary, citizen participation, decentralization. And it is the reform of the society's culture that can create dynamism in the country's economy and ultimately cause growth and prosperity in the national economy.

The dynamic nature of the developments in the Southwest Asia region, as well as the formation of new security polarizations in it, adds to the complexities of the future order and patterns of cooperation and conflict in this strategic region. The dual formation of the rival axis of resistance and the axis of compromise is one of the most prominent manifestations of the order-making trends in this region. The outcome of which can lead to the formation of a new geopolitical order with different rules of action. This research seeks to investigate the effects of these new patterns of relations between regional actors (problem statement). Using a combined method of elite interviews and thematic analysis (research method), the researcher seeks to provide an answer to the main question of the research: What are the strengths and weaknesses of the rival dualism of resistance and compromise in the reconstruction of the regional order? A detailed understanding of how the said bipolar affects, requires knowing how the power is distributed in the region, the depressing features, as well as the strengths and weaknesses of each of the mentioned axes (research question). In this research, 58 themes in understanding the changes in the components that shape the action environment, 78 themes in explaining the challenges of resistance and 114 themes in explaining the challenges of compromise have been counted (research findings).

Current events and trends show the change of the international order; On the one hand, the decline of American power as the most important and effective actor supporting the existing order has accelerated, and on the other hand, new poles of power have emerged. The weakening of previous alliances and coalitions and the formation of new alliances and coalitions and the increasing resistance of the actors protesting the current order are examples of the changing trends governing the world. In this regard, the main question of the article is what are the coordinates of the international order in transition and what are the consequences for Iran? Using the theories of diversity and plurality of power in the international system, this article has come to the conclusion that the most important opportunities of the international order in transition for Iran include the gap between the great powers in international crises and the creation of a space for active action for Iran's J.A., highlighting the nodes of A new regional economic solution for Iran is to reduce the consensus of world powers on international principles and norms and create a new normative space for anti-hegemon powers like Iran. On the other hand, the most important challenges of the international order in transition for Iran include the cautious policy of some emerging powers and complexity for the role of J.A., increasing regional competitions and conflicts, facing Iran with various cyber threats and increasing uncertainties in Iran's strategic environment.

The Iranian Islamic Revolution, as a comprehensive and rooted revolution in the religious culture and belief system of the Iranian people, in addition to its tremendous effects on the construction of a model of political order in the territory, was able to create a wave of awakening among Muslim nations or nations under oppression, tyranny, and colonialism. create and be presented as the beginning of the rise of Islam in the context of the social life of Muslims; Developments that promise the design of a new civilized society in the Islamic world. In this research, using the data base analysis method, we tried to provide an answer to the question that how the discourse of the Islamic Revolution can influence the construction of a modern civilized society? and in this regard, what opportunities and challenges are facing it? The findings of the research indicate that the Islamic revolution, through the manifestation of social capital within and its success in building a model of political order and system within, along with the advantage of the existence of Islamic societies and Islamic states in a significant part of the political geography of the world, has considerable talent in this field, and on the contrary, issues such as the existence of challenges arising from discourse construction and its objectified construction in the field of governance, challenges arising from the constraints of the international system, software challenges in the social environment, challenges arising from the lack of a transformational view in the field Humanities as the basis of social transformations, as well as the challenges arising from the lack of attention to the field of agency and the training of efficient and balanced human resources, can be counted among the most important challenges facing the role-playing of the Islamic Revolution in the field of building a modern civilized society.

Teachers' political-guild action during 2020s can be considered a grindstone and a new phase of teachers' political-guild action in contemporary history of Iran. This action is not only and typically differentiated with teachers' political-guild action over last decades, but, is also distinguished in respect of formality, stratification, comprehension, participation and continuity from other guilds' protest action such as labors, truckers, mines etc. The key point is that this action like any other guilds' action has faced some challenges when attempted to achieve its' professional and public aims. Thereby, this survey leads not only to recognizing challenges and obstacles of teachers' guild action but also recognizing and eradicating the challenges and obstacles of other guilds' action through a comparing study. Accordingly, the basic question is "which challenges of teachers' political-guild action has been the most important challenges during 2020s'? In response, this survey, which has conducted through library and semi-structured interview methods of data acquisition, has hypothesized that teachers have three inner challenges (interest conflict, association disability and the lack of cohered strategy) and three outer challenges (policy inefficiency, policy-makers' lack of optimism and international environment) regarding their political-guild action. By analyzing quantitative data (through average measurement and frequency percent) and qualitative data (through prominence technique), this survey has proved that the policy-making inefficiency and the disability of practical-theoretical strategy, respectively, have the most influence and international environment has the least influence among challenging parameters.

Occasional unrest in the southwestern regions of Iran, especially Khuzestan and Arab-inhabited regions, requires more attention to the issues and developments in this region. In order to predict the country's security situation in the coming years, it is absolutely necessary to pay attention to the ethnic situation, ethnic opportunities and challenges. The purpose of this research is to identify the key variables and drivers influencing the ethnic future of the Islamic Republic of Iran, taking into account the southwest border points of the country. The future study of factors affecting national security has always been the concern of the rulers and strategists of every political system, because national security is the primary condition and of course the most important condition for the preservation, survival, progress and development of any country in all fields. The future is something that governments can design and shape with their targeted actions. In order to act wisely, they must have sufficient knowledge and understanding of the consequences of their actions and those of others. Also, check the reactions of others and forces that are beyond their control. These consequences will only show themselves in the future in the form of opportunities, threats and damage. According to the above-mentioned contents, the terrorist attack in Ahvaz on September 31, 2017, the attack on the police station in 2018, the unrest in 2018, and similar actions cannot be considered unrelated to ethnic divergence in this region. Based on this, in order to predict the country's security situation in the coming years and design appropriate security scenarios, it is absolutely necessary to pay attention to the ethnic situation and identify ethnic opportunities and challenges, and in this research, we try to identify trends, drivers and uncertainties. , draw the possible scenarios regarding the Arab people using future research methods that will be explained below.
This research is practical in terms of its nature and purpose, descriptive-survey in terms of method, and exploratory due to the future-oriented nature of the research. In foresight projects, a set of techniques are used that often complement each other and the outputs of each form the inputs of the next technique. For this purpose, to carry out the research, effective factors in the field of Arab ethnocentrism were identified and the list of factors influencing the future research of Arab ethnocentrism in the form of a matrix questionnaire was provided to 15 experts using the environmental monitoring method and review of specialist studies in this field. The experts of this research include professors and experts of security, political and social sciences specializing in the issues of the Arab people. The variables and key drivers obtained by the cross matrix method and using the MikMak software were classified and again provided to the experts. The opinions of the experts were analyzed using Scenario Wizard software, and finally, possible and compatible scenarios were identified and extracted.
Among the 28 variables examined in this research, 7 key variables were identified. As can be seen in table number 4, there are two variables in the economic driver (massive oil and gas reserves and underdevelopment), in the cultural driver there is no variable, in the social driver there is one variable (the presence of micro dust) and in the political driver there are four variables (supports Saudi Arabia and the UAE were identified as opponents, the 8-year imposed war, the activities of the Wahhabi movement and regional rivalries. The findings of this research showed that seven variables of huge oil and gas reserves, underdevelopment, support of Saudi Arabia and the UAE to the opposition, imposed eight-year war, the activity of the Wahhabi movement, the presence of small dust and regional rivalries as key variables extracted from the software. Mic Mac software creates the future of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the context of the Arab people.
The results show that 6 challenging scenarios with compatibility and high scores are facing the future of the Islamic Republic of Iran, among which 1 very strong and probable scenario and 5 weak scenarios were obtained. The very strong scenario obtained is the scenario of continuation of the existing trend. The decrease in oil production, the economic problems of the country and the darkening of relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia are among the things that can lead the future situation of the Arab people in Khuzestan from creating opportunities to creating threats related to the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The results obtained from the Scenario Wizard software also show that although the strong scenario obtained is the continuation of the existing trend, but by looking at other scenarios, it can be concluded that other possible scenarios will lead to the continuation of the existing trend towards a relatively critical to critical situation. have found and this issue is an alarm for decision makers in the field of national security. In the meantime, one should not ignore the surprises of the instruments and the uncertainties. Corona disease, as one of the most important current uncertainties, has messed up all the economic and social equations of the countries and has led to the negative growth of the global economy. Iran is not exempted from this issue and the corona disease has had a great impact on its economic situation. Therefore, by taking appropriate decisions, relatively critical and critical scenarios should be prevented.

The role of cyber space in the maritime environment of the countries is very prominent and it contains important consequences for the security and maritime strategy of the countries. In this regard, the question of the present article is what is the role of naval forces in the field of cyber space and what are the consequences (opportunities and challenges) of this space for the security and maritime strategy of countries? In response to this question, by using the descriptive-analytical method and document research tools, we came to the proposition that cyberspace is the core of success in naval missions and forms the basis of control and command of naval forces. Intelligence-based systems enable battlespace awareness, intelligence gathering, targeting, and other capabilities. The goal of modern naval forces is to maintain the freedom of maneuver and deprive the enemy of freedom of action at sea, which is provided by cyber capabilities and equipment. Adversaries' cyber capabilities, such as precision targeting and long-range attacks on ships, mean that navies at sea are more tightly interconnected than ever before, yet more vulnerable. The traditional balance of power between navies and adversaries has been disrupted by the proliferation of cyber capabilities, which has created asymmetries. Cyber ​​capabilities also make smaller navies and non-state actors disproportionately powerful.

After the Islamic Revolution of Iran, the issue of Afghanistan has always been one of the most important issues of Iran's foreign policy due to various reasons such as geopolitical features, cultural-civilizational commonalities and the presence of a large number of Afghan immigrants in Iran. The recent developments in Afghanistan that led to the fall of Ashraf Ghani's government and the re-formation of the Islamic Emirate; It doubled the attention of all experts and analysts to the issue of Afghanistan. "Islamic Emirate" is the name that the Taliban government uses to introduce itself. The first period of Taliban rule in Afghanistan was between 1996 and 2001. In 2021, the second period of Taliban rule in Afghanistan has begun. Therefore, the Taliban regaining power in Afghanistan has led to the presentation of different views in the political and security fields. Some thinkers see the reappearance of the Taliban as a threat, while others see it as an opportunity for the Islamic Republic of Iran. Investigating the fundamental developments of Afghanistan and getting to know the ideological characteristics of the Taliban can be an opportunity for the Islamic Republic of Iran to make the most of the emergence of an Islamic ideological movement in its neighborhood. The main question of the article is what are the major challenges that the Taliban government is facing and how will these challenges affect the relations between the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan and Iran?

As two neighboring countries, Iran and Afghanistan are affected by each other's political-security, economic and cultural-social developments. The large-scale migration of Afghans to Iran began in the early 1980s due to the Soviet invasion. The first generations of Afghan immigrants were generally concerned about security, survival, work, and daily life, but the new immigrants have more social, scientific, cultural, political, and social concerns. In this regard, an increase in their willingness to educate can be observed. Anyway, these people experience challenges in their own lives and have opportunities as well. The current research seeks to study the challenges and opportunities of Afghan educated people living in Iran. The theoretical lens used has been constructivism. To achieve this goal, the grounded theory method has been used. Using the purposive sampling method, interviews were conducted with 27 Afghan-educated people living in Iran and 22 experts on issues related to Afghan immigrants. The findings show that Afghan educated people face socio-cultural challenges (educational limitations, the experience of humiliation and insult, living with a fear of being powerless, and a negative image), economic (occupational limitations, economic weakness, investment limitations), and political-security (structural discrimination, instability of policies, inefficient laws and polarization of immigrants). On the other hand, In contrast, they have opportunities Including social- cultural (Educational benefit, cultural commonality, self-governing schools, and creation of coordination networks), economic (Iran's welfare level and benefits from defined jobs), and political-security (Iran's security and the opportunity to become a refugee). These challenges and opportunities should be explained in the context of political developments and the Iranian immigration policy system, which is a multi-layered phenomenon.

The recent developments in Afghanistan that led to the fall of Ashraf Ghani's government and the re-formation of the Islamic Emirate, doubled the attention of analysts to the issue of Afghanistan. The first period of Taliban rule in Afghanistan was between 1996 -2001. In 2021, the second period of Taliban rule in Afghanistan begun. Therefore, the regaining of power of Taliban in Afghanistan has led to the presentation of different views. Some believe that with Taliban taking power, this country will see peace at the cost of losing democracy; But others believe that the establishment of Taliban did not establish stability in Afghanistan and that the unification of power is not a guarantee for the end of unrest in this country. The basic question is, what major challenges does Taliban face? The findings of the research indicate that the Taliban is facing many obstacles to consolidate the foundations of its government and also to establish stability and security in Afghanistan. Some of these obstacles, such as ethnic differences, rural population and extremism, have historical and cultural roots and were a source of trouble for the previous government, but some of them are directly related to the current government and its functioning. The hypothesis that can be proposed is that the weakness in the management and governance of neo-Talibanism, ethnic and racial divisions and the violence caused by these divisions, identity crisis, fanatical sectarianism, and the problem of obtaining internal and external legitimacy have been among the important challenges in Afghanistan.

This paper attempts to study the challenges of national security governance, while answering the question "How does the National Security Supreme Council play its role in security governance?". The results are provided by using descriptive-analytical research method and interviewing twelve expert experts using the chain reference method and then preparing and adjusting the questionnaire (with Cronbach's alpha coefficient of 0.87) using the key points extracted from the interview and distribution among 30 experts and practitioners in the field of national security. Descriptive and inferential statistics methods were used to analyze the data and check hypotheses, and Friedman's test was used to rank the indicators. The results of the research indicate that the National Security Supreme Council can play its role in the security governance of the Islamic Republic of Iran through three special tasks of policy determination, coordination of actors in the field of governance and mobilization of resources. In fact, the nature of the Council governance is regulatory governance. Also, the findings show that 46 challenges can be identified in these three special tasks, and the most important challenges caused to the Council in these three areas are: the dimension of policy determination (with an average of 39.2 %), the dimension of actor coordination governance arena (with an average of 35.2 %) and resource mobilization dimension (with an average of 27.1 %).

The central pillar of Israel’s macro policy is maintaining its survival and existence, and security has always been among the main concerns of Israel's political and security authorities over the past 7 decades. However, the fundamental developments in the 21st century and the unique features of the international arena in this new century have forced the Israeli regime to resort to an extended security policy along with use of force and military power. Nevertheless, the challenges that the Israeli regime is facing in the political arena are increasing both quantitatively and qualitatively, and existential security is still a major concern for it. This descriptive-analytical study employed the Copenhagen School's securitization framework to answer this main question: What effects and outcomes does the political situation of the Israeli regime have with regard to its security? In fact, the main objective of this study was to focus on the current political situation of the Israeli regime and the effects that it has on its security. The results indicated that racial segregation or apartheid, instability, corruption, low levels of political participation of the citizens, and the impasse in the Middle East Peace Process are among the political challenges influencing the security of the Israeli regime that face its security and legitimacy with existential threats.