cold war

US relations with the Soviet Union during the Cold War and with the Russian Federation thereafter have fluctuated from open hostility to competition.  However, during and after the Cold War, Track-Two diplomacy, as an organized and institutionalized mechanism, have complemented the official diplomacy between the two countries. During the cold war, the high level of mistrust and hostility between the two superpowers, which sometimes led to the blockage of official relations, forced both sides to use Track-Two diplomacy. But despite ending of systemic competition and changing in the U.S. - Russian relations during the post-collapse era, Track-Two diplomacy continued with the characteristics of the previous era.

Research Question: 

Considering what has been said, the question is how did intra-organizational dynamics lead to the pursuit of Track-Two diplomacy in realizing US and Russian interests during and after the Cold War?

Research Hypothesis: 

The hypothesis of the research is that according to the historical path taken during the Cold War, the need to provide the strategic and sustainable interests of each country, the use of institutions with close ties with the government and interactions formed among the participants in informal processes, have caused the continuation of Track-Two diplomacy in U.S. - Russian relations in post-collapse era.

Methodology and Theoretical Framework: 

To test the above hypothesis, the theory of “historical institutionalism” has been used. The emphasis of this paper is on the "equation" which is one of the main elements of the theory of historical institutionalism. In this direction and examining the same factors that had the same result in two different periods, the historical-comparative method is based on the comparison of the two periods of the Cold War and after the Cold War. The method of collecting information in this research is qualitative and based on documentary method.

Studying the process of Track-Two diplomacy between the United States and the Soviet Union and its future developments in the post collapse period indicates the necessity of using informal relations to realize foreign policy goals and strategic interests that could not be pursued through official channels. Due to a wall of mistrust between the two countries, Washington and Moscow have faced numerous challenges to reach any kind of agreement. The existence of a growing gap and mistrust at official levels has made it necessary to use government institutions or institutions trusted by governments to implement controlled informal diplomacy in such a way that even the use of Track-Two diplomacy, the experienced people of the two countries resumed the processes with institutionalization in the post-Soviet era.All considered cases were examined in the field of equation, pursuit of benefits resulting from sustainable requirements, dimensions of coalition building interactions and the level of communication between the institutions involved with the center of power.  During the Cold War era, there were several strategic interests: improving domestic capabilities, ensuring global strategic stability, and the need for direct communication with the opposing country's society. The adopted strategy was to use institutions or formal institutions with close ties to the government, which led to coalition-building interactions. In the post-collapse period, coalition-building interactions continued but the strategic interests were reduced to geopolitical - regional levels and maintaining the relative level of relations. These goals are generally pursued by non-governmental organizations. Among the three common causal factors in the equation of the two periods of the time, during the Cold War, the ability of Track-Two diplomacy to realize strategic interests is the most important factor.While in the post-collapse era, coalition building interaction is an influential factor.The comparison of the two research periods shows many similarities and differences. The similarities are: the use of the institutional model in Track-Two diplomacy processes, having a high level of support from the governments and the existence of coalition-building interactions in the realization of strategic interests. The most important similarity is the realization of strategic interests which is supported by the highest levels of governance in both periods. This support has been extended to different levels of governance in the post-collapse era. The development of this support is the result of coalition-building interactions formed in the processes of Track-Two diplomacy. The existence of interactions and high-level support in both periods indicates the correspondence of the Track-Two diplomacy in the post Cold War era with its historical path in the Cold War period.Differences can be seen in several fields. As mentioned above, strategic interests are reduced both quantitatively and qualitatively. Participating institutions are increased quantitatively and changed procedurally and substantively. They are changed from 9 governmental institutions to 21 non-governmental institutions. Criticism and opposition to the processes are reduced from the military and security level during the Cold War to the expert level during the post-collapse era. The achievements of Track-Two diplomacy are also decreased in terms of effectiveness. During the Cold War, Track-Two diplomacy processes influenced strategic plans. But in the post-collapse era, they are just a tool for adjusting and re-adjusting relationships.

The findings show that the continuity of the institutional model is common in both periods but the change in the level of interests and the entry of institutions far from the power centers have reduced the impact of these processes on official paths in the next period. On the other hand, the number of involved pathways and institutions in Track-Two diplomacy processes has significantly increased. Finally, in a general summary of the comparison, it can be said that during the Cold War, the track diplomacy between the United States and the Soviet Union was strengthened and effective. However, after the Cold War, US- Russia Track-Two diplomacy was developed but it did not have much impact.

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, with its conservative, traditional, patrimonial, and Wahhabi ideological political system, serves as the Umm al-Qura (the core nation of the Islamic world) of the Islamic world for many Sunni countries. Meanwhile, the political, ideological, and even security rivalries between the Saudis and Iran have always faced many challenges even before the Islamic Revolution. This issue was Intensified after the Islamic Awakening and the growing concern of the Saudis about the arrival of Arab protest waves in the country. With the presence of Mohammad Bin Salman in the position of the successor, his hostile policies against the Islamic Republic of Iran have publicly declined the two countries into the most political and security tensions; In a way that can be claimed as the culmination of the Cold War between the Saudis against Iran. The present article seeks to provide a convincing and reasoned answer to the question that: What approaches have Mohammad Bin Salman's most important policies been based on toward the Islamic Republic of Iran? The authors' hypothesis is based on the intensification of Bin Salman's most confrontational policies against Iran. Findings of the article, using the interpretive method and theory of the Haug Miall crisis, show that the historical sequence of this crisis, in addition to the historical hostilities after the Islamic Revolution, dates back to the time of the conclusion of BARJAM. In the development phase of the crisis, i.e. the Bin Salman's attempt to expand political-security relations with the Zionist regime, in the stage of collision or dream, the authors will point to two main issues: the design of soft conspiracies to overthrow the Islamic Republic and Bin Salman's support for terrorist forces against Iran. Finally, in the intervention phase, we can refer to the mediation activities of the Iraqi Prime Minister.

The three countries of Iran, Russia and Turkey have had fluctuating relations with European countries and North America (Western group) during the last two centuries. These relations have always been associated with setbacks since World War II. This situation has led to a kind of frustration and failure in the relations between the three countries and the West after the Cold War and the beginning of the new millennium, which resulted in tendencies with different strengths and weaknesses and fluctuated towards Eastern (Asian) countries in The form of orientation towards the East should be expressed in declarative and practical positions (political, economic and cultural relations). The question posed in this article is: Why has the view of the East been strengthened in the foreign policy of Iran, Russia and Turkey in the post-Cold War era? Our hypothesis is that: "The background of the identity borders of Iran, Russia and Turkey with the West and the confrontation of these countries with the hegemonic identity of the West in the post-Cold War period, has strengthened the view of the East in the foreign policy of these countries Is The present article uses the theory of constructivism in foreign policy (the importance of identities and interactions uses library and Internet resources to find the answer to the above question and confirm the hypothesis. It has been concluded that both historical, religious and civilizational identity, geographical identity (geographical demarcations barriers and pressures of Western hegemonic identity have played a role in the tendency of these three countries to East and Asia.

The end of the Second World War and the beginning of the Soviet and the U.S., the Cold War and the characteristics of the bipolar system in various areas, has marked the 1945-50 decade for Iran's foreign policy. Has the economic field been able to impose itself on Iran's foreign policy as one of the factors and structural characteristics of the bipolar system during the years? It seems that in the global blockade of power, the preservation or development of the economic capabilities of the superpowers as one of the structural support elements of the bipolar system has played a significant role in balancing their forces and foreign policy of Iran. The present paper, uses the view from Waltz's theory of neo-realism, which, although considered power as the most important factor in maintaining the balance of forces, but the distribution It does not consider capabilities only in military affairs, and it extends it to other areas, and takes into account the balance of power in these areas, and in this particular case, the balance of power between the two superpowers of the East and West blocs in the bipolar regime governing the international environment. It also consists economic profits.

The rivalry lran and Arabia has tention Strongly Due to Yemen crisis in past yeards. Yemen as back yard has strategic lmportance for Riyadh and capture Sana capital Yemen by Houthis that from view of intellectual are affected from lslamic Revolution has take away restful sleep from saudi authories and lran to accused to military and Political support from Yemen Ansarullah.Target Research is surrvey strategic rivalry lran and Arabia in Yemen. The question this Research is, what from is the Regional rivalry between lran and Arabia in the crisis in Yemen from 2011 to 2020 depicted? For answer this question, in this Research will be paid from the theoretical approach of structural realism and specially from the approach of threat balance Walt and explanatory method and whit use the the Resources of Library and Internet. Hypothesis us is the strategic rivalry of lran and Arabia can to draw in format "Regional cold war" in awah historical and religious conflicts has Led to Geopolitical rivalry eventually to proxy war in the Yemen. In this regard, perception of threat by Arabia in expansion influnce of lran lncreased tension in their relationships. 

Iran-Iraq war is known as one of the largest and the longest wars of the twentieth century. In the war that occurred in the structure of the bipolar international system, international, regional and trans-regional powers were involved. America had an active and aggressive interventional role in this war as a trans- regional power. After the victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, America began to restrict Iran in the aspects of politics and military. This paper tries to explore and analyze the role of America in the war between Iran and Iraq. The main question is that what is the role of America in the Iran-Iraq war? Answering this question, it requires the necessity of this research. The method of this research is the descriptive – analytic one .Data has collected through library studying and finally for describing and analyzing the rule of America in Iran-Iraq war, we have used the qualified method to analyze data. The result shows that as the imposed war was the outcome of the cold-war conditions, America had an important and ascertained rule on beginning and continuing of it.

One of the most important concerns of countries, both domestically and internationally, is the issue of "security". This issue has caused governments to choose specific orientations and strategies to maintain security and achieve their national goals and interests due to domestic needs, geographical and geopolitical conditions and also under the influence of the structure and function of the international system. Among these strategies is the strategy of alliance and coalition. A clear example of this is the NATO alliance. But other threats such as terrorism, extremist nationalism, drugs, environmental pollution and the proliferation of nuclear and chemical weapons, etc., with the question of whether NATO can play its role in developments. Important international to play well? NATO's unnecessary interventions in Southeast Asia and the Caucasus, and its claims of chemical weapons, are often false and baseless, and it seeks to dominate and influence the Middle East.

From the past until now, peace has been and is one of the oldest human ideals, and without exaggeration, today the first and most important goal of countries in international relations is peace. Nevertheless, human history is full of conflicts, conflicts and clashes. Examining these tensions and violence, it is noted that in fact the root cause of many of these differences and violent behaviors in today's world can be found in the acceptance of differences between individuals, religions and especially cultural differences between. They considered disrespecting human beliefs and denying them the right to a different life.. The question therefore arises as to what the connection is between peace or non-violence and the realization of cultural diversity. And what exactly is the role of peace and security in achieving cultural diversity? Can cultural diversity be helped by maintaining peace and denying violence? In answer to these questions, it is hypothesized that there is a significant relationship between the denial of violence and the realization of cultural diversity. And the realization of peace and tranquility will certainly lead to the preservation of the existing cultural diversity in the world.

The main question of the present article is that what effect did the structure of the international system in the Cold War era have on the state-building process in Iran during the second Pahlavi period? The hypothesis of the research is that the characteristics of the structure of the international system in the Cold War era, caused the second Pahlavi in order to maintain the existence of the country and the survival of his regime, seeking security in the form of alliance and coalition on the agenda. Iran's foreign policy, in other words, because of the strong military aspect of security during the Cold War on the one hand and the regime's lack of legitimacy and dependence on the United States after the 1953 coup, on the other hand, "national security" is mostly narrow. "Government security" or "regime security" was defined, and as a result, the state-building project in the second Pahlavi era deviated from its original path and took a military-security direction. To explain this issue, a combination of structural neo-realist theory and state-building theory has been used. Findings show that Iran's sensitive geopolitical position and structural requirements for playing an active regional player in the US global defense strategy in the Cold War bipolar order, fear of Soviet communism and radical Arab nationalism, the most important and obvious factors influencing the structure of the international system are the security-militarization of the state-building policies of the second Pahlavi regime

The advent of photography and cinema, along with the development of technical tools for reproducing and disseminating images, has given many geographical spaces a great virtual appearance and confrontation with the public, a process that can be described as the “democratization” of space. In this process, the formation of a structure of all geographical spaces is represented. At least four factors must be used for parallelism: Duplication, Pluralization, Diversity, and Multiplicity. Matchmaking is an effort to produce and reproduce all features and characteristics of a space. Pluralism means the possibility of the presence of all opportunities in a space without a centrist force. Divergence also refers to centrifugal flow, based on which collectivism and pluralism are made and ultimately suffocation refers to a way in which there is no sign of separation, uniformity and assimilation. These four factors are an attempt to eliminate discrimination and inequality in the homogeneous distribution of space. This means that the four factors must be used to break the center-periphery relationship and centralize one space and marginalize other spaces. A central space tries to highlight its features and coordinates and turn it into an “audit center” and reduce spatial diversity. Cinema deals with both ways of parallelizing and distributing inequalities. In other words, on the one hand, cinema can give space to the marginal spaces of opportunity and create a democratic space and it can also move towards justifying and showing the superiority of the central space in opposition to the “other space”. How spatial representations are represented in cinema is a matter of linking cinema and geography. Slavoj Žižek, the Slovenian post-Marxist philosopher, transformed the Hollywood film industry and its political-spatial developments by categorizing the American theatrical process from 1990 to 2001 after being affected by the September 11 attacks. He divides it into “Truman’s” and “Matrix’s” plays and explores the ideological and dramatic coordination of Americans’ understanding of the world after 9/11. Truman is a 1998 comedy, sci-fi, and drama film directed by Peter Lindsay Weir and starring Jim Carrey. The film depicts the life of a man whose life is being broadcast on television 24 hours a day for millions of people around the world without his knowledge. The film’s plot revolves around a middle-class man who, after a while, realizes what he has in mind about his happy and promising life. It’s a TV show. The Matrix is ​​a 1999 science fiction film written and directed by the Wachowski Brothers. The film narrates the existence of human beings as fictional realities that are constructed by man-made machines and nourished by the human mind and energy. According to Žižek, both films represent the real-life credentials of everyday life in the United States and question “simulated reality” and represent “the Ultimate American Paranoid Fantasy”. Media is recognized as a powerful and influential tool in today’s world that directs the flow of power generation in space. Cinema and film have become an important tool for competing on a variety of national and transnational scales as one of the important pillars of the media which have the power to persuade, motivate and lead to uncertainty. Therefore, research on the relationship between geopolitics and cinema, which began with post-modern approaches and especially with the influence of the Frankfurt School, follows a study of how to represent the action and response of geopolitical foundations in film circles and its external effects are on the audience. The present study, by using discourse and narrative analyses of three selected films, Rambo 2 (1985), Unwanted Injury (2002), and Fall (2012), seeks to explore how Russian geopolitical foundations are represented in Hollywood cinema. The results of this study indicate that discourses such as the cold War, non-construction, unorganized space, Russia-China-Iran triangle, and tensions seem to be the most important elements of geopolitical representations of Russia in Hollywood cinema. In these films, the location of the film’s screenplays is the same locations proposed by classical geopolitical theorists such as Halford John Mackinder and Nicholas John Spykman; places such as Hartland and Rimland, or spaces where hostile geopolitics survived the cold War. It is reminiscent of Russia, Cuba, and Colombia. Hollywood also needs to represent these strategic locations as “geopolitical tensions”. From a geopolitical point of view, Hollywood cinema seems to have “hegemonic representations” that produce in the minds of the audience a “new consensus” and a ‘new interpretation” of the world map.

Historically speaking, Afghanistan has been the center of social and tribal crises. In the Cold War era also this country was the arena for confrontation of the two Superpowers. One of the consequences of this confrontation was the massive immigration of Afghanis to Pakistan and Iran. Of course in 1970's, owing to oil flourish in Middle Eastern countries, Iran was the recipient of economic immigrants from Afghanistan. However, this immigration gained momentum after the political conditions of the Cold War had prevailed, and subsequent to the withdrawal of the former U.S.S.R. troops from Afghanistan, the country plunged into tribal skirmishes and new structural complications, the consequences of which affected the lives of immigrants, and which still persists. In the post Cold War era and after emergence of new situations in the region, inter alia due to emancipation of Middle Asian Countries and the State of Azerbaijan from the U.S.S.R.'s presence, exploration of vast volumes of oil and gas in those countries, which attracted the World's attention, and cultivation of great amounts of opium in Afghanistan and the presence of international elements in management thereof, as well as the presence of the United States of America in Afghanistan, we are witnessing new forms of situation, which does affect Afghan immigrants' stay or return determination. The present article is an attempt for identifying determinant factors in immigration of Afghans to Iran.

One of the effects of the Cold War and the results of developments on the international arena and foreign policies of European countries, Including France, was intellectual and philosophical. This effect was more in the form of a shift from Gaullism to Neogaullism, with a kind of shift from authority or domination to convergence; But then, France's foreign policy emphasizes geopolitical position and independence mentality Influenced by Gaullism thought as a symbol of national identity, shifted towards the realization of the neo-Gaulist idea of rethinking the European approach. Of course, in French foreign policy, the idea of a new European identity based on French power is still being pursued, and the main goal of French foreign policy is to take steps to promote French power in the European Union. However, the creation of a united Europe, influenced by neogaulist views, is one of France's most important foreign policy goals. In this article, the authors try to answer the question that "How have Gaulist and Neogaulist thoughts influenced French foreign policy towards the European Union since the Cold War?" The main hypothesis is that France's foreign policy towards the European Union after the Cold War has evolved from pursuing the idea of "French splendor" as the legacy of "Gaulism" to the neogaulist idea of "more Europeanism" with the aim of reproducing a new European identity. The present article is written with a descriptive-analytical approach and the method of data collection using library resources and data in virtual space is used.

This article seeks to answer the question, what will be the future of China-US relations? The answer to this question is important from the point of view that the future strategic competition in the world will be between these two powers, and the future interactions of the world will strongly affect the quality of the relations between the two powers. The descriptive-analytical hypothesis of the paper is that the future of China-US relations could be manifested in three forms of military conflict (The Thucydides Trap), the new Cold War (Churchill's trap), and the concert system (competitive interdependence). Taking into account the role of "political agents" and the role of the "structure of the international system" in determining the behavior of governments, the The Thucydides Trap as a "possible scenario", the Churchill trap as a "probable scenario", and the joint concert or management system as The "preferred scenario" is considered. The findings show that while the will of political agents leads them to cooperate, structural requirements also limit their freedom of action to cooperate. Under these circumstances, it seems that the leaders of China and the United States will probably escape from the The Thucydides Trap due to their very dangerous consequences, but the structural requirements will prevent them from moving towards the concert system and therefore they will be trapped in Churchill's trap.

The studies conducted as part of this article show that the network of intellectuals created by the United States during the Cold War realized the ineffectiveness of a hardline and negative approach to opinions of the left and moved to provide an internal reading of it as the "non-communist left" by adopting a soft and affirmative attitude, while recognizing this orientation. By developing and supporting this idea, which transforms communism within itself and criticizes it while epistemically belonging to the left's ideology, this network promoted an alternative model that served the political purpose of institutions of power and their funders, namely curbing the influence of the Soviet Union, while undermining the foundations of the legitimacy of eastern European governments.

The end of World War II and the rise of the Soviet Union and the United States of America from its ashes, the beginning of the Cold War and the characteristics of the bipolar system in the scientific, technological, political, economic, ideological, geopolitical, geostrategic and ... fields, made the decade of 1945-55 an important time to Iran's foreign policy. The question arises here is, whether ideology (Socialism and Marxism or capitalism and liberalism) could have imposed itself as one of the structural features of the bipolar system on Iran's foreign policy in years between 1945-55? It seems that in the global blocking of power, the preservation or development of the ideological capabilities of the superpowers as one of the supporting factors and the structural support of the bipolar system has played a significant role in balancing their forces and, after all, in the foreign policy of Iran. The present article, in understanding this point, has used Waltz's theory of neo-realism, which considers power as the most important factor in maintaining the balance of power and sees military force as the most important element of this power, but not distributes capabilities merely in military affairs and extends it to other categories including scientific, technological, political, economic, ideological, geopolitical, geostrategic, etc.

The end of cold war and disability of governed theories on the international correlations established through forecasting evolutions, caused formation of criticizing trend about positivism assumptions. Based on this theory, there is a need for a modern view for analyzing and understanding regional and international revolutions. The research investigates the issue that what are evolutional paradigms after the modern changes in the international correlation theories after cold war and specially the September 11 attacks and what is the emphasis of the recent decade findings about efficient concepts for analyzing issues. Based on the main question of the research, the main question is that after cold war and specially September 11 attack, the modern theories have moved toward analyzing (criticizing positivism theories) realism, neorealism, toward regional analysis levels and the importance of entity in analyzing international changes. The research results demonstrate that unlike positivism theories, modern theories have social and international relations. Secondly, September 11 attacks is considered as a guideline for worldwide actors goals such as the U.S.A. third, in order to understand the modern evolutions we need theories and concepts that emphasize regional analysis. Fourth, the issue of entity in the new decade is mixed with the issue of entity and universal and regional conflicts show that it is possible to observe it in Islamic sample such as correlation between Iran and India.

Anti-Hegemonism is one of the important attributes of the foreign policy of the Islamic State and, consequently, the Islamic Republic of Iran. This feature is based on the Quranic thoughts. With starting Iran's nuclear talks with six world powers and reaching to the JCPOA accord, the ratio between anti-hegemonism and negotiation was questioned; that, in the event of negotiation and compromise with the arrogant, what would be the task of anti-hegemonism? At first glance, the principle of anti-hegemonism be in contrast with negotiation and reconciliation, while, in the tradition and mode of prophethood, there is also negotiation and compromise with the same arrogant, while we cant accused infallible Imam to compromising with the infidels. To achieve a model for analyzing the behavior of the Islamic State's foreign policy and the practice of the infallible, we have reached the point that the Islamic laws are threefold: first, the fixed and unconditional principles which anti-hegemonism is among them. Second; Variable principles according to time and place. Some of the Islamic laws relates to specific issues and issues that can be changed in terms of time, place, and position. Direct confrontation tactics (warfare), direct hostility without conditions of war, negotiation and peace are variable sentences according to the conditions of time and place, and the third model is a fixed but variable principles which nemed as ijtihad, expediency, importance, time and place. The Islamic ruler, with the tools of ijtihad, expediency, and ... adapts non-essential principles to variables based on time, space and requirements. Therefore, it is rationally possible that the Islamic State is anti-hegemonist, while in particular situations use negotiating and also reaching an agreement. This model is designed and explained in the text of this article

The Islamic Revolution of Iran has been effective as a major revolution in the transformation of the international system. Why and how this impact, as well as its dimensions and areas, is the subject of this article, which interprets the analysis of bibliographic and documentary data in an interpretative way.
The Islamic Revolution of Iran took place in a Cold War-based bipolar international system, in which Iran was considered a key contributor to the US-led West Camp. The first Cold War conflict between the superpowers took place over Iran, and Iran, as the central member of the Central Treaty Organization, was connecting two other Western military allies, NATO and SEATO, to the East. In addition, most of the economic, military, technical, expertise, and intelligence-security assistance was provided outside of NATO to Iran. As a result, Iran was considered as a full perfect Western ally which was considered "the first bumper" against the East in the north and "West Gendarmerie" in the Persian Gulf.
With the victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran and the withdrawal of this country from CENTO, the Western-security belt of the West around the east collapsed, the Nixon double doctrine collapsed in the Middle East, the West gendarmerie in the Persian Gulf was destroyed, the defense system of the West in north of Iran disintegrated and The main axis policy of the United States in the region, Israel, was seriously threatened.
In addition, with the Islamic Revolution of Iran, the country left the western camp but did not join the Eastern camp, strengthened the NAM and formed a real non-alignment, introduced the idea of ​​an independent Islamic bloc, a new model for revolution in the countries of the Third world, it prompted the rise of Islamic movements and the birth of political Islam {Islamists} as an effective non-governmental actor in the international system

The 1979 Iranian revolution and coming into power of a Islamic Shiite government in Iran brought Iran and Saudi Arabia into an embittered rivalry. The later developments like fall of the Saddam following US led invasion in 2003, the establishment of a Shiite government in Iraq and the Arab uprising in 2011 further confronted Iran and Saudi Arabia. These developments divided the countries of the Middle East region into two groups on the basis of religious ideology. The question raised by the paper is "whether the competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia had led the two into a cold war in the Middle East region? The underlying hypothesis is that the regional competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia and the efforts of the two for bringing an equilibrium and strategic balance in the region has practically put both the countries in a rivalry situation and cold war. The paper uses descriptive-analytical framework to substantiate the hypothesis. The finding of the study shows that Iran and Saudi Arabia practically are in a state of cold war and the practical finding of the paper and suggestion is that Iran and Saudi Arabia should not close the diplomatic and negotiations channel because in the absence of diplomacy there is possibility that the management of relations may go out of hands of the statesmen and the military commanders may take control of the situation. In that case both the countries will face difficult and unpredictable conditions.