economic development

Identifying and prioritizing the key drivers of a country's economic development is one of the primary prerequisites for policymaking and economic development planning. The main objective of this study is to identify the most significant drivers of the country's economic development. In this study, content analysis and structural analysis methods have been employed to identify and prioritize these economic development drivers.In the first stage, forty economic development factors were identified through content analysis. Subsequently, expert opinions were gathered from nineteen leading specialists in economic development. To analyze the collected data, the cross-impact matrix and MICMAC software were utilized. The findings of the study indicate that the six main drivers of the country's economic development are as follows: (1) improving international and regional interactions and resolving conflicts, (2) reforming the quality of the government bureaucracy, (3) restructuring the decision-making process by enhancing awareness, increasing the application of scientific knowledge, and eliminating institutional capture, (4) improving the quality of the judiciary system, (5) restructuring the economic system, and (6) supporting domestic private sector investment. An examination of the direct effects of these drivers shows that the decision-making system is the most influential driver of economic development, as it directly impacts the reform of the bureaucratic system. Additionally, an analysis of the indirect effects indicates that the decision-making system, as a key driver of economic development, significantly influences both private sector investment support and economic restructuring.

Achieving economic development is one of the most important goals of governments, and this opportunity is more available for countries that have natural resources, including oil. The incomes of the single-product economy affect the economy of countries with oil resources in different ways. depending on the mechanism of using these revenues; Oil revenues can be a factor to accelerate or hinder the movement towards economic development. In this regard, the main goal of this study is to investigate the impact of oil rent on economic development in Iraq. The results of model estimation using the ARDL method in the time period of 1990-2022 showed that oil rent had a positive and significant effect and its square had a negative and significant effect on the human development index as a measure of economic development in Iraq. . Therefore, there is a non-linear relationship between oil rent and economic development in Iraq. At a glance, oil revenues can have two opposite effects on the human capital index as a measure of economic development. Oil revenues can strengthen and develop the education system by providing sufficient resources for the education budget of the government and thus lead to the strengthening of human capital. But at the same time, the expansion of oil revenues and the creation of a rentier state in the economy can turn oil resources into the target of rent-seeking groups, and instead of allocating oil revenues to educational infrastructure,.

This article proceeds in three steps: First, we attempt to show within a conceptual-theoretical framework that development in our era, the information age, has found a new dominant mode, which is called the Informational Mode of Development. While explaining this new mode of development, we attempt to show the driving role of this type of development to other aspects of development, such as economic development and human development. In the second step, by presenting a very concise picture of Iran's situation in some key indicators of information development, we show that despite the availability of conditions, Iran has not been able to provide the infrastructure and grounds required for informational development and the blessings that come from it, due to the defective way of dealing with ICTs and emerging technological phenomena on the one hand and neglect of the field of education and knowledge in recent years on the other. In the third step, we present a very concise analysis of the obstacles to informational development in Iran. Then in the conclusion section, we will point out some strategic imperatives for development within the framework of the informational mode of development.Our conceptualization of the informational mode of development and informational development is largely indebted to Manuel Castells, Pekka Himanen and their colleagues in the book "Reconceptualizing Development in the Global Information Age"; However, we will use the discussions of people such as Klaus Schwab, William Brian Arthur and his discussion on "Economic Evolution Following Technological Evolution" and the findings of various researchers for further explanation.

In the theoretical and conceptual part of the article, we rely on the meta-synthesis of existing research literature in this field. To measure Iran's status in the fundamental indicators of informational development, we use documentary studies and secondary data from existing global reports.

Today, the competitiveness of territories and companies depends largely on their ability to follow the rules of the information economy. Research literature in this field shows a positive and synergistic relationship between informationalism and the productivity and competitiveness of countries, regions and companies. The realization of this synergistic relationship is conditional on the existence of three factors; factors that can be considered the three fundamental aspects of informationdevelopment:Adequate and optimal infrastructure in ICTs (technology diffusion)Organizational transformation in the form of networking (for example, networked enterprise and e-governmentIncreasing the quality of the human workforce, which depends on education and quality of life.Accordingly, a country that wants to benefit from the blessings and advantages of information development in today's world must first have strong, extensiveand comprehensive ICT infrastructures and constantly update and strengthen them at the level ofthe most developed countries in the world; second, companies and organizations in that country (both private and public, including the government itself) must be managed in a networked manner and also have strong links with global financial and commercial exchange networks; and third, there must be a knowledge-based and capable human resource to support this entire ecosystem of informational development. Emphasis on infrastructure and technical dimensions and neglect of network dimensions, especially human and knowledge dimensions, will cause the information development cycle to remain incomplete and unstable. Even if economic growth is achieved in the short term, the country may move away from holistic development due to increasing inequalities, poverty, and the digital-income gap.This is while Iran's situation in global indicators related to the development and application of ICT is improving slowly overall, but it is clearly lagging behind the leading countries of the world and all the rich and stable countries of the region and is in some cases regressing. Even where growth is observed, the growth rate is so slow and the growth process is so steep that it seems as if the country has no intention of competing and excelling in regional and international competition. In addition, even the current technological infrastructure has not been optimally used to network the government and society and improve the quality of governance. The unfavorable trend of indicators related to human capital is also alarming and may challenge one of the important aspects of the country's informational development in the near future.

Reliable statistics and documents indicate that informational development in today's world is related to economic growth, productivity growth, poverty and inequality reduction, job creation, overcoming climate change and environmental degradation, and even administrative and political efficiency and the quality of governance. The capacity to produce wealth has never been as dependent on the intensity of informationalism as it is in our time, but informational development is not only the main driver of economic development, but it has also found a close relationship with human development. The fundamental and contextual role of ICTs for the emerging technologies of the Fourth Industrial Revolution indicates that this situation will intensify in the future.Therefore, if Iran wants to have a central position in the structure of power and wealth of the world today and in the future, it is bound to make major decisions and strategic choices to rethink its approach to emerging information and communication technologies on the one hand and to make urgent efforts to facilitate the country's macro-environment of informational development on the other. The future of the country's development in the current development paradigm depends to a large extent on the level of acceptance and support for the informational mode of development and the level of provision of platforms for its leapfrog growth. In Iran, however, the prerequisite for any policy and strategy in this area will be a change in the dominant intellectual framework and approach to new ICTs.

Since World War II, the concept of development has entered the realm of political literature, encompassing various political, economic, cultural, and other dimensions. Rooted in the scientific and modern thinking of the Age of Enlightenment, development aims to improve the human life. At its core, development entails using societal production resources to enhance the living conditions of the poor. It signifies evolution, change, growth, progress, and modernization. Without a clear understanding of these concepts, it will be difficult to define development accurately. An overview of theoretical perspectives on development reveals that global political changes have consistently influenced the way scholars and thinkers consider different elements in their approach towards the concept of development.Various approaches to development include development as the historical progress, natural resource extraction, preplanned sociopolitical progress, economic growth, structural transformation, modernization, leaps in productive forces (Marxist interpretation), freedom of choice, sustainable development, and antiindustrialism. There have also been some reflections on development as a discourse of dominance, the idea of postdevelopment, and development as a state versus development as a process. These approaches illustrate the conceptual evolution of development in relation with politics. In addition to the diversity of approaches, development encompasses multiple interrelated dimensions: economic, social, political, cultural, human, industrial, as well as sustainable development.The current study aimed to explain the political–economic dimensions of development and the obstacles and issues faced in Ilam Province in Iran. Historically, these two dimensions are prerequisites for others, so it is reasonably justified to analyze them simultaneously. While a onedimensional approach to development may suffice in some cases, comprehensive development necessitates the coordination and simultaneity of multiple dimensions. The explanations based on agency tend to identify critical junctures in policymaking, describing the actors involved in vital decisionmaking processes and their rationale for implementing certain decisions. Another approach emphasizes the structure of political institutions.

Literature Review:

Several studies have dealt with development and the elite. Nooryan (2013) investigated the role of the political elite in the development of contemporary Asian societies. He found that political elites have had both positive and, at times, negative impact on the process of growth and balanced development in these societies. Focusing on the case of Iran from 1953 to 1978, Zibakalam et al. (2012) argued that Iranian political elites had hindered political development through a hierarchical power structure, abuse of power and corruption, prohibition on free and fair elections, election fraud, press suppression, and the suppression of independent parties and groups. Parizad and Hatamifar (2019) examined the role of economic elites after the Islamic Revolution in Iran. They concluded that sustainable economic growth and development requires paving the way and preparing economic infrastructure in the country. Jalali and Gholami (2010) examined the intellectual cohesion of political elites within the government and the establishment of political stability. Their historical studies demonstrated the key role of elites in social, political, economic, and cultural transformations, influencing the development process as well. Relying on Adrian Leftwich’s theory, Eyni and Delavari (2018) compared the role of elites in the economic development of Iran and Malaysia during the presidency of Mohammad Khatami and Mahathir Mohamad in the respective countries. According to them, they found that Iran’s economic development requires national consensus and support for the economic policies, as well as stability and a collective cultural effort.

The study aimed to explain a model of factors influencing the political–economic development of Ilam Province, focusing on the role of the official elite. As an applied inquiry, the study adopted a mixed method design combining qualitative and quantitative approaches for data collection. In the qualitative phase, the statistical population of the study consisted of 30 experts, professors, and local elites. The qualitative analysis relied on a nonrandom, snowball sampling method, and the sampling was continued until theoretical saturation. The Delphi technique was used to identify the factors influencing the political–economic development of Ilam Province. The quantitative phase helped determine the model fit.

After reviewing the theoretical foundations and background, the study extracted the components and identified the factors influencing the political–economic development of Ilam Province. The analysis focused on the role of the official elite. The identified factors were validated and finalized through the Delphi technique and expert panels. The factors were then incorporated into a model. The validity and reliability of the model, as well as the model fit, were determined. Moreover, the hypotheses were formulated accordingly. According tothe results, some factors directly influence the political–economic development of Ilam Province. These factors that are closely related to the elite include: the sense of political security, motivations, meritocracy, developmentalism, culturebuilding, competitive scientific environment, strategic orientation, and political institutionality of the elite, as well as the context of the Islamic society. Therefore, the intermittent or continuous progress of Iran in the last three decades can be attributed to the elite’s will, responsibility, and feeling of attachment to their home country, namely Iran. Despite numerous challenges and a lack of technological infrastructure, hundreds of prominent figures are actively working in various fields, with significant results so far.

Based on the research findings and the model, two courses of action can be suggested for pursuing development in Ilam Province. Working within the framework of their proposed plans, the unofficial elite must gain a nuanced understanding of the obstacles facing the development of the province. They need to realize that development requires measures that sometimes go beyond the control of the government and the official elite. Second, the official elite must relinquish their governmental monopoly on decisionmaking and allow the unofficial elite to participate in structural and behavioral decisionmaking processes. The two courses of action can help reach a common understanding for decisionmaking characterized by realism, pragmatism, rationalism, compliance with the positive law, and consideration of national interests and the province’s development. Therefore, the development model of Ilam province is not legally different from the country’s development model. However, the cultural and social relations between official and unofficial elites may differ from those in other provinces. Recognizing these differences can help facilitate development in Ilam Province.

Awareness of citizenship rights can have a significant impact on the economic development of urban areas. When citizens are aware of their rights in areas such as transparency, access to public services and protection of property rights, an environment for investment and entrepreneurship is provided that will help grow the local economy. Awareness of citizenship rights leads to the development of infrastructure and improvement of the quality of life, which has more positive effects on the economic prosperity of urban areas. The present study was conducted with the aim of measuring the impact of awareness of citizenship rights on economic development in Shiraz city. In this regard, the research method of structural analysis and pairwise comparison of mutual effects of indicators was used using MICMAC software. The results of the research were presented in the form of tables and graphs output from the software and showed that citizens' awareness of their rights causes indicators such as attracting capital, improving urban access, increasing empowerment and improving public services to have more direct effects on the economic development of urban areas. By strengthening transparency and increasing social participation, these factors provide a suitable platform for the economic growth and prosperity of these areas. In addition, the graph of influence and effectiveness showed that the indicators are scattered on the axis and do not have stable conditions. The most important indicator for the economic development of urban areas is the formulation of laws that provide the possibility of attracting maximum capital with minimum risk. These laws provide a suitable platform for economic growth by creating investment security and reducing obstacles.

The purpose of this research is to investigate the role and importance of tourist attractions in the economic development of Qazvin city. The current research is applied in terms of its purpose and descriptive-analytical in terms of its nature and research method. The statistical population of the research was made up of experts and businesses related to tourism in Qazvin city. Based on this, 100 people were selected as a statistical sample by simple random sampling. The data collection tool was a questionnaire. In order to analyze the data Collected descriptive and inferential statistics were used by SPSS statistical software. The findings of the research, while confirming the proposed hypotheses, showed the effects of tourism on increasing income and creating employment in Qazvin city. The results of the research indicated that if the tourism of Qazvin city is accompanied by short, medium and long-term planning, it will have a very positive effect on the economic growth and development of Qazvin city, and if the tourism development of Qazvin city is neglected or continued If the current situation is the same, while the tourism development potential of Qazvin will not be fully exploited, the continuation of the tourism development process of the current situation will also face difficulties.

Developmentism is a trend that entered Iran with thought, modernity, and specifically modernization. Although development is a contemporary term, the root of underdevelopment must be found in Iran's natural structure, geopolitical situation, and historical authoritarian structure. In the contemporary period, issues such as geoeconomics, security, and incentive structure (the presence or absence of the will for development) were added to them. Mohammad Reza Pahlavi made efforts for economic development in Iran in the last two decades of his rule. The main purpose of the article is to examine the issue of development from a theoretical perspective, the historical roots of the obstacles to Iran's development, and Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's actions to overcome underdevelopment. The main question is what obstacles and factors affected Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's will and actions for economic development. The result is that the historical structure and the lack of formation of efficient institutions did not advance political development in line with and in balance with economic development. Political obstruction led to a lack of appreciation for social capital and the critical wisdom of economic experts. The huge oil revenues in the last decade also failed to save the economy, which had initially relied on production, from recession. The method of the article is historical research. Its information was collected from libraries, publications, and websites and written in a descriptive and analytical manner

Unlike Iran’s idealist foreign policy during the first decade of the Islamic Revolution, there was a gradual shift in discourse after the establishment of the Reconstruction administration in 1989. This shift revealed a growing tendency to prioritize domestic goals over transnational objectives, often referred to in general terms as pragmatism. In the meantime, the security policy of the Islamic Republic underwent new innovations which were influenced by post-war domestic conditions and emerging regional and international developments, indicating some kind of intellectual capacity based on relative consensus among decision-makers. The working hypothesis posits that pragmatism of the Reconstruction administration (1989–1997) prioritized economic development as the cornerstone of its security policy, thus equating national security with national development. Recognizing its capabilities and limitations while upholding Islamic values, the Islamic state prioritized economic reform and sought to rebuild its relations with other nations, hence a shift towards a more realist approach in foreign policy. In this respect, the present article aimed to examine the security policymaking process and the initiatives undertaken to advance new security considerations—a distinctive experience closely associated with Hashemi Rafsanjani’s Reconstruction administration. The analysis concerned the factors contributing to the security policy of the Reconstruction administration (1989–1997), and its relationship with economic development as well as the overall foreign policy of the country. The study tried to answer the question as to what relationship existed between development and security in the security policymaking of the Reconstruction administration.

Literature Review:

In an article titled “A Shift in the National Security Approach of the Islamic Republic in the Second Decade of the Islamic Revolution,” Ardestani (2013) states that the most important orientation in Iran’s post-war foreign policy was alignment with the regional and international environment. In “Discursive Transformation of National Security Governance in the Islamic Republic of Iran,” Khalili (2019) underscores that the putative discursive transformation, despite shaping the IRI’s distinctive governance approach, has led to a weakening consensus, polarization, and conflict both within society and within the structures and institutions of national security. In “The Impact of the Idea of Self-Reliance on the National Security of the Islamic Republic of Iran,” Dehshiri et al. (2022) focused on the reasons behind the IRI’s emphasis on self-reliance. They concluded that the realization of self-reliance and the subsequent national security—regardless of the government—is influenced by several factors, such as the national cohesion, strategic geopolitical position, historical–civilizational background, pursuit of political independence, mutual trust between people and rulers, and effective and constructive relations with regional and international actors. Another notable work is Iran’s Security Policy in the Post-Revolutionary Era (Byman, 2001). It delves into Iran’s security considerations during the 1990s, particularly during the establishment of the Reconstruction administration. Considering the related literature, the innovative aspect of the present study lies in its focus on security policy of the Reconstruction administration by relying on an analytical approach which is missing in the related literature.

The present research adopted a descriptive–analytical approach. This kind of analysis involves summarizing and describing the main features of a dataset, aiming to provide information such as measures of central tendency, dispersion, and distribution without drawing inferences or making conclusions.

A key characteristic of governmental security policies, transformability reflects both the ongoing transformation of threat focal points in line with international and regional developments, and the flexibility and modernization embedded in the government’s security decision-making structure. Transformability actually represents the breadth and depth of intellectual capacity within the country’s management system. During the post-war period, what became prioritized as the emerging security orientation under the Reconstruction administration incorporated aspects of both features mentioned above. The governmental foreign and security policymaking process was grounded in relative consensus among decision-makers, acknowledging the perilous and challenging conditions in domestic, regional, and international arenas. During the first decade of the Islamic Revolution, this appraoch sought to balance the political, security, and economic indicators, which were influenced by political–economic, ideological, and cultural factors, as well as the performance of Iran’s revolutionary institutions. While adhering to the revolutionary principles to build a strong Iran and gain international recognition, Hashemi Rafsanjani’s pragmatism involved a concerted effort to end the political isolation imposed on Iran during the Iraq–Iran War, secure the national interests, and reconstruct the country by relying on political realism. This kind of realism, coupled with revolutionary idealism, emphasized a broader understanding of expediency and underscored the significant role of rationality in formulating and planning foreign and security policies. It also highlighted the importance of recognizing the relation between pragmatism and development in the context of Iran’s security policy. According to the research findings, pragmatism in security policymaking of the Reconstruction administration goes beyond a merely historical experience, indicating an intellectual capacity within the country’s macro-management system, which can effectively guide decision-makers in critical situations.

The experience of pragmatism coupled with development is not merely a recent phenomenon in the history of Iran; it actually offers valuable insights and lessons that can guide Iran in overcoming future challenges. Achieving these milestones hinges on revitalizing the intellectual capacity of the country’s management system, enriching it, and facilitating its orientation towards societal security decision-making.

This article is a theoretical article that analyzes the dominant strategies of economic development for developing countries. The purpose of this article is to criticize two strategies of import substitution and structural adjustment from the perspective of new structuralism, new structuralism arising from successful experiences in the field. Pacific and China, Vietnam and India from 1978, 1986 and 1991 respectively. In the same way, the new structuralism is also influenced by the economic failures. Therefore, this article also answers questions such as why China's transition to a market economy was successful, but the Soviet transition to a market failed. The findings of this article show that according to the new structuralism, poor countries have hidden capabilities and advantages that, if they are realized, these governments are able to achieve rapid growth rates and close the backwardness gap. In this article, this The advantages and how to actualize them have been analyzed, the research method in this article is explanatory.

In studying the policies governing the development plans of the second Pahlavi period and the Islamic Republic of Iran, an attempt was made to analyze the analytical framework in order to understand the process and causes of economic development failures in the last seventy years. For this purpose, using an interdisciplinary approach, the role of civil and economic development in the effectiveness of the country's development policies was investigated.To the central government is the incomplete modeling of Western school development programs and the disregard for indigenous capacities and requirements and territorial planning.This imperfect modeling removed the people from economic management and replaced the government as a holding entity. In the period of the Islamic Republic, in order to make economic policies effective and get rid of these failures, it was tried to privatize and internalize the economy as the axis of planning and the resistance economy as the Iranian and Islamic model and the driver and axis of development. The Pahlavi era and the imposed war and sanctions have slowed the growth of economic development.Keywords: civil and economic development, economic policy, endogenous development, government-centered, resistance economy

There is a close connection between domestic policy and foreign policy in the contemporary world. Meanwhile, the expansion and strengthening of the middle class and increasing its role as the driver of the development of societies is influenced by the governments' foreign policy. In this regard, the aim of this research is to explain the consequences of Iran's foreign policy on the position and fate of the middle class. The main question is: What effect has Iran's foreign policy approaches had on the middle class? Have these approaches led to the strengthening or weakening of the middle class? The hypothesis of the research is that "Iran's foreign policy strategy is based on the priority of security issues over economic development, and this has caused neglect of economic goals, and as a result, the position of the middle class in Iran has been weakened." The theoretical framework of the research is a free use of the literature of development-oriented foreign policy. The article deals with this issue with a qualitative approach and using the method of analyzing events. This study is a library-documentary research. The findings of the research indicate that this activist class has lost its social, economic, political and cultural dignity in the last two decades and this situation is the result of foreign policy and its impact on the economic conditions of the country and on the fate of the middle class as the drivers of changes and the dynamics of society

The present research is aimed at studying the impact of economic development on political development and expanding democratic values in People’s Republic of China. The article examines the role of political development and the emergence of the private sector in political development in the People's Republic of China between 1989 and 2023. According to the research hypothesis, despite the government’s efforts to increase the participation of the private sector, the middle class, and the civil society in managing different sectors of the country, there is no sign of the tenants of western model of political development – such as multi-party system, separation of power, and free elections – in China; furthermore, the private sector has increased the level of political stability in China. The findings of the present research indicate that the growth of private sector, the middle class, and the civil society has not led to serious opposition against the Communist Party of China and the expansion of democratic movements; in other words, the Communist Party of China has been able to preserve its legitimacy and prevent serious opposition through establishing close relations with non-governmental sectors and imposing strict supervision on them. Moreover, this kind of relation between the Communist Party of China and the non-governmental sectors has led to the maintenance of political stability during the last four decades. Therefore, the political and social development model in China is fundamentally different from what has been considered as political and social development in western countries. This research was done on the basis of library sources and the research method is explanatory-constitutive.

This article examines the policy, performance, and social base of the Construction Agents Party of Iran and seeks to answer the question, what is the social base, performance, and policy of the Construction Agents Party of Iran? As a hypothesis, it should be said that the Party of Construction Agents is a government-made party, arising from the thinking and discourse of the construction government, and its social base is among the technocrats who believe in technocracy and in their policy and practice on the free market and minimal government. And they emphasize the priority of economic development over political development. On the other hand, this party benefited from the comprehensive support of Hashemi Rafsanjani's government; As a result of its modernization and infrastructural and development changes, especially in urban areas, it was able to open its place among the modern urban middle class and attract the support of this class. Economic development is the most central concept in the performance and policy of this party. This article has used the descriptive-analytical method and has collected its data through documentary and library methods.

The literature of development and especially economic development after the Second World War has been very important for elites, researchers and statesmen and has organized the policies of governments to move in the direction of economic growth and development. Not only industrialized, advanced and first world countries, but newly industrialized, developing and third world countries also considered the movement and leap towards economic development as an important matter and a new special task of statesmen, planners and intellectual elites and thinkers. In the current research, the country of Turkey, whose economic growth and development has been significant in recent decades, has been studied and investigated. Therefore, the main question is, what effect did Turkey's foreign policy have on the economic development of this country during the years 1980 to 2008? It is assumed that by adopting a development oriented foreign policy, Turkey was able to put the two issues of foreign policy and economic development on the same path and has achieved some successes in this direction. In fact, the results show that the study on the relationship between development and foreign policy in Turkey clearly shows the mentioned link. This country, especially in the 1980s and also in the decade after the Justice and Development Party came to power, has shown a strong tendency to build trust and improve relations in the field of foreign policy (especially towards the Western world). This case also strengthens the idea of mutual connection between economic development and peaceful foreign policy. The main goal of this research is to investigate and explain the role of foreign policy in promoting and realizing Turkey's economic development, which can be achieved by using qualitative methods and using library resources.

One of the issues raised today in the public opinion and the scientific community of the country is the questions and ambiguities regarding the relationship between the economic situation of the country and the role of the I.R.Iran in the resistance front. The main question in this article is about the impact of the role of the I.R.Iran in the axis of resistance on national interests from the perspective of political economy.In this article, as much as possible, we have tried to address all the political and economic components at both domestic and foreign levels, which are somehow related to explaining the position of the economy in the case of supporting the axis of resistance. It is obvious that running a country in a chaotic environment on the one hand and good governance to achieve maximum satisfaction of individuals on the other hand, has implications that logic dictates to look at all issues in a systematic way and avoiding comprehensive analytical reductionism in order to explain the position of the economy in the process of managing the resistance. The novelty of the article is that the issue of the country's economy and at the same time the role of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the axis of resistance has been studied in a field of internal and external components.

The purpose of the present study is to review the nature and causes of the failure of economic adjustment policies in Iran from the view of political economics. The research method is descriptive-analytic and it relies on the hypothesis that since development theories are directly related to political economics in every society and its structure should be executed based on economic and strategic planning in the country, the Iranian government’s intervention and its outstanding share as a catalyst in the process of development or underdevelopment have been the main causes of Iran’s failure in its economic adjustment policies during 19089 to 2020. This predicament has gradually led Iran astray in preventing it from the appropriate execution of its development plans which led to the deterioration of economic and social conditions in the country. It not only has removed needed conditions and background for development, but also has had threatening consequences such as economic development crisis and fragile multilateral improvement in the country.

Reviewing the history of Iran's development efforts in the past 150 years shows periods of accompanying, or being ahead and behind countries. Japan and South Korea have a clear position in this field. This research examines Iran's development situation in comparison with these two countries in historical periods (1860-1926 and 1963-2010), within the framework of North, Acemoglu, and Robinson's institutional model. This approach focuses on formal rules, procedures, and organizations to explain the relationship between institutional structures and the success or failure of policies. The main question in this research is that despite the creation of political structure in Iran in the 19th century, compared to the experiences of Japan In the second half of the 19th century and South Korea in the early 20th century, why did the development program in Iran not go well and comprehensive political and economic institutional arrangements were not achieved? The obtained results show that the alignment of the government and the developing nation in Iran has not been successful due to the lack of institutional development.

The end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Communist system, along with the emergence of globalization and the advancement of science and technology have brought serious changes in international system. thus, low politics and issues related to economy, trade and culture became the most concern of state and non-state actors. The spotlight of economic development which has always been a serious concern of states since the second World War has gained momentum with the emergence of economic globalization. Therefore, in the context of globalization, states have put the economic development in agenda of their issues by adopting new policies in the framework of regional and international cooperation. In this regard, this research is an attempt to address this important question as to what effect did economic globalization has on Turkey’s economic development between the years 2001-2021? This article is an attempt to examine the economic components of globalization in Turkey and also to examine economic globalization on economic development in this country. The finding of research indicates that Turkey has succeeded in raising the level of economic development by adopting various program in order to improve the indicators of economic globalization. In this research the qualitative method with an explanatory prespective has been applied to examine the cause and effect relationship between independent variable(economic globalization) and dependent variable(Turkey’s economic development).

Research goal: 

We have to understand any meaning and activity with regard to the discourse that provides the framework for that meaning and activity. In this article the discourse of the Sazandegi (constructive) government has been analyzed and defined, in order to provide answer to this essential question: What effect has the discourse of the Sazandegi government (1989-1997) had on the relationship between this government and the various social classes? The primary purpose of this study is to fill the existing theoretical and theoretical vacuum in this field, in order to be able to solve the current issues of Iranian society.

In this regard, Norman Fairclough's critical discourse analysis tools have been used to analyze some selected texts, which introduce and indicate the discourse, policies and main orientations of the constructive government.Research

This Article by discourse analysis of three Speeches by Hashami Rafsanjani has shown the selection of part of the classes by government.

In the following, article has been concluded that in the discourse of the Sazandegi government, the necessity of reconstruction of the country caused the demands and expectations of the upper classes to be considered and the demands and expectations of the middle and lower classes to be temporarily ignored. It had consequences in term of both economic and dignity for society.

The purpose of the present research is to study security consequences of attracting foreign direct investment to the Islamic Republic of Iran. The research method is descriptive-analytic and it emphasizes on the hypothesis that in addition to the advantages of attracting foreign direct investment to the country, the security consequences of this issue are among some of the most effective factors on how much foreign direct investments are attracted to the Islamic Republic of Iran. The research results reveal that efficient management and accurate planning by the executive organizations and the economic diplomacy in the country would moderate security concerns and thus attracting foreign direct investment can foster national security and solidarity in the country.