foreign relations

Iran-Russia relations have historically experienced multiple fluctuations, encompassing war, conflict, confrontation, cooperation, friendship, convergence, and divergence. In recent decades, bilateral relations have shifted toward constructive cooperation and interaction to fulfill Tehran and Moscow's mutual interests and objectives. This shift is evident in strategic alliances such as their joint involvement in the Syrian war, which has significantly strengthened their political, military, and security relations. However, statistical data indicate that economic relations between Iran and Russia have not followed the trajectory of other areas of cooperation, remaining at a lower-than-expected level. Officials from both countries have repeatedly acknowledged this issue. Against this backdrop, the present study, through a diagnostic approach, seeks to identify the reasons for the divergence in Iran-Russia economic relations. Employing a descriptive-analytical methodology and drawing upon the theories of convergence and divergence, the study's findings reveal that weak communication infrastructure, marginalization of the private sector, lack of an industrial economy, weaknesses in marketing strategies, sanctions, imbalanced geopolitical and geo-economic factors, bureaucratic structures, competition in the energy sector, and failure to capitalize on export opportunities are the primary factors impeding the economic convergence between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Russia. Both countries possess significant potential in these areas.

This study examines the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Latin America, with an emphasis on Venezuela, Brazil, and Argentina during the Rouhani administration, through the lens of James Rosenau’s Linkage Theory. The research employs a descriptive-analytical method and finds that the Rouhani administration, due to its focus on the nuclear dossier and lifting sanctions, pursued a foreign policy towards Latin America and the Caribbean that differed from its predecessor by avoiding political grandstanding, anti-Western slogans, and confrontational measures. Instead, Rouhani sought to expand economic relations with countries in the region through a pragmatic approach. Among the various factors influencing Rouhani’s foreign policy towards Venezuela, Brazil, and Argentina, the international system played the most significant role. Individual and role-related factors had a moderate impact, while government and societal variables played a minimal role.

After establishment of the illegitimate regime of Israel, the security of the western Asia entered a new era in a way that fraternity-enmity patterns of this regime affected regional countries. Historical defeats of Arabs from Israel, the dependence of their security on the West and interaction of regional changes in the last decade propelled the Arabs-Israel’s relations toward a political current called normalization. Ambiguity in perceptions of regional actors, epistemological and methodological deficiencies in studying these relations and lack of literature in some variables of these relations motivated the current research to adopt an innovative approach to study this subject. To this aim, a multi-phase/multi-method approach blending both qualitative and quantitative methods was used. Research findings showed that in the construct of Arab-Israel normalization three economic-technological, ideological-political and military-security factors are involved which entail 24 different variables. It was revealed that many of these variable are the direct effect of the Islamic revolution.

The aim of this research is to explain the elements and variables affecting Iraq’s foreign policy towards Iran. In this regard, the main research question is: in light of the political developments following Saddam’s fall, what are the most significant elements and factors influencing Iraq’s foreign policy towards Iran from 2003 to 2024? The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the results show that Saddam's fall after the U.S. invasion paved the way for the rise of Shia and Kurdish groups affiliated with and aligned to Iran. On the one hand, Iraqi Shia and Kurdish groups favor Iran’s presence in Iraq's political arena to maintain the balance of power, which had long been dominated by the Sunnis, in their favor. Consequently, the new power structure in Iraq has worked to Iran’s advantage. The U.S. entry into Iraq and the containment of Iran’s strategic rival pushed Iraq’s foreign policy closer to Iran, creating a new opportunity for Iran. The decline of Sunni Arab influence due to the Shia ascension to power in Iraq further enhanced Iran’s importance in Iraq’s domestic politics. Given that Shia religious parties hold power in Iraq and form its government, Iran’s influence in this country is significant both politically and militarily. Most of the prominent militias in Iraq are supporters of Iran. Additionally, Iran's high influence on various Shia political groups can serve as leverage for maintaining stability and security, and the Islamic Republic has, at different times, played the role of mediator between various ethnic and religious groups.

The importance of studying political culture lies in its ability to show the process by which demands and desires are transformed into decisions, strategies, and policies. In this regard,the aim of the present research is to demonstrate how the political culture of Iranians, whichhas evolved throughout history, has prominently influenced the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran after the Islamic Revolution. The research method is descriptive-analytical,and the findings show that: the first layer of Iran’s political culture, namely ancient Iranian culture, belongs to the period of Iranian civilization in pre-Islamic empires. During this era, Iran’s national culture was shaped by Iran’s geopolitical position as the center of civilizationand a crossroads of civilizational exchange in Asia, as well as by ideological variables rootedin the divine religions of Iranians and the structure of Iranian governments. In fact, Iran’s geopolitical position, along with the myths, beliefs, values, and convictions of ancient Iranian civilization—deeply influenced by Iranians' religious spirit—played a significant role in the cultural construction of Iran and produced cultural variables that still persist to some extent as stable features of Iranian culture and have a key role in shaping certain aspects of Iran’s foreign policy. These cultural elements were revived during the Pahlavi era in the form of Iranian chauvinism, and the reconstruction of Iran’s ancient identity became the focal point of the foreign policy of “positive nationalism” in the 1950s and 1960s, followed by “independent national policy” in the 1970s.

The present study aims to examine the strategic model of relations between Iran and the second Taliban government. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the results indicate that during the years of the second Taliban government, the Islamic Republic of Iran has yet to officially recognize the Taliban. Both sides face disagreements on significant issues such as the type and model of an inclusive government in Afghanistan, border disputes, the Hirmand River water rights, the uncontrolled influx of Afghan refugees, arms and drug trafficking, extremism and attacks on Shia communities, fostering divisions, weakening the Persian language, and internal instability in Afghanistan. However, based on the SWOT model, despite these threats, there are important opportunities for Iran in areas such as economic cooperation, intelligence-sharing, regional organizations, combating terrorism, and utilizing the potential of Afghan refugees. Moreover, strengths such as a rich and shared culture with Iran, underground resources and minerals, an anti-imperialist discourse, Afghanistan's unique geopolitical position, the presence of the Hazara ethnic group and Shia communities, and military resources and weapons provide Iran with the ability to balance strengths and weaknesses by employing the SWOT model. This allows Iran to adopt four strategies for formulating and adjusting its foreign policy towards the second Taliban government. Among the four proposed strategies, the first and third would assist Iran in maintaining favorable relations with the Taliban, while the second and fourth strategies would enable Iran to stay aware of Taliban-related threats. Equipped with knowledge and grounded in current realities, Tehran can then design and implement its relations with the Taliban accordingly.

The objective of this research is to politically assess the strategic approach and positions of the Islamic Republic of Iran concerning the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the findings indicate that the mutual interests of Iran and the two major powers within the SCO, Russia, and China, in preventing American influence in Southwest Asia, particularly Central Asia, have brought them closer together within the framework of bilateral relations and also within the SCO. To counter American hegemony at the regional level and ensure its national interests against the security threats posed by the United States, the Islamic Republic of Iran has taken steps towards permanent membership in the SCO. Permanent membership in the SCO has provided structural opportunities for Iran, which, on one hand, can create a balance against American hegemony in the region with the support of the powers within this structure, and on the other hand, enhances Iran's political and security status in Central Asian equations and Middle Eastern developments. Therefore, with the aforementioned high capacities in the Middle East region, Iran has the necessary strategic capability to become a regional power.

After the Islamic Revolution, the foreign relations of the Islamic Republic of Iran underwent a fundamental change, which can be observed in the formation of new boundaries in international relations different from Iran’s foreign relations during the Pahlavi era. What is noteworthy is the different type of foreign relations in the different periods of the political system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, including the second period, characterized by the idealist ideology-centric rule, and the third period, characterized by the pragmatic rule. The fundamental question arises as to what factors have been influential in shaping the different foreign relations of the Islamic Republic of Iran in these two periods. The findings of this research are based on the proposition that the influential factors in shaping the different foreign relations of the second and third periods include the different weight and significance of four key variables: the structure of the international system, domestic needs, the attitudes of decision-making elites, and geopolitics in defining national roles and goals. In fact, the different weight and significance of these four fundamental variables have led to the definition of different national roles and goals in the second and third periods, and as a result, have directed and ultimately led to the different foreign relations of these two periods. The research method in this study is descriptive-analytical, and the data collection method includes library, documentary, and online sources.

From the beginning of Islam until now, the foreign relations of the Islamic state have been the focus of religious leaders and Islamic jurists, and the inference of rulings on the foreign relations of Muslims with non-Muslims has been mentioned in their jurisprudence discussions. In the current era, with the victory of the revolution and the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran based on Shia jurisprudence, one of the challenges facing this government has always been and is the way and scope of establishing foreign relations with other governments in the new world order. Especially in cases where communication with some hostile governments is necessary. Now, the question of the current research is that based on the jurisprudential conclusions of contemporary jurists, especially the late Imam (RA), what is the position of the principle of expediency in establishing military relations with infidels (military and non-military) and enemies of religion? The hypothesis of the research is that based on the dynamic jurisprudence of the Imam (RA) and some other contemporary jurists, new inferences and new interpretations of jurisprudential sources can be presented that facilitate the decision-making and decision-making of the Islamic government in establishing relations with governments, even hostile governments. Shows Based on this, the present study analyzed the Shia jurisprudential sources and the opinions of contemporary jurists, especially the jurisprudential opinions of Hazrat Imam Khomeini (RA) using a descriptive-analytical research method. The result is that according to the jurisprudence opinions of Hazrat Imam (RA) in the definition of absolute jurisprudence and the principle of expediency, basically the rulings of foreign relations (including military relations with the enemy) are in the scope of government decisions and do not have a definite and fixed ruling, and considering the expediency of the country and People, you can even give a preliminary order to establish some special relations, such as military relations with hostile states.

The purpose of the present study is to discuss the role and position of taqiyyah in the external relations of the Islamic state with other governments by examining the opinions and views of Ayatollah Khamenei. In this regard, the question is, based on the jurisprudential-political views of Ayatollah Khamenei, what role does Taqiyyah have in regulating the external relations of the Islamic State with other countries? The hypothesis is: Taqiyyah will play an important role in overcoming some difficult historical conditions due to hiding the tools of the Islamic State, remaining immune from the movements of the enemies, and also equipping the Islamic system with mechanisms based on planning and foresight. In addition, the results of the research confirm that taqiyyah, although from the point of view of jurisprudence, is a form of passivity in certain circumstances, but this passivity in the field of politics, including foreign relations, can be a strategy based on patience, equipping resources and tools and taking It can also be considered as an action plan in the future. Therefore, its effects are in creating deterrence for the Islamic State, staying away from costly conditions, and also creating peace and an opportunity for foresight in the Islamic State. Descriptive and analytical methods and library tools have been used in this research.

The purpose of the present study is to review the principle of resorting to force from the view of international relations. The research method is descriptive-analytic and the results showed that resorting to force by any country against another one is condemned from the view of international documents including the United Nations Charter. No country is allowed to use force in international relations unless it is attacked and wants to defend itself by resorting to force. Peaceful intervention and resorting to force is permitted only if the Security Council of the United Nation detects a systematic and extensive fault in human rights which is threatening and against international peace and security. Resorting to force which involves threatening or using force without the official permission of the Security Council is regarded as a definite violation of the United Nations Charter. In case of violation of national sovereignty or human rights by any of the United Nations members, the principle of resorting to force in international relations should be applied with special care so that it won’t be regarded as a violation and unilateral application of force by more powerful countries.

The purpose of the present study is to answer the main question about the role of the state leader in applying public diplomacy relational methods to fulfill interests of Iran and the Islamic world. The research method is descriptive-analytic and the results showed that with regard to his role in the political-legal structure of the country, having religious authority in the Shi’ite world, and the existing potentials in the discourse literature of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, the state leader by applying soft power and relational methods through gatherings, meetings, approaches, mass media, relevant institutions, cultural and educational organizations, and sending messages and letters to the audience, has an effective role in right detection and enemy recognition, revival of the Islamic ideology, spiritual propagation of the revolution, enforcement of smart power of the Islamic Republic of Iran, preparation of resistance culture, and challenging the unjust nature of the international order in various aspects.

Iran's foreign policy has always been faced with various opportunities and threats due to reasons such as its territorial position and political forces that arise from specific historical conditions. Especially in the past few centuries, due to the formation of national governments and the consequences of international politics on them, along with domestic political tendencies or foreign invasion and influence, this historical process of foreign policy has always taken an outstanding course. With this explanation, since the historical relations between Iran and Russia are considered an important chapter in the history of politics and modern foreign relations of Iran, in this article, an effort has been made to focus on the course of historical developments between Iran and Russia to achieve a common Explanatory and historical classification, the effective factors that cause challenges or create opportunities in the relations between the two countries should also be identified. This view led us to assume that with the general study of the history of Iran-Russia relations from the beginning of their formation, the effectiveness of this issue from internal political structural developments in the two countries, as well as independent environmental and international factors and variables, in addition to The advantage of bilateral trade is obvious. As a result, it seems that these factors have pushed the history of the two countries forward. Therefore, the main question of this research will include the issue of how historical factors and requirements have shaped the relations between Iran and Russia.

The present research aims to analyze the course of relations between Persian Gulf Arab countries and Israel, specifically focusing on their transition from divergence to convergence. Drawing upon the system theory, this study explains the development of their relations from divergence to convergence. The findings underscore the significant impact of interaction and interdependence arising from shared challenges and opportunities, leading to convergence in political, economic, and scientific domains. However, it is important to acknowledge that the support and establishment of peaceful relations between these nations have also been influenced by the economic and political interests of major international powers in the West Asian region. If the normalization policy between Persian Gulf countries and Israel is solely driven by external pressures from Western, Hebrew, and Arab statesmen, the prospects for their relations appear bleak. Instead, such a policy could potentially serve as an indicator of potential tensions in future conflicts involving Israel, Palestine, and Lebanon. The growing cooperation between Iran and Persian Gulf Arab countries, in comparison to their cooperation with Israel, has the potential to not only balance the convergence but also establish a balance in terms of threats. In other words, for Iran's convergence with Persian Gulf countries in security, politics, and economics to have a significant impact on the international environment (both regionally and globally) and influence the mindset of Arab officials, it must surpass the dependence of Arab countries on Israel and redefine their behavioral boundaries.

The relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the People's Republic of China have always been far from tension throughout the ancient history to the modern era, and today, China's diverse global political, economic and cultural capabilities, parallel to Iran's regional capabilities, require the two countries to define and follow their relations on a strategic level. Throughout history, the cultural and civilisational relations of the two countries have naturally developed in parallel with the artistic and economic fields, and trade transactions have continued since the first Iranian and Chinese delegations interacted with each other more than 2000 years ago. Also in the present era, China's first and foremost priority for Iran is the relationship based on energy supply, and Iran also looks at China as a powerful business partner, which can be seen by considering the cultural capacities of the two countries and re-reading the civilisational relations. It has broadened and deepened the level and depth of relations. Therefore, in this article, we try to examine the logic of relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the People's Republic of China through a cultural approach, taking into account the history of relations between Iran and China, as well as the process of Chinese studies in Iran and vice versa, Iranian studies in China. The research question is that the logic of relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the People's Republic of China in the contemporary era; What is with a cultural approach? The findings show that the two countries of Iran and China have a history of cultural cooperation, in addition to sharing social and international values. It should be noted that the article was compiled in a descriptive and analytical manner, and the arguments and findings presented in this article were prepared and presented based on the theoretical framework of constructivism.

The purpose of this article is to analyze the position of foreign policy in the statement of the second step of the revolution, which the Supreme Leader issued to the Iranian nation on 22 February 2018. In this statement, "national honor, foreign relations, and demarcation with the enemy" are proposed as soft power as branches of the principle of "honor, integrity, and expediency" that guides the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic.The main question of the article is raised as follows: "What is the position of national honor in foreign relations as soft power in the declaration of the second step of the Islamic Revolution?" The hypothesis of the article is formulated as follows: "National honor in foreign relations and demarcation with the enemy is a soft power arising from the principle of independence and freedom in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic, with national honor in foreign relations, the principle of independence and freedom institutionalized in The second step of the revolution will be more stable.The findings of the article, which were extracted with the qualitative method and content analysis of the Supreme Leader's statements, especially in the statement of the second step, as well as other related statements from the database of the office of preservation and publication of his works and analyzed with reliable scientific sources , indicate that a series of developments in the West Asian region have led to The regional supremacy of the Islamic Republic has become and by maintaining

The resistance against the rule of non-Muslims over Muslims has a valid revelation. One of the most important of these bases is verse 141 of Surah Nisa, which is the basis of the jurisprudential rule of denying the rule of infidels over Muslims. Based on this, doing any action that leads to the superiority of infidels over Muslims , it has legal respect.The investigation carried out in the present research shows that most of the contemporary Shia and Sunni commentators, unlike their predecessors, have seriously paid attention to the political and social implications of this Quranic doctrine by developing the meaning of negating the domination of the infidels over Muslims.The purpose of the current research is to explain the evolution in understanding the political and social implications of the verse of denial of domination and to examine its factors (issue) with a descriptive and analytical method (method). Two important factors can be stated for this change of approach.The first factor is the dominance of Western governments over large parts of the Islamic world.This problem has caused reformers and religious thinkers to try to find a way out of find it.The second factor is the efforts of Muslim jurists, especially Shiite jurists, in forming protest movements against foreign rule based on this Quranic principle (findings) as one of the most important religious bases of negating the rule of non-Muslims over Muslims.

During the 20th century, different countries adopted various strategies to achieve economic development, including development strategies such as modernization, independence, import substitution, and export promotion. Development planning was also one of the emerging trends in the political economy of the world, which was carried out in the form of these strategies with the aim of achieving faster economic development. The approach of foreign relations of many countries was also influenced by the pursuit of development goals, and therefore it was considered as one of the factors influencing the economic development of countries. The Islamic Republic of Iran has also had many experiences in pursuing economic development strategies, including modernization, and has pursued various plans in this regard. The basic question of this article is about the evaluation of the defense modernization strategy and its foreign relations approach on economic development in the Islamic Republic of Iran. In order to answer this question, the initial period of the modernization strategy after the eight-year war with Iraq and especially the first and second development programs were investigated as a case study, with a descriptive analytical method, and it was concluded that during the implementation period of the modernization strategy, although limited successes were achieved in some areas such as agriculture, but failed in major sectors including foreign trade, reducing dependence on oil revenues, economic growth, production, industrial growth, service sector, social justice and inflation.

Abstract
With taking of power by Mohammed bin Salman in Saudi Arabia and rising of China as a great power, the development of foreign relations has become the focus of the two statets' foreign policy. So the main question is, what are the reasons for the expansion of these political, economic and cultural interactions between China and Saudi Arabia? The hypothetical hypothesis is that the expansion of Sino-Saudi interaction is due to three main reasons: first) China's guarantee of stable access to energy resources and diversification of its market share by Saudi Arabia, and second) competition and tension Regional and international, third) efforts to prevent the spread of extremist Islamism. Using Waltz's theory of realism, the findings show that Chinese leaders have sought to balance power in the face of US economic pressures by designing a one-way belt project and engaging Saudi interests with the project while accessing the country's energy. The United States has sought to strike a balance of power against Saudi Arabia's expansion of influence in the region, as well as to reduce tensions and pressure from the United States. The United States has been committed to Saudi Arabia by creating a new strategic ally at the regional and international levels. The method of data collection in this research is based on the library method and the research method is based on the descriptive-analytical method.