government

The aim of the current research is to understand the views of Mohaghegh Sabzevari and Mohaghegh Karaki about "Government" by using the theoretical model of "goal-legitimacy" and using the "interpretive method". In the end of government department; Scholar Sabzevari suggests "public charity" with an emphasis on justice, and scholar Kirki proposes "elevation and expansion of Shia" as the goal of government. In the section on who is the ruler; Mohaghegh Sabzevari from the chapter of "observance of the laws of moderation" and Mohaghegh Karki from the chapter of "practical benefits for the expansion of Shiism" judge the functional legitimacy of the Safavid rulers. In the field of restrictions on the exercise of power: Mohaghegh Sabzevari emphasizes on "planning and law, the institution of the ministry, separation of powers, meritocracy and having secret agents" and Mohaghegh Kirki, by accepting responsibility and acknowledging that the Safavid rulers were appointed by them, is an important obstacle to prevent It has been from the oppression of the subjects and the abuse of religion to dominate the people. And in the area of the right to protest against the government: Mohaghegh Sabzevari and Mohaghegh Karki, by stopping the commandment of good and forbidding evil with the permission of the Safavid kings or due to the possibility of harm and prohibiting people from taking any practical action, they wanted people to be "negative activism" in killing and ruling with them. do not cooperate.

The aim of the current research is to understand the views of Mohaghegh Sabzevari and Mohaghegh Karaki about "Government" by using the theoretical model of "goal-legitimacy" and using the "interpretive method". In the end of government department; Scholar Sabzevari suggests "public charity" with an emphasis on justice, and scholar Kirki proposes "elevation and expansion of Shia" as the goal of government. In the section on who is the ruler; Mohaghegh Sabzevari from the chapter of "observance of the laws of moderation" and Mohaghegh Karki from the chapter of "practical benefits for the expansion of Shiism" judge the functional legitimacy of the Safavid rulers. In the field of restrictions on the exercise of power: Mohaghegh Sabzevari emphasizes on "planning and law, the institution of the ministry, separation of powers, meritocracy and having secret agents" and Mohaghegh Kirki, by accepting responsibility and acknowledging that the Safavid rulers were appointed by them, is an important obstacle to prevent It has been from the oppression of the subjects and the abuse of religion to dominate the people. And in the area of the right to protest against the government: Mohaghegh Sabzevari and Mohaghegh Karki, by stopping the commandment of good and forbidding evil with the permission of the Safavid kings or due to the possibility of harm and prohibiting people from taking any practical action, they wanted people to be "negative activism" in killing and ruling with them. Do not cooperate.

In Iran, one of the reasons for the revolution was to establish justice and equality within the society and to remove the deprived sections of the society from injustice. Justice always brings satisfaction and companionship of the people to the governments and guarantees the legitimacy of the governments. Therefore, after the revolution, one of the concerns of the authorities was to establish justice and fight against corruption. In different governments after the revolution, this importance has always been seen and heard in the words of statesmen. The main goal of this article is to analyze the situation of the deprived class after the Islamic revolution in the constructive government. The main question raised is that what has been the situation of the deprived class in the constructive government after the Islamic revolution in I.R. Iran? To answer this question, the descriptive-analytical method has been used using library findings and internet sites. According to several theories about the occurrence of revolutions, the theory of class struggle has investigated the role of economic factors in the occurrence of revolutions. The economic variable as a factor in the formation of the deprived class has caused the theoretical approach in this article to be the theory of class struggle. The results of the research findings show that, considering that in the constructive government, measures have been taken in the direction of poverty alleviation and poverty reduction and establishing justice, but the deprived class in the Iranian society has not found a better situation and this class has not had a decreasing trend in the society.

With the end of the Cold War, a new chapter in relations between governments began. Among other things, the criteria that existed around the recognition of a newly established government were changed. Emphasis on concepts such as peace, democracy, self-determination and human rights caused democratic legitimacy to be proposed as a new element for the recognition of a government. This article aims to examine the place of democratic legitimacy in the field of government recognition. The hypothesis of the research is based on the fact that the criterion of democratic legitimacy has to a large extent been able to challenge the “exercise of effective power” which was the basic criterion for the recognition of a state in classical international law. The findings of the research indicate that with the passage of time, international actors, including countries and international organizations, have implicitly always included democratic legitimacy in identifying new governments more than in the past. The results of this study also confirm the fact that currently the position of democratic legitimacy in the identification institution is surpassing the criterion of effective control and the international instruments and mechanisms in this field, although implicitly, are trying to support it as much as possible. This article has been compiled by collecting and reviewing the documents and literature produced around the topic under discussion in a descriptive-analytical method.

Objective One of the most important issues in the current political climate of Iran as a multicultural society is the issue of consensus. In addition to the consequences and the role of globalization, the characteristics of the political culture of social and political forces in Iran and the dominance of the elimination policy on the behavior of the political elites in Iran have doubled the importance of the issue for the Iranian society due to the challenges facing policy making. In every society, there are three levels of consensus; The first is between the people, the second is between the government and the people, and the third is between the ruling political elite. The main problem of this research is the reasons of the lack of consensus in Iranian society in all three levels. The research hypothesis considers the nature of social and political forces and the complexity of building political power in Iran. Using the qualitative research method this article aims to explain the relationship between the two consensus variables and the role of political culture in creating the challenges. The method of data collection is based on library method. The theoretical framework is a synthesis of Chalabi's and Bashiriyeh's views. In this sense, the concept of consensus and its levels have been explained from Chalabi's point of view, and then the concept and solution of consensus among political elites have been explained by referring to the opinions of Bashiriyeh.

Unsustainable development and imbalance between water supply and demand and its exacerbation in climate change conditions are among the important issues in the country's water resources management. In this regard, the need to pay attention to the development of a program compatible with climate change in the water and agriculture sector, considering various environmental, social and economic dimensions, seems inevitable. Considering the wide range of potential effects of climate change and at the same time their inherent uncertainty, the adaptation plan should be developed in a way that has maximum flexibility and side effects. For this reason, the issue of claimatization of governance should be included in many programs and documents of the country and in the discourse of different governments of the Islamic Republic of Iran, regardless of their political orientations, because the nature of the impact and effects from the point of view of social and environmental issues, the side of climatization of governance has received little attention from different governments, and today it seems necessary to pay attention to this issue. Based on this, the present study investigates the opportunities and challenges of the climatization of governance in the discourse of different governments of the Islamic Republic of Iran with a descriptive-analytical method. Based on the findings of the research, in the section of the climatization challenges of governance in the Islamic Republic of Iran, it was found that the economic challenges have been assigned the highest rank. In the next order, placed political-security challenges, which is ranked second with a score of 0.812. The third rank of challenges is assigned to environmental challenges with a score of 0.730, and the lowest rank is assigned to social challenges with a score of 0.415.

long-term costs but also facilitates the resolution of the country's issues and has a direct relationship with government effectiveness. Policy instability is undesirable due to reasons such as reduced public and private sector trust in the government, unresolved root issues in the country, high costs of frequent changes, and unintended side effects of policies, leading to numerous studies aimed at reducing this instability, especially in developing countries. The goal of this research is to extract strategies for enhancing the sustainability of policies set by the government and the cabinet. To this end, in addition to reviewing the literature, the institutions influencing government policies and the second assemblies have been specifically examined, and to confirm and complete the findings, a focus group was formed, and interviews with experts were conducted. Qualitative content analysis was used in these studies, and the results were evaluated by a panel of reviewers. Ultimately, strategies were presented in four categories: structural, institutional, managerial, and governance to increase the likelihood of policy sustainability.

The role of media and narrative in shaping historical memory and collective identity in the explanatory theories of the Iranian Islamic Revolution has received little attention. Therefore, this study examines the process of narrative formation around the Islamic Revolution and utilizes a theoretical framework of narrative analysis to clarify the existing dynamics. The research question was: What has been the role of official media, unofficial media, political elites, events, and social-political contexts in constructing and disseminating the narrative of the Islamic Revolution? Through a descriptive-analytical methodology, which involved describing the historical context of the Islamic Revolution and analyzing its narrative components and implications, the results showed that despite the second Pahlavi dynasty being equipped with a wide range of official media (radio, television, newspapers, and books) for propaganda and the establishment of the Pahlavi narrative, it faced narrative failure due to ideological weakness and contradictions. In contrast, unofficial media (cassette tapes, leaflets, mosques, and pulpits) and political elites, led by Imam Khomeini (may he rest in peace), influenced public perceptions and attitudes as well as narrative construction, drawing from the cultural and religious fabric of Iranian society during and after the Islamic Revolution. In other words, the reciprocal influence of unofficial media and historical narratives has been crucial in shaping revolutionary events, demonstrating that narrative played a significant role in forming and promoting revolutionary discourse and providing identity during the Islamic Revolution.

Development programming in Islamic Republic of Iran, like other developing countries, is aiming the growth and progress, especially in the economic dimensions, which requires equipping resources inside and acquiring resources from abroad. Therefore, it is a very important prerequisite that in a logical combined framework is set the development model, and economic strategy and foreign policy proportionately to the model. The optimal and desired combination in the past six programs should be included the extrovert and endogenous development model and the strategy of active economic diplomacy based on international exchanges and developmental foreign policy. Proportionating to this desirability, the main question is about the what position of economic diplomacy in the six development plans of the Islamic Republic of Iran, especially the in seventh plan. The hypothesis is that the development programs in the Islamic Republic of Iran, including the 7th development plan, did not include a pattern proportionating to development and it has led to Refusal to set goals and prioritize of economic diplomacy in the six programs. The purpose of the article is to explain the factors affecting the neglect of economic diplomacy in the development programs of Islamic Republic of Iran. Therefore, the present article considers the economic prioritization and targeting as a serious necessity within the developmental state theory and on the basis of development planning styles and deals with the requirements and strategic implications, taking into account the possibility and refusal of the economic goals of the 7th Development Plan. The findings of the article is that Islamic Republic of Iran must consider the necessities and requirements of a specific foreign policy so called internationally selected interaction. The research method of the article is descriptive - analytical and based on the conceptual and theoretical understanding of the developmental foreign policy, the place of economic diplomacy in Islamic Republic of Iran's development programs is explained.

Today, government efficiency is one of the important concerns of thinkers and societies. The standard of public evaluation of a political system is, among other things, the degree of realization of efficiency. The present article is an attempt to measure the capacity of Islamic political philosophy by focusing on Mullah Sadra's opinions and views in the face of the aforementioned considerations. The hypothesis is that political philosophy, especially Islamic political philosophy, has the appropriate capacity to discuss the foundations of the government's efficiency, among which the political philosophy of Sadr al-Mutalahin, as one of the important branches of Islamic political philosophy, has a special capacity to enter this topic. The method used in this article is the descriptive-analytical method. In the present article, both the foundations of efficiency and its elements and components are emphasized. In the findings of the research, according to Mullah Sadra's view on the issue of government efficiency, several dimensions were studied and investigated, including; Power, people and the efficiency of the government in the perception of Mulla Sadra, Mulla Sadra and the three principles of efficiency, social criticism as the foundation of efficiency; A new reading of the sublime wisdom of Mulla Sadra and a systematic approach to efficiency, human efficiency, the condition of government efficiency, and the combined aspect of efficiency in Mulla Sadra's perception (multi-layer efficiency). The findings of the discussion show that the efficiency of the government has been a deep concern of Mulla Sadra, and in this regard, he considers human efficiency to be the foundation of the government's efficiency.

The purpose of the current research is to investigate the functions of the government in the field of popularization in the intellectual system of the Supreme Leader. The theoretical basis of the research is the statements of His Holiness and the method of thematic analysis has been used. The statistical population in this research included all the statements that His Holiness made from the beginning to (February 1402) regarding the popularization of government functions. According to the findings of the research, the levels of popularization of the functions of the government in the orders of the leader of the revolution are realized in 5 levels of communication, executive, educational, economic and participatory functions of the government with the people. Popularization of the functions of the government on the one hand depends on the fundamental components such as the coherence and authority of the government, the simplicity of the officials, having modesty, honesty in politics, justice, meritocracy of the officials, adopting the popular lifestyle, relying on the capacity Inherent in the country is the trust in the people's capacities and the foundation for the people's presence in the scene, and on the other hand, the components that prevent the popularization of the government's functions are: internal disputes, despair and hopelessness, promises and back-of-promises, public Extortion, aristocracy, theatrical works and conflict of interests. The popularization of government functions has very important effects and results, which include achieving unity and empathy between people and officials (national solidarity), establishing public welfare and justice in society, creating social trust, expanding social participation of citizens, Avoiding civil and political passivity among citizens, not eroding social capital, increasing the efficiency of the government, the authority and comprehensive development of the country, and achieving popular governance. According to the results of the research, the Islamic government can provide the grounds and conditions for the interaction of the government with the people, and while benefiting from the cooperation and social participation and Enjoying the satisfaction of the people in order to create a healthy society and establish an Islamic government.

The jurisprudence of the objectives, which is opposed to the Akhbari jurisprudents and Sharia-oriented thinkers, is a school of jurisprudence that tries to explain the realization of the main objectives of the Sharia. This approach considers the use of modern thinking as one of the main methods of jurisprudence. Proponents of this school, who are mainly active among Sunnis, consider jurisprudence as merely a tool and consider the goals of jurisprudence (the general principles of Islam) more important. The main question of the current research is what are Shatabi's views on political issues as one of the objective thinkers? The research has been done by analytical and descriptive method and based on library study. The findings of the research show that according to Shatabi, the goal of Sharia is to fulfill the great interests of mankind. With this approach, Islam can preserve the Western democracy system and make this human experience more fruitful by transforming the Islamic principle of "council" as a moral instruction and general principles into a practical system for governance.

Today, the alarming and disorganized state of the environment in the developing country of Iran is the main reason for the growing attention to environmental damage and its components, including water, soil, air, and living organisms. This requires a comprehensive approach to confront these issues and implement regional preventive actions. In recent decades, environmental protection has become one of the pillars of national security for many countries. In this regard, in addition to Article 50 of the Constitution, Clause 1 of the general environmental policies, which was communicated to the heads of the government branches in November 2015 by the Supreme Leader in accordance with Clause 1 of Article 110 of the Constitution, addresses the importance of environmental preservation and the prohibition of harm, recognizing the right to a healthy environment for all people. The significance of this matter becomes apparent when considering that a large number of deaths each year are due to environmental crimes, which far exceed the number of deaths from traditional crimes.Given the importance of environmental protection, and the fact that many of those who commit environmental crimes are legal entities (such as state-owned companies), the issue of criminal responsibility for such entities has long been a contentious topic. Until the 20th century, the notion of holding legal entities criminally liable was met with skepticism. However, by the mid-20th century, with the expansion of legal entities' activities—especially corporations—and the emergence of environmental crimes, organized crimes, and crimes in transportation, some countries were compelled to adapt their criminal policies to regulate these entities.

Theoretical Framework: 

Environmental Democracy and Collective Responsibility."Environmental Democracy" refers to theories emphasizing that environmental matters should be considered by all those affected by the outcomes of a decision or environmental policy, not just governments and industry owners. This concept highlights the equal right of individuals—including the general public, group representatives, legal advisors, industry owners, workers, government representatives, academics, and health experts—to participate in discussions, oversee the proper enforcement of laws, question authorities, and file lawsuits. The recognition of the need for environmental democracy implies that people have the right to intervene in matters of public interest, just like the right to education, healthcare, housing, and other fundamental human rights.Interest in linking democracy with environmental issues has grown since the 1970s, coinciding with the rise of modern environmental movements. In the late 1980s and 1990s, as political environmental theory matured into a research field, numerous innovative theoretical works emerged to bolster the credibility of environmental democracy. These included research on ecological rationality, green/environmental politics, and deliberative democracy. In the 1990s, several key publications on the relationship between democracy and the environment were released, and during this period, Morrison's (1995) book was the first to explicitly introduce the concept of "Environmental Democracy." This was followed by Mason's (1999) pioneering monograph on the subject. Judicial Policy on Civil Responsibility for Environmental Crimes by State-Owned Companies in IranUnder Iranian law, civil liability for legal entities (such as state-owned companies) is based on fault. Additionally, a distinction is made between governmental and non-governmental actions. Legal entities are only liable for non-governmental actions if the damage results from a defect in the administration's equipment. Regarding environmental damages, it can be said that harmful acts such as environmental destruction or pollution can be caused by either individuals or legal entities (such as companies, factories, workshops, municipalities, etc.). Article "Th" of the Clean Air Act identifies anyone who operates pollution-generating sources, whether for themselves or on behalf of a legal entity, as an "air polluter." Similarly, under Article "Th" of the Executive Bylaw of the Clean Air Act, ratified in 2018 by the Council of Ministers, any natural or legal person operating noise pollution sources is considered responsible for environmental noise pollution.According to Article 19 of the Waste Management Law, ratified in 2004, if the affected party is an individual or legal entity, the judiciary may sentence offenders to pay fines to the state fund and compensate for damages to individuals or government agencies. The term "offenders" in this article applies to both individuals and legal entities. Additionally, Article 13 of the Law on Marine and Border River Protection from Oil Pollution (ratified in 1975) states that any violation resulting in damage to ports, seas, cargo, or other coastal facilities in Iran or to aquatic life and natural resources will lead to a judicial ruling for compensation.Judicial Policy on Administrative Enforcement for Environmental Crimes by State-Owned CompaniesRegarding administrative enforcement against state-owned companies causing environmental harm, it should be noted that traces of such enforcementcan be found in environmental laws. These administrative measures can be applied to pollutingentities. For instance, Article 11, Clause 3, of the Clean Air Act (ratified in 2017) requires large and medium-sized projects subject to environmental evaluations to install and operate online monitoring systems and send updated information to the Environmental Monitoring Center. The issuance and renewal of their operating licenses depend on compliance with this clause.Environmental Policy and Proposed Recommendations in Iran.Overall, Iran's environmental policies after the Islamic Revolution have been influenced by various internal and external factors, including economic, political, social, and demographic issues. These factors have affected the goals and programs of the Department of Environment and other organizations involved with environmental issues during different periods of the post-revolution era. It is challenging to confidently claim that Iran has had a unified and consistent environmental policy over the years. Instead, Iran's environmental policy has fluctuated in response to the country’s evolving economic, political, and demographic conditions.

This study explores policy and judicial approaches to environmental crimes in post-revolution Iran. Governments are both contributors to environmental pollution and, by their governing responsibilities, protectors of the environment. The study asserts that Iran is no exception in this regard. The Iranian legislator, considering Article 50 of the Constitution, has attempted to draft and pass specific laws and regulations to ensure environmental protection and sustainable development while preventing environmental degradation. This article highlights those environmental issues in Iran are cross-sectional, meaning all individuals and legal entities are required to address environmental concerns within their capacity. Since criminal legislation rests in the hands of the government, if environmental damages are not criminalized, the path to committing these crimes becomes easier.

the relationship between citizens and the state has long been a concern for thinkers in the fields of public law and political philosophy. These thinkers have sought mechanisms to regulate the relationship between society and government in a way that preserves citizens' rights while ensuring that the government can effectively manage society. In this context, Islamic thinkers in the modern era have always contemplated how to leverage Islamic intellectual and civilizational capacities to address the challenges of the modern world. This article focuses on the effects of the principle of presumption of innocence on the codification of citizens' rights in Iranian law. The main hypothesis is that the principle of presumption of innocence, as a foundational principle in Shia jurisprudence, possesses significant potential for application in public law and for regulating the relationship between citizens and the state, beyond its role in private law. Research findings indicate that citizens' relations and the rights stemming from them, which are among the main political issues in the modern era, can be regulated through legislative mechanisms, utilizing the principle of presumption of innocence and its legal implications. The research employs a descriptive-analytical methodology, with data collected through library research.

Sovereignty as the source of government (government) has a distinct role in good governance, in this sense, the current research aims to explain the role of the efficiency of the governance system in realizing good governance; It aims to answer the question: "Does the efficiency of the governance system in the Islamic Republic of Iran play a decisive role in the realization of desirable governance with an Islamic approach?". For this purpose, a descriptive-analytical research method has been used to investigate the issue. To answer the aforementioned question, the dimensions of concepts and theoretical foundations were explained, and then the indicators effective in the efficiency of the governance of statistics and communication and the degrees of importance of their role in the efficiency of governance and the realization of desirable governance with the Islamic approach were determined. In line with the hypothesis of the research, which states: "The efficiency of the governance system of the Islamic Republic of Iran has a decisive role in realizing the desired governance with an Islamic approach", the results indicate that:among the three elements of governance ( government , civil society and private sector_citizens), the government as the manifestation of authority, objective symbol of governance governance, due to having various instruments"political power" plays an important role in achieving the good governance of islamic state .

Today, with the evolution of social systems, the continuous development of human life, and the growing complexity of issues, a vast array of subjects has emerged for jurisprudence to address. Responding to these issues, in line with managing and overseeing the social system of a religious community, requires a shift in perspective toward a governance-oriented jurisprudence. As approaches to jurisprudence evolve toward a more comprehensive, enduring, and dynamic framework, the need for jurisprudential principles at this level becomes increasingly essential. However, despite previous discussions on governance jurisprudence, there has been little focus on its foundational principles. Achieving governmental jurisprudence requires establishing principles that align with this framework. This research, which aims to define governance-oriented jurisprudential principles as the logic of deduction in the governance approach to jurisprudence, utilizes a descriptive-analytical method centered on the philosophy of jurisprudential principles. It concludes that governance-oriented principles, while not entirely separate from traditional jurisprudential standards, adopt a perspective geared toward deriving rulings suited to the administration of a larger society. Consequently, these principles may differ significantly from traditional principles of jurisprudence. Therefore, effectively crafting this methodology and deductive framework for managing an Islamic governance system necessitates principles of jurisprudence that not only keep jurisprudence ahead of societal needs but also prevent it from becoming subordinate to social conditions. Ideally, these principles should consider issues not in isolation but as part of a cohesive network of interconnected topics, accounting for the understanding of Sharia across all levels of society. Governance-oriented jurisprudential principles thus play an essential foundational role, facilitating, structuring, and supporting the derivation of governance-oriented jurisprudence—a process that is unattainable without a thorough and comprehensive grasp of governance jurisprudence.

The issue that this article pursues is that the Islamic Republic of Iran is in a time, place and situation that suffers from semantic eclecticism in the concept of government, practical eclecticism in the concept of state, nostalgic eclecticism (sweet regret) of the concept of state, and eclecticism in The two-dimensionality and two-hour existence of the state has meant the state, so as long as it has not gone through these four eclipses and chaos, the concept of the state meaning the state is always in the field of opinion and more in the field of action with challenges. And will face fundamental crises. To explain this idea and to answer the main question which is; How can government mean state in the Islamic Republic of Iran? We use the critical theoretical framework and methodology of historical sociology and follow the hypothesis that; "It can be successful in the desired governance." It must be overcome. It is the semantic confusion or crisis of the title with meaning that is the subject of this article.

The aim of the current research is to determine the trends of Ayatollah Khamenei's view on government, including "the purpose of government, who is the ruler, the limitations of the exercise of power and the right to protest against the government" by using the theoretical model of "purpose-legitimacy" of John Maro, using the understanding method. Therefore, in response to the question; How can Ayatollah Khamenei's understanding of "government" be explained?, the hypothesis "with regard to the rule of Shia jurists and the political results resulting from the process of modernity (citizen-law); His view on the government is a combination of interpretations based on the Islamic-Shia tradition and human experiences resulting from modernity", was analyzed. The results indicate that in the end of the government; The purpose of the government is to guide people towards a good life with material well-being, centered on justice, anti-tyranny, security, spirituality and ethics.In the section on who is the ruling leader of the revolution, he believes in the authority of jurists to be installed by the infallible Imam on the condition that this authority is realized by the people. The limitations of the exercise of power in his thought include; internal limitations; Piety, justice, jurisprudence and external limitations of the constitution and normal laws are the will of the people, freedom, press and media.And in the field of protest against her rule, she orders to counter subversive actions, and in the field of reform, she accepts reformist actions in the form of the Islamic system.

This article examines the role and influence of the school in transforming the idea of political progress into a common goodinthe Islamic Republic of Iran.The purpose of this research is to evaluate the acceptance of the idea of political progress as a general demand in Iranian society and the role of the school in its realization.To achieve this goal,three different steps have been followed.In the first stage,thefour interestsof identity,ideology,philanthropy,and patriotism,which are based onthe school of Shiism,are known asthe intersection of the school and political progress.In the secondstage,three dimensions of vision (Islamic political philosophy) ,orientation (political ethics) and behavior(political jurisprudence)of the school havebeen examined andexplained.In the third stage,it has been investigated that the idea of politicalprogress is considered as a collective good, and the three pillars of the leader,the governmentandthe people have realized this collective good through collective action.The working method of the school to achieve common benefit isexplained and it isstated that the leader as the explainer and enlightener of the school, the government as the provider of the appropriate platform for implementation and the people as students and followers of the school play their own roles.Based on this, the interaction and cooperation between these elements in the society for the correct and effective implementation of the school will cause the idea of political progress to become a collective good and lead to comprehensive progress in the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran.Therefore, it isvery important tounderstand the role of school in realizing the idea of political progress and development of Iranian society.