ideology

National interests, as common and long-term goals of the state and nation pursued in the global arena, shape the orientation of foreign policy of countries; the most important of these goals are the preservation of independence, territorial integrity, national sovereignty, social system, security and welfare of citizens. With the 1979 revolution, political elites presented a new definition of national interests in the form of the ideology of the system, which was incompatible with the norms and requirements of the structure of the international system. Accordingly, it is necessary to conduct the following research so that through such a way, the country's diplomatic apparatus can reconstruct itself theoretically to secure national interests. The authors intend to conduct a realistic reinterpretation of the country's national interests by taking a look at the idealistic and ideological definitions of the Islamic Republic of Iran of national interests on the one hand and paying attention to the objective developments that have brought today's world to the "post-ideological" era on the other. In this regard, the main question of the research is: Given the incompatibility of national interests with the structure of the international system, what strategy in the field of foreign policy can best serve the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The main hypothesis is based on the fact that in the political structure of the Islamic Republic of Iran, national interests consist of two parts: subjective and objective. Creating a balance and equilibrium between these two parts provides the basis for securing and continuing national interests.

The research ahead is a theoretical/applied research that uses the theoretical foundations of pragmatism to explain the subject of the research, and the research method is qualitative content analysis. In this research, three categories of variables play a role; the independent variable is the realist structure of the international system. The dependent variable is the foreign policy strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The intervening variable itself is divided into two parts: A - The internal intervening variable, which is the continuation of the ideological strategy in the structure of the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran. B - The external intervening variable will be the action and reaction between the forces interested in the discourse of the Islamic Revolution and the international system. Therefore, the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran are located in the center of a square whose sides are domestic policy, foreign policy, ideology, and the international system.

The four main characteristics that are effective in formulating the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran and give direction to its foreign policy are: "independence and negation of domination", "Islamic globalization", "Islamic internationalism", "anti-hegemonicism" (Mahmoudikia and Dehshiri, 29:2010-22). In total, by considering two factors, a general understanding of the nature of the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran can be achieved, including: first; the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran and second; the perspective of its leaders.A - The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran:The highest goals and ideals that constitute the main infrastructure of the Islamic Republic of Iran's government's grand planning in the field of foreign policy are stated in Article 3 of the Constitution as follows:- Complete rejection of colonialism and prevention of foreign influence;- Elimination of any tyranny, autocracy and monopolization;- Development and consolidation of Islamic brotherhood and general cooperation among all people;and most importantly, "Regulating the country's foreign policy based on the standards of Islam, fraternal commitment to all Muslims and unwavering support for the oppressed of the world."B - The leaders' perspective:B 1- Imam Khomeini: Imam Khomeini does not recognize the definitions of the term "national interests" in the literature of politics and international relations and offers a new explanation of national interests. The main axis of Imam Khomeini's political strategy, on which the definition of national interests is also based, is political Islam. Accordingly, he considers securing the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran dependent on the interests of the Islamic Ummah.B 2 - Ayatollah Khamenei: Regarding national interests, Ayatollah Khamenei's view is not much different from that of Imam Khomeini. In general, his view on national interests can be explained around several elements:- National interests as a religious identity- National interests as a revolutionary identity- Compatibility of the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran with the national interests of other Muslims- Synchronization of ideology and national interests in the diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of IranThe national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran are in conflict in two areas:A - Incompatibility of idealism with realismB - Incompatibility of ideology and rationalityThe incompatibility of the national interests of the Islamic Republic with the international system has faced the country with serious challenges at three levels: national, regional and global.

The incompatibility of national interests in the dictionary of the Islamic Republic of Iran with national interests in the global system is natural because this incompatibility is rooted in the deep difference between the principles governing the international system and the Islamic principles and ideals and revolutionary values ​​governing the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. What solution can be adopted in such circumstances? Obviously, a solution must be adopted that, while maintaining ideological ideals, also resolves the incompatibility with the international system. The proposed solution is the application of a result-oriented pragmatism approach. Based on this approach, prior beliefs about national interests and foreign policy must be reviewed or de-prioritized so that posterior beliefs that are the result of practical interactions between the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the international system can replace them. The axis of achieving such an understanding is this principle: "What is true is put into practice and what is put into practice is true." In this approach, it is sufficient for the Islamic Republic of Iran to update its reading of the ideal, classify its ideals based on the criterion of "practicality or impracticability" and give priority to practical goals. The Islamic Republic of Iran would do better to make the most of its relative advantage in the field of soft power and its relative advantage in the cultural field, rather than focusing on a military approach that is not a suitable basis for creating a balance of power with regional and global powers.

"Ali Shariati" was a prominent intellectual figure in the public sphere of Iran during the 1960s, embodying both the voice of ideological innovations of his time and reflecting the confusion of the era. Shariati's pioneering role among contemporary Iranian intellectuals in addressing the issue of women in the public domain is noteworthy. This paper aims to analyze the political thought of Ali Shariati as an influential intellectual on the subject of women. In this research, the emergence of women in Shariati's thought will be examined from the perspective of the conceptual evolution of power, and the analysis of the status of women, their vulnerabilities, issues, and Shariati's proposed solutions will be central to the paper, with attention to his critique of both traditional and modern narratives. The hypothesis of this study is that Shariati adopts a leftist approach towards women, attempting to propose a new path by positioning the West—represented as a narrative that objectifies women—and traditional fundamentalists who erase women, as the "other." The research findings indicate that Shariati offers a revolutionary narrative for women's demands and, through ideological teachings, sought to present Iranian women as revolutionary subjects.

Excommunication is an extremely negative and distorted form of "otherization" and "imagery" and a "strategy" that is intended to "remove" and destroy the enemy or at least to "marginalize" him. The Shiite and Hazara community is a victim of "Takfir" and the negative depictions of the discourse of ethnic nationalism during the era of Abd al-Rahman and after. The question of "adopting the policy of "genocide" and "ethnic cleansing" of Hazara by Abdul Rahman" has led to this research, and an attempt has been made to answer this question by using the "discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe" as a theoretical framework and method of analysis. . The result obtained is that the intensification of ethnic conflicts during the era of Abd al-Rahman was the result of a kind of "ethnic and religious particularism" that was applied in order to establish the dominance of a specific ethnic group, the Afghan/Pashtun people. Based on ethnic particularism, an attempt was made to represent and identify the millennial as a "destructive other" and a "dangerous and demonic enemy" on the one hand, and as "inferior", "despicable" and "beyond the limits of humanity" on the other hand. As based on religious particularism, he was able to mold the Hazara people as "disbelievers", "lost" and "rebels" in the mentality of other ethnic groups and tribes of Afghanistan. The result of this particularism was, on the one hand, a kind of "ethnocentrism" or "ethnic self-aggrandizement", and on the other hand, absolute religious self-righteousness, which led to the "ethnic cleansing" and "ethnic cleansing" of the millennium. The purpose of adopting the policy of "genocide" and "ethnic cleansing" was to distribute Hazara lands to "Afghan carriers" and to provide the basis for statistical majority, absolute political domination and finally to impose Afghan/Pashtun ethnic identity on Afghanistan and "forced assimilation".

After the arrival of modern ideas and new western civilization to Iran, some intellectuals sought to create modern national foundations at the cost of de-religiousizing Iranian thought. But another group called religious intellectuals sought to present new models of religion and modernity in order to establish a link between the two. This group was looking for a new interpretation of religion and in fact looking for modern Islam; Islam that can advance Iran's society in the modern era and cause Iran's political development. This group of intellectuals led the project of Islamic Protestantism. This group turned to the ideology of political Islam and their goal was to revive Islam as a social and political system against the western liberal system. This class of intellectuals were looking for a political and modernist interpretation of Islam and the establishment of the Islamic social system. Dr. Ali Shariati and Abdul Karim Soroush are two representatives of Iran's intellectuals who believed that a religious foundation is needed in order to achieve political development despite the contradictions in some views. In this research, the question raised is, what was the point of view of religious intellectuals in the political development of Iran? In response to the above question, the hypothesis was raised that religious intellectuals, considering the vital role of religion in the culture of our country, led the project of Islamic Protestantism and sought to present new models of religion and modernity and the link between the two in order to achieve political development. In this article, the theory of political development and the explanatory method are used to achieve political development through the link between religion and modernity, and the purpose of the research is to show the key role of religion and ideology in the process of modernity and political development of Iran.

After numerous victories in previous elections, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) ceded elections in some of Turkey's major cities to rival parties. This field research aims to identify changes in the prevailing political culture of the AKP in the periods before and after the 2019 elections. Additionally, this research seeks to answer the question of whether the AKP, as the ruling party, possesses an inclusive and ideological political culture. The results of the research indicate that the ruling party, as a moderate Islamist party, is an inclusive and ideological ruling party. Before and after the 2019 elections, it adopted policies that differed from those before 2019 in areas such as the reconstruction of national and Islamic identity, the performance of educational institutions, interactions with ethnic and religious minorities, and relations with opposition parties. Based on the frequency table and bar chart above, out of a total of 208 direct and indirect references by key members of the AKP (Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Binali Yıldırım, Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu, and Süleyman Soylu) to inclusive components, 136 cases (65.4%) were made before the 2019 elections and 72 cases (34.6%) after the 2019 elections. According to the frequency table and bar chart above, out of a total of 174 direct and indirect references by key members of the AKP to ideological components, 84 cases (48.3%) were made before the 2019 elections and 90 cases (51.7%) after the 2019 elections.

Universal slogans and transnational ideals from great revolutions such as the French Revolution and the Islamic Revolution of Iran embody the achievement of the desired situation that human societies have always wanted to achieve. Undoubtedly, the roots of human ideals can be found in the ideology of these revolutions, which expresses liberation from the existing bottlenecks. The purpose of this article is to make a comparative study of the ideologies of the French Revolution and the Islamic Revolution of Iran from the perspective of liberation in order to examine and evaluate their differences, similarities and achievements. The present research has addressed the main question that the aforementioned revolutions, based on which of the ideological schools, have defined for themselves a kind of global mission regarding the liberation of human beings from the existing unfavorable situation? Attention has also been paid to these questions, what reflections and achievements have the liberating themes and ideas in the ideological foundations of the French and Iranian revolutions had? And in what basic aspects are they similar and different from each other? The hypothesis is that the French Revolution, influenced by the ideas of the Enlightenment and the Islamic Revolution of Iran, with the emphasis on religious teachings, formed their ideologies on a global scale and succeeded in implementing some of the ideals and goals of their revolution.

With the removal of Reza Khan in Shahrivar 1320 and the end of the period of tyranny, space was created for the activities of politic al and cultural groups, and soon the scope of their activities became very large. The three main groups of Islamists, nationalists and Marxists form the main political currents of the country, and all three groups with differences were considered the court. The opposition groups dealt severe blows to the ruling political system to the point where the court had to launch a coup with the support of the United States and England in order to maintain the government system. But Ali, even though the coup was carried out, the royal system still lacked legitimacy and elections cannot be rigged. Finally, with the aim of creating an ideology for the ruling political system, a four-volume collection called Pahlaviism was written by the artist Manouchehr Artman, commissioned by Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. This ideology caused problems for the political system in two ways. One did not follow the norms of Iranian society and the other did not follow the self-made ideology due to Sultan's temperament, and the actions of the agents and the ruling political system were contrary to the claims of Pahlavi ideology.

Critical discourse analysis as an interdisciplinary approach seeks to decipher the ideology hidden in the text. Today, translators consciously or unconsciously change the ideology governing the original text by choosing their own equivalents and structures in the translation. The aim of this research is to examine some political news related to Iran which were reported in French newspaper Le Figaro according to Farahzad's three-dimensional model. To achieve this objective, the political news cited in the national media of Iran and the translation of these news in Le Figaro are examined and analyzed from the point of view of intertextuality, discourse analysis and selection of translations, according to Farahzad's three-dimensional model, to decipher the ideology and hidden thoughts of this French newspaper. The results obtained show that the positions of this media against Iran indicate that this media has a specific ideology to publish information related to Iran and follows a specific policy.

The Islamic Revolution of Iran in February 1979, as a major phenomenon like other great revolutions, has had wide-ranging global implications. Its Islamic nature, along with Iran's geopolitical and strategic position in the Middle East and the existence of corridors connecting Asia, Europe, and Africa, compelled the international relations scene to pay attention to this important development and its impact on the international arena. The purpose of this article is to answer the question of how the important theories of international relations have reacted to the actions and reactions of the Islamic Revolution in Iran? The emergence and spread of revolutionary theories and the creation of an ideology independent of dominant ideologies such as liberalism, communism, Arab nationalism, and Zionism led to a change in global beliefs and perspectives on new issues such as equality, human value in society, and divine nature. Therefore, if we consider the theories of international relations, which are mainly based on secularism, as machines with inputs and outputs, these machines were faced with a new undefined input that now needed to either change their definitions or ignore this input. This analogy shows that revolutionary theories have led to the emergence of a new perspective for the creation of complementary theories in order to be able to cover the shortcomings of these theories in combining religion and politics, just as the theory of balance of power covered the weaknesses of realism.

Check it:With Pirozi, the Islamic coup in Iran, the issue of Palestine, and the protection of Bahrain, there is an effective presence in Iraq and Syria, with my identity, there is an axis of resistance. This is a question that has been raised. This is an axis of resistance that is coming to diplomacy in Jahan. And the region of any Islamic republic in Berber, west of Dashta Est? (Question) Hypothesis: Where is the building of the Islamic Republic of Iran directed by it? There is an axis of resistance in the region That is, America as a result of Arabistan and Israel. Strengthening Islamic republican diplomacy in Jahan and the May Bashid region With the aim of determining the impact of strengthening the axis of resistance to foreign diplomatic relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Iran ( What are the results of this investigation because the Islamic Republic of Iran has become a Tunisian state, with the emergence of a Shiite coup and a monastic axis of resistance that has become a form of America’s influence and security systems There is nothing wrong with the West and America in the Dunbal area. It's hard and loud, and it's shaking. (Yafa ha)

Social movements are one of the most effective tools for promoting changes in power structures and social policies. The importance of addressing this issue is important because people with high political awareness can participate in decision-making processes as a driving force and organize social movements. With political awareness, people can distinguish the right from the wrong information and show resistance against false political propaganda and choose the best strategies to advance the goals of social movements. Based on this, using the descriptive-analytical method, the purpose of this article is to address the question of what role did the political consciousness of people play in creating new social movements such as the Islamic Revolution as a historical act? In order to investigate this question, this research has investigated the role of political awareness in the Islamic Revolution Movement of Iran. The findings of the research show that political awareness as an effective factor by focusing on the effective factors of leadership and ideology has been effective in the political mobilization of a new social generation and the formation of the Islamic Revolution of Iran.

In recent decades, we have witnessed the emergence of various social movements in Western liberal democracies. These movements have their roots in a crisis of representation, which refers to the gap between citizens' aspirations and decision-making institutions in representative democracies. The aim of the present study is to investigate this crisis and conduct a comparative analysis of the characteristics of two dominant types of movements that have emerged in response to this crisis. The main question of the article is to explore the similarities and differences between late social movements in Western liberal democracies. In response, the hypothesis of the article posits that in circumstances where the emergence of new social and populist movements in the West can be viewed in response to the crisis of representation in the institutional structure of Western liberal democracies, these two types of movements differ in terms of ideology, organization, leadership, and perception of an ideal political society. To justify this hypothesis, a combined conceptual framework is employed, consisting of the elements of "politics of identity" and the dualism of pluralism and unity. According to this framework, the common element of late social movements can be identified as an "identity concern" stemming from the elitist structure of liberal democracy. However, due to differences in their interpretation of the "ideal society," these movements differ in their characteristics and implications for the democratic system. The research method of the article is descriptive-analytical, and data is collected based on the study of library resources and online databases.

The values arising from Shia Islam, the layers of Iranian culture, and the Constitution shape the identity of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The international system was in conflict with the Islamic world system, which made it unacceptable to the foreign policy of Ahmadinejad's government. The national goals and interests are defined based on Islamic ideals, values, and the principles of Islam and of the Revolution. The economic and security interests, and the interests based on the international system are also sought in the foreign policy arena. For regulating and directing foreign relations, Ahmadinejad's government relied on several basic principles. The most important of these principles included kindness, justice in international relations, balanced development in relations with foreign countries, membership in more economic, political, and security institutions, confrontation with the unipolar international system, and multilateralism in foreign policy. The main question posed in this research is:"

The Pahlavi government arose from the historical and political conditions of post-constitutional Iran. A period in which, despite the optimism for the establishment of a law-abiding and national and of course powerful government, due to the conditions imposed on Iran from inside and outside, an important part of its ideals failed. Until the emergence of the new government, which was expected several years before the coup d'état of 1299, the intellectual and political grounds were provided, which later became the ideology of the future government in a specific formulation. In order to understand this ideology, this research raises the following question: What are the main components of the ideology of the government in the first Pahlavi period and how do they shape this ideology? Considering the existing situation at that time, there were four components that received special attention at this time, which were: "statism", "authoritarianism", "modernism", "nationalism". Statism was the main component of this ideology that created the all-encompassing institution of the modern Pahlavi state, which caused a fundamental difference in the form and function and even the content of the state compared to the past. The other three components were also linked to "statism" and somehow under its control.

One of the most important theories proposed in the context of Iranian social system is the theory of “religious democracy,” which was initially introduced by Imam Khomeini as the “Islamic Republic”, and the Iran’s political system was shaped after the Islamic Revolution based on this theory. Researches and various activities have been carried out with a focus on explaining the foundations of religious democracy, and on formulating it. Drawing upon the analytical-descriptive method, the aim of this research is to analytically examine religious democracy in terms of an interpretation presented by Ayatollah Khamenei. This interpretation (reading) is explained within the framework of his intellectual system through the two layers of worldview and ideology. Accordingly, the main question of the research is, “What is the role of religious democracy in formulating the principles of Islamic worldview and ideology from the perspective of Ayatollah Khameneī?’ The authors of this article hold the view that, in Ayatollah Khamenei’s intellectual system, religious democracy is explained for the realization of the goal of Islamic governance, and in his intellectual system, it has taken shape around the central theme of wilāyah, “guardianship”; a multi-faceted guardianship that will bring about the unity of people with each other, the unity of the Ummah (Islamic Community) with the Imam, and ultimately, the unity of the Muslim community,Ummah, with the Truth.

There have been extensive studies on the sources of soft power and the indicators and criteria for measuring these sources, but a fundamental questions surrounding the concept of soft power is the problem of the processes of converting "potential soft power" into "actual soft power", which has not been independently researched. The answers to the questions can fill the holes that exist in the process of the formation of soft power resources until the application of these resources. For the actual application of soft power in a country, it is necessary to integrate the mentioned resource and politics. Explaining the process by which some resources become the soft power of a country is a fundamental challenge. In order to present a clear view of this process by using the method of case studies, the question of the current study is set as follows: how ideology in Iran as a content for the three sources of soft power is integrated with politics and subsequently becomes the actual source of soft power. In the process of integration of ideology and politics, despite numerous political elements, the most important political element is the constitution. Iran's Constitution redefines ideology in the context of politics. Ideology plays a role in the form of three sources of soft power and a source of imposing will on another.Based on this, Iran's Constitution is considered the most important political element in the process of convergence and integration of ideology with politics and turning it into "actual soft power

The study of the effects and consequences of social revolutions is considered one of the controversial areas of the sociology of revolution. The unexpected occurrence of the Islamic Revolution has not only faced theorists and sociologists with an important shock, but by strengthening the research fronts, it has exposed the accuracy, validity, and capabilities of explaining and predicting previous theories to a great test. Using the descriptive-analytical method, this research the question of what effect did the occurrence of the Islamic revolution have on the theories of the revolution? the occurrence of the Islamic revolution in Iran not only led to the discovery of scientific inconsistencies and their credibility. It has revolutionized the theories and has created a remarkable change in them and the religious and cultural factors have strengthened this impact. The findings show that: the inability of the first three generations of theories to explain and why the Islamic Revolution occurred played a big role in the formation of the fourth generation of theories by Goldstone. Secondly, the Islamic revolution has had a great influence in adjusting and reforming Skocpol thoughts and criticizing modernist thought and postmodern revolution plan by Foucault. The Islamic Revolution not only affected the traditional theories of the revolution that were aimed at explaining the causes and factors and the evolution process of the revolutions, but also led to the formation of theories that had more generalization ability than the previous theories and attention to the components of Cultural, the influence of mass mobilization.

Today, many studies have been conducted about the Islamic Revolution, and each of these studies has tried to examine the Iranian Revolution from a new perspective, but there is no consensus among researchers about the conditions for the victory of this revolution. The Iranian revolution, like other great revolutions, had significant effects both inside and outside. This revolution occurred during the Cold War and the bipolar international system and Iran's dependence on the Western camp led by the United States of America. The collapse of the Pahlavi regime raises the question of what force was able to transform Iranian society and how did Iranian intellectuals such as Jalal Al Ahmad and Ali Shariati play a role in creating a revolutionary ideology? This hypothesis is proposed for research that Jalal Al Ahmad and Ali Shariati, by focusing on the revival of local and religious traditions and creating symbolic capital, provided the grounds for the formation of a revolutionary ideology in Iranian society. To prove the hypothesis of the research, the symbolic capital theory of Pierre Bourdieu, a French sociologist, is used. The findings show that by producing the symbolic capital of Shia Islam, Iranian intellectuals succeeded in providing a revolutionary ideology to confront the Pahlavi regime and realize the victory of the Islamic Revolution under the leadership of Imam Khomeini.

In any political system or government, there are conflicting forces composed of a multitude of actors (e.g., politicians, activists and other stakeholders) with diverse ideologies that are vying for power to influence the public policy process at all stages from policy formulation and policy execution to policy assessment. Certainly, one of the most significant government policy areas is in the field of education. Contrary to the positivist approach, education policies and strategies are not formed in a vacuum. Outside all political systems, there are individuals and institutions that expectedly endeavor to set the agenda for national education policies. These external actors are often powerful enough to have a determining impact on education policies based on their worldviews and rigid ideological thinking about education.  Even though they might not necessarily oppose policies aimed at improving the quality of education in order to confront both the traditional and emerging challenges of building and maintaining efficient, equitable and forward-looking education systems.The authors try to find suitable answers to the following research questions: 1. Which actors greatly influence Iran’s decision-making and policymaking process in the field of education? 2. What are the ideological thinking and typical demands of each major group of actors influencing Iran’s education policies? In the hypothesis, it is claimed that the weaknesses of competitive mechanism by which political parties, labor unions and non-governmental organizations often crucially influence policymaking in the public sphere have led to a situation in the existing political arena that the demands of stakeholders and actors who are aligned with the dominant political ideology are predominantly considered by the policymakers’ agenda-setting efforts in the field of education. For the purpose of hypothesis testing, the authors use a composite theoretical framework based on Habermas’ theory of public space, Althusser's theory of ideology (and ideological state apparatuses), and Bourdieu's field theory. They relied on the works of these prominent scholars because Habermas's theory of the public sphere offers valuable lenses through which one might be able to examine the intricate interplay between the external actors and the broader public domain. Althusser's concept of ideological apparatus serves as a critical tool for understanding how ideologies are disseminated and mobilized in the education policy arena. Furthermore, Bourdieu's theory of the field provides valuable insights into the power dynamics that shape the education policy landscape.Using the method of critical analysis, the demands related to the material interest, socio-economic needs, and politico-cultural preferences of the key activists and stakeholders (e.g., the Ministry of Education, administrative authorities, professional associations for teachers, student councils, parent–teacher association, seminaries and theological institutions, etc.) as the factors influencing the education policymaking process will be examined. By subjecting these demands to a careful scrutiny within their chosen theoretical framework, the authors attempt to reveal the ideological forces that underlie Iran's education policies. In the hope of overcoming the shortcomings of the country’s education policymaking efforts, a few policy recommendations are ultimately presented in the concluding section, for instance, the necessity to base the education policymaking on an inclusive participatory approach, strengthening the role of all relevant governmental and non-governmental actors working cooperatively in the public sphere, and optimally using the capacity of all major stakeholders’ scientific associations, organizations and labor unions in the field of education in Iran.

The comparison of two Islamic and Western thinkers, namely Ali Shariati and Hannah Arendt, due to the analysis of the pre-revolutionary societies, can tell the reasons for the occurrence of revolutions and efforts to create a new society. The question of the present article is, what are the differences and similarities between Shariati's and Arendt's views on the pre-revolutionary society? The hypothesis of the article is: according to Shariati and Arendt, pragmatism, identity search and humanity are the main concerns of the pre-revolutionary society; With the difference that in Arendt's thought, the ideal society is to establish a policy of friendship and based on action, but in Shariati's view, it ends in an ideological society based on constant change. The common point between Shariati and Arendt is that they want a dynamic society and the creation of a new value system based on action and human values and eliminating injustice, exploitation and tyranny. For this reason, according to Shariati and Arendt, the pre-revolutionary masses are considered to be thirsty for identity, meaning, and the creation of a normative system, which seeks to find a path to overcome oppression and create a platform for the implementation of human principles. . But from the point of view of the differences, it should be said that Arendt's approach, inspired by Aristotle's thought, considers the future situation as permanent and an attempt to establish friendship, therefore prefers action over labor and livelihood. But in Shariati's point of view, humanity is an inexhaustible subject and the inherent duty of politics is to create transformation as a qualitative and constantly changing matter. This article has used the comparative method.