independence

One of the disputes of political factions in countries in foreign policy is whether the government has been able to adopt a dignified foreign behavior or not. In the Islamic Republic, due to the nature of the Islamic Revolution, this question has been very controversial, and sometimes it has been considered one of the main factors in the establishment or dismissal of a government. When the supreme leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, emphasized the three principles of "honor, wisdom, expediency" in foreign policy, this matter was more and more noticed by politicians and political activists. While political factions have been using this term for and against each other for more than forty years, at the same time, this term has not been scientifically conceptualized, and its characteristics are a matter of controversy. Since the difference of philosophies will lead to the difference of concepts and indicators, in this article the concept of honor in foreign policy will be discussed and analyzed from the perspective of the revolutionary leader Ayatollah Khamenei. To answer this question, what are the indicators of dignity in foreign policy from the point of view of the leader of the revolution, the method of analyzing the content of the leadership's statements was used. From the set of extracted components, indicators such as maintaining territorial integrity, observing Islamic rules, protecting the rights of the nation, or disregarding the great powers have been obtained.

In the contemporary era, independent states, whose most obvious feature is Westphalian sovereignty, form the core of the international system. These states are characterized by the principle of non-interference in their internal affairs and a formal equality with other states, regardless of size, power, or wealth. This state concept, which has its roots in the 1648 “Peace of Westphalia” continues to shape international relations by emphasizing the legal and political independence of states. As a result, states continue to see themselves as the main actors in this system, interacting on the basis of mutual recognition and formal equality. However, the realities of the international system, especially in the Post-Cold War era, show that the practical application of sovereignty is often far from this theoretical ideal. Our goal in this article is to critically evaluate the concept of independence as manifested in Moscow's foreign policy toward Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the creation of the CIS was intended to provide a framework for cooperation for the newly independent states while maintaining some degree of connection with Russia. However, the nature of this relationship has raised important questions about the actual extent of sovereignty that these countries enjoy. This study examines how Russia's foreign policy has maintained a delicate balance between its strategic interests and the autonomy of these countries, assessing whether Moscow genuinely respects their independence or seeks to maintain its sphere of influence in the region. A key aspect of this analysis is the historical context that has shaped the relationship between Russia and the CIS countries. The legacy of the Soviet Union, along with Russia's perception of itself as a regional hegemon, continues to influence its approach to these nations. Many of the CIS countries, while formally independent, have inherited deep political, economic, and security ties with Moscow. Over the years, Russia has used these connections to exert influence, raising concerns about whether these countries can fully exercise their sovereignty without interference. This historical background is crucial for understanding the dynamics of modern Russian foreign policy toward the CIS and the enduring tensions surrounding the concept of independence.The consequences of Moscow’s policies for regional stability and international relations are another important area of ​​investigation. Russia’s approach to the CIS has often caused tensions with both the CIS countries and foreign powers, especially the west. By maintaining a sphere of influence, Moscow has contributed to conflicts and frozen disputes in regions like Georgia, Ukraine, and Moldova, where aspirations for greater autonomy and closer ties with the West conflict with Russian interests. This study will examine how Russia’s foreign policy affects not only the domestic dynamics of the CIS member states but also broader geopolitical relations, including the role of international organizations such as the European Union and NATO.This research seeks to determine the extent to which Russian foreign policy aligns with or undermines the autonomy of CIS member states. While Moscow often presents itself as respecting the independence of these countries, its actions often suggest otherwise. By critically examining these policies and their effects, the study aims to contribute to a deeper understanding of the complex relationship between Russia and the CIS, providing insights into the broader issue of state sovereignty in a world where power dynamics are increasingly interdependent. This assessment will provide a clearer picture of whether Russia's engagement with the CIS promotes true independence or perpetuates a new form of dependence that challenges the traditional concept of state sovereignty.

Research question: 

How have the phenomena of globalization, the end of the Cold War, and the collapse of the Eastern Bloc affected the key determinants of national independence in international relations in general, and Russia's foreign policy towards the countries that separated from the Soviet Union in particular?Research hypothesis: The Hypothesis of the article is no view or theory that supports the concept of state independence or the theory of independence in the foreign policy of a state. The findings of this research show that with the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia's perception of the independence of the newly independent states was not fully compatible with the classical and standard concept of sovereignty.

This study is essentially a qualitative one in nature, utilizing an exploratory method. The process of gathering data is based on documents and library resources, including articles, books, research papers, and reports.

Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia's perception and understanding of the independence of the newly established post-Soviet states diverged from the conventional concept of full sovereignty defined by international norms. Rather than recognizing these states as entirely autonomous entities with complete control over their internal and external affairs, Russia maintained a more nuanced and often limited interpretation of their independence. This view was characterized by an implicit expectation of continued influence on the political, economic, and security decisions of these countries, which reflects a deviation from the classical understanding of sovereignty, which emphasizes non-intervention and the full exercise of state authority. In other words, Russia viewed the independence of these states through a lens that allowed for its continuous regional domination and intervention.

Moscow's interpretation of the independence of these newly established post-Soviet states was significantly restrictive, effectively denying them the full exercise of sovereignty over their political and strategic trajectories. Instead of recognizing their right to make independent decisions, Russia has asked these countries to make a tacit commitment to prioritize and align their interests with Russia in a range of critical areas, including political governance, security policies, and economic development.

The discourse of the Islamic revolution in Iran was developed and emerged with the approach of returning to pure Islam and the rule of the people, using the principles and foundations of jurisprudence, according to the requirements of time and place, under the leadership of Imam Khomeini, and for 10 years, he began to build a system under the management of the Imam himself. This article has examined the foundations of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution from the perspective of Imam Khomeini.The method of conducting this research is based on discourse analysis. This article, by raising the question of what principles and components was the discourse of the Islamic Revolution from Imam Khomeini's point of view, proposed the hypothesis that the central signifier of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution is political Islam. And Imam Khomeini, based on this central sign, while denying the sovereignty of the Taghout monarchy and emphasizing the centrality of Islamic standards in the administration of the country, was able to establish the Islamic Republic system by leading the Islamic Revolution and winning the trust of the Iranian people.The superior and sublime sign of the Islamic revolution, which defines its mission in guiding people, is the sublime standards of Islam, which brought forth its superior elements as floating signs such as freedom, justice, independence, deprivation, anti-authoritarianism, and legalism in the discourse of the revolution. .

The degree of independence of the Guardian Council is one of the most critical issues in Iran’s legal and political system. The more independent the Guardian Council, the higher the quality and effectiveness of its decisions concerning other institutions. Therefore, the governance of the Guardian Council is a vital aspect of its decision-making process. A key issue for institutions tasked with protecting the constitution is their independence and immunity from the pressures of political bodies and government forces. Furthermore, the independence of the court directly impacts its legitimacy. Effectively safeguarding the nation’s constitutional rights requires that citizens trust the capability of the constitutional court to carry out its duties impartially and independently. This trust fosters the legitimacy and acceptability of court rulings. Moreover, the principles of independence and impartiality of judicial authorities (constitutional courts) are fundamental to achieving fair trials and ensuring the rights of citizens during proceedings. Only through such independence can we hope for the judiciary and judges who exercise justice and professionalism in their rulings. In this respect, the current research aimed to assess the level and degree of independence of the Guardian Council, as the constitutional judicial body in Iran, especially about the institutions that appoint or select its members. According to the existing studies, the Guardian Council demonstrates a weak level of independence compared to what is expected of a judicial institution. Against this backdrop, the present study conducted a comparative analysis of the institutional, administrative, and financial independence of the Guardian Council, examining its structure alongside similar institutions in Germany, Egypt, and Algeria.

This study employed a descriptive–analytical approach and relied on library and internet sources to examine the independence of the Guardian Council in Iran. The analysis took a comparative perspective, assessing the Council’s independence by comparing it with similar institutions in Germany, Egypt, and Algeria.

 Considering the institutional independence, the Guardian Council is by no means in an ideal legal position, compared to the three countries under study. According to the principles in Iran’s constitution, the Council is considered part of the legislature. Notably, the constitution does not explicitly specify the Council’s independence, with only Article 57 emphasizing the separation of powers and their respective independence. This suggests that the Council, as a pillar of the legislative branch, could be considered independent. However, in practice, the Guardian Council holds a higher position than the Islamic Consultative Assembly (or the Iranian Parliament). While the parliament drafts laws, the Guardian Council exercises a higher degree of independence in reviewing and approving them. In addition, the fact that the Council is placed under the legislature reflects the founder’s original vision regarding the nature of this institution. In other words, the Council’s political and Sharia dimensions are superior to its legal and judicial dimensions. This has influenced the approach of its members to overseeing the legality of laws and supervising elections. As such, the Council lacks the institutional and individual independence typically associated with a constitutional judicial body. The constitution, as the authority for the establishment of the Guardian Council, can play a crucial role in securing its administrative and financial independence. However, the principles of Iran’s constitution, particularly in the case of institutional independence, do not explicitly mention the independence of the Council. This has created a legal vacuum, leading to challenges for the Guardian Council in achieving administrative and financial independence. To address this gap, the parliament passed 1983 Law on Financial Regulations of the Guardian Council, granting the Council control over the preparation of its own budget. The law uses the term exactly to indicate that the Council’s regulatory budget should be submitted directly to the government, without needing to be included in the annual budget bill. This approach aligns better with the realities of the government budget regulation. The Guardian Council has followed a similar process concerning other institutions, such as the parliament and the Expediency Council, and requiring the inclusion of its budget in the government budget bill could be seen as violating Article 52 of the constitution. Regarding administrative matters, the Council has asserted its independence by exercising its interpretive authority, preventing the parliament from interfering in it.

The present study assessed the degree of independence of the Guardian Council by comparing it with similar judicial institutions in Germany, Egypt, and Algeria. The Guardian Council, as the constitutional and Sharia-based judicial institution within Iran’s political-legal system, plays a crucial role in ensuring the proper implementation of the constitution. This is particularly true in safeguarding the rights and freedoms of citizens and upholding the rule of a lawful government. The weight of this responsibility highlights the important position of the Guardian Council. The Council’s independence is considered one of the most essential tools for fulfilling its responsibility. Independence enables the Guardian Council to exercise its powers, duties, and authority effectively, free from political pressures exerted by appointing or electing bodies, as well as from political and security groups or authorities. Fundamental reforms are necessary to improve the Council’s performance, strengthen its position, and ensure its independence. Such reforms would require constitutional amendments.

 Successful aging, like any other social phenomenon, is affected by a number of causes and factors. Establishing social relations of the elderly in the community and family as well as the degree of independence of their performance can affect this. Accordingly, the purpose of this study is to identify the living relationships, functional status and functional independence of the elderly in Tabriz. The research method used in this research is qualitative and the interpretive phenomenological approach has been used. In this study, a semi-structured interview tool was used. The statistical population of the present study includes the elderly in Tabriz. Samples were selected by purposive sampling method appropriate to the research topic. The statistical sample included 15 elderly people in Tabriz. In this study, the trinity technique, as well as the technique of obtaining accurate parallel information and presenting data analysis were used to validate the research findings obtained from the interviews. The data obtained from the interview were analyzed by the method of interpretive phenomenology proposed by Colizzi and Giorgio (1985). Findings indicate that the elderly studied easily communicated with neighbors and family and their social relationships have improved compared to the past. Therefore, it can be said that the level of interaction and lived relationships of the interviewees is appropriate.

The question of the article is, what is the importance of independence and freedom in the second step of the Islamic revolution, and what levels and areas should be realized? The idea of the article is to reflect on the importance of independence and freedom and the key role of these two in the progress and development of society and especially in the creation of civilization. Therefore, the driving engine of the revolution is independence and freedom, and as much as these two are developed in a favorable way in the society, we can hope that the revolution has taken a step towards progress, which is a prelude to achieving a new civilization, and any amount of independence and freedom is a threat. And to be clear, the revolution has moved away from its original goals. Two original demands have been placed in independence and freedom, which have been demanded for more than a hundred years, that is, the negation of colonialism and the negation of tyranny, which are the two layers of independence and freedom, and have been clearly highlighted in the statement of the second step. The topics of this article, with a descriptive and analytical method, will be an overview of the concept of freedom and three social freedoms, including decision making, acting and thinking. Then it deals with the issue of national independence, which includes the freedom of the nation and the government. In addition to the fact that it is part of the theoretical foundations of the Islamic revolution and human responsibility, this effort is because the people's aspect and role-playing of the people is vital in the continuation of the revolution.

Security issues gained more depth and breadth with changes in the human social lifestyle and led to the design of new security practices. One of the most important issues in security theories is the question of the most important issues that are most threatened and harmed and should be more protected from them; That is the referent object of Security. Because of the comprehensiveness of Islam, the question arises as to what it thinks about the security authority. One of the ways to reach the security theory of Islam is to search for the ideas of the jurists on the issue of national security. Imam Khomeini is one of the Imami jurists with a unique social and political position; therefore, his thought has the great support of such an experience. The purpose of this article is to reach the security reference from Imam Khomeini's point of view.

This fundamental and exploratory research seeks to achieve this goal with the method of citation inference and with criteria such as specification, emphasis, repetition, etc.

The present study is distinguished from the researches conducted in this field in terms of the type of entry into the security discussion and the structure of its topics. Since the focus of security in this article is man and his rights, the form of discussion is designed according to the division into fundamental connected rights, superstructure connected rights and separate rights. According to the findings of the present study, in each of these categories, the three issues of Islam, stability and independence, respectively, were more important.

The final result is that among these cases, the Islamic system has the highest priority and is the national security reference in the view of the Leader of the Islamic Revolution.

In this article, after examining the developments that have taken place in the international community, we examine the special and special importance of the title of this article, which is sovereignty in the field of public international law. Sovereignty, which is a legal and political concept at the same time, is a constant concern of researchers who are trying to determine its role in international relations governed by international law. Sovereignty is a complex concept, this concept can be examined in the context of national law, but as a member of the international community, a government participates in international relations based on the principle of sovereign equality, which creates another meaning of sovereignty. In this article, the evolution of the concept of sovereignty has been investigated and the factors that have led to changes in the characteristics of this concept have been identified in order to predict the trends in its development. In this research, the aspects of exercising sovereignty as a result of limiting the power of governments in favor of international personalities have been highlighted. In the writing of this article, the method of analyzing the issues that have been created in line with the mentioned topic has been used, with reference to the views of the doctrine explained in specialized research, documented research and the interpretation of legal norms in this field.

In this research, the objective was to investigate the impact of auditor's individual characteristics (independence, skill, knowledge, ethics) on the development and rational combination of continuous audit research.

The research method is a descriptive survey. The statistical population of this research was 60 managers and partners of audit institutions. The sampling of the research is simple random and the number of 52 people is based on the sampling table of Karjesi and Morgan. To analyze the data, Lisrel and SPSS22 software were used.

The results showed that the need for independence of continuous audit has a positive, direct and significant effect on the development and logical combination of continuous audit research. Also, auditor's personal characteristics such as skills, knowledge and ethics have a significant impact on the development and logical combination of continuous audit research.

More research should be done regarding the identification of internal audit quality criteria for the Iranian environment in order to help make the mentioned criteria more valid and if necessary, modify the current criteria.

This article aims to answer the question that what is the relationship between Islam and nationalism and consequently between being a Muslim and being a nationalist? Is there a conflict ratio or not? This research is fundamental and basic in terms of its purpose, and in terms of method, it has used the qualitative content analysis method and the comparative method. Therefore, first, the nature of Islam and the components of socio-political thinking in Islam have been examined, then the nature of nationalism and the components of socio-political thinking in nationalism have been discussed. In the third step, the similarities and differences between Islam and nationalism have been stated, and in the fourth step, the relationship between Islam and the three types of nationalism, independence-defense, civil-political, and ethnic-cultural, has been explained; Therefore, the present research is based on the fundamental goal and has reached the conclusion that there is conditional compatibility between Islam and nationalism; Islam, as a comprehensive religion, rejects ethnic-cultural nationalism and agrees with independent and civil nationalism in some cases such as acceptance of ethnic-cultural diversity and pluralism, independence and social cohesion, similarity and in many issues such as theoretical foundations, goals, values ​​and legitimacy of governance. , have a substantive difference.

In the history of Iran’s foreign relations, the Qajar era is often characterized as the period of dependence on and concessions to foreign powers. Yet even in this era, there have been short periods of struggles for gaining more independence and enforcing national sovereignty among which the short chancellorship of Mirza Taqi Khan Amirkabir is the most salient one as he attempted to pave the way for more independence of the country in various aspects. This article seeks to explain this foreign policy shift. It suggests that his belief system could have played a role. The main question addressed is about the way in which Amirkabir’s beliefs led to an independence-seeking foreign policy. The hypothesis examined, based on operational code analysis, is that this foreign policy is rooted in his philosophical and instrumental beliefs. Applying qualitative content analysis to Amirkabir’s shows how a specific combination of a set of beliefs can explain Iran’s foreign policy in this period.

With the development of communication technology, the role of governments in controlling many matters, especially the flow of information and controlling and guiding public opinion, is weakening day by day. Cyberspace has also transformed society and disrupted the value system, expanding new espionage and developing hybrid battles And because of this, it has created serious security threatsIn the current situation, the existing communication infrastructure in Iran is significantly dependent on the World Wide Web, and this issue has produced serious challenges for the independence and security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Due to the unreliability of such a communication structure, the stability and security of communications on the existing network platform will also be compromised.The purpose of this study is to explain the role of the national information network in strengthening the independence and national security in the second step of the Islamic Revolution.Therefore, the main question of the research is :What is the role of the national information network in strengthening the independence and national security in the second step of the Islamic Revolution? For this research, the method of document analysis has been used and for data collection, fish taking tools have been used. According to the research findings, the realization of the national information network can provide the ground for the protection of national information reserves, enhance deterrence against cyber threats, protection of privacy and legitimate freedoms, development of passive defense, and so on.The most important thing is to guarantee the independence and security of the country and the realization of the sovereignty of the Islamic Republic of Iran in cyberspace, which is a key dependence on the realization of the national information network in three dimensions of infrastructure, service and content.

One demand of ethnic and linguistic minorities in some countries is political independence. Kurds and Catalans in Iraq and Spain are among the minorities who held the independence referendum in 2017. The present study compares the two referendums regarding the fields, process, results, and outcomes. In various dimensions, using the analytical-comparative method, the findings show few similarities and significant differences between the two referendums in terms of historical, political, economic conditions. In terms of the holding process, both started with the exact mechanism, but during the holding, they differed sharply due to the different approaches of the two central governments of Iraq and Spain. In terms of results, the two referendums are similar regarding the ratio of positive votes to independence. In terms of outcome, both Iraqi Kurdistan and Spanish Catalonia faced similar negative consequences such as political isolation, lack of international support, economic problems, etc. Still, there is no consensus on how and to what extent these consequences affected local, national, and international levels. They are different due to the set of intra-systemic components such as the internal situation of Kurdistan/ Iraq and Catalonia/ Spain and extra-systemic components such as the interests of regional and global powers in these two areas of the referendum.

Dignity and the being of anti-arrogance state, which are the two basic elements in the statement of the second step of the revolution, need to be well explained based on the teachings of the Qur'an. Therefore, the purpose of the research is to explain the dignity and the steate mentioned and its various aspects in the statement of the second step of the revolution with the focus on verse 29 of Surah Fath. This research achieved the results by descriptive-analytical method that; being of anti-arrogance state, the preservation of dignity and independence are inherent in human nature. Therefore, based on the teachings of the above verse and the statement of the second step, by relying on economic, cultural, political and domestic capital authority, it is possible to prevent any infidel encroachment on the Islamic world and guarantee the dignity and independence of Muslims. In such a way that Muslims are not dependent on outside of Islamic society and are able to maintain their dignity and originality, and the state of being anti-arrogance, which is one of the essential components of social justice and anti-oppression, can lead to the denial of foreign domination.

Referral to arbitration requires the consent of both parties. This compromise is legally a contract that can be concluded in different ways. But two more common methods are: First, concluding an arbitration agreement independently of the contract or the main transaction (basic contract) whereby the parties agree to refer the dispute between them to arbitration (independent arbitration agreement). Second, conciliation to arbitration as a condition of the main contract, according to which the parties agree to resolve disputes and claims arising from the contract through arbitration (condition of arbitration in the contract) and in either of these two methods; Arbitration contracts should be considered as subsidiary contracts that are always concluded on the occasion of a main contract (sale, transportation of goods, insurance, etc.). This sub-feature of the arbitration contract has led to the question that if the original contract is void or terminated, what effect does its annulment and termination have on the arbitration contract? If we consider the annulment or termination of the original contract as effective in the life of the arbitration contract, we are faced with the vicious cycle that the annulment of the original contract causes the annulment of the arbitration contract and the arbitrator who votes for the annulment of the original contract based on the invalid contract And issued ineffective. In order to eliminate such problems, in most countries of the world, it is accepted that the arbitration contract is independent of the original contract, and as a result.

The independence of the Iraqi Kurdistan region and the influence of foreign factors on Iran's ethnic issues due to the proximity and ethnic, religious, cultural and linguistic ties of this region with Iranian Kurdistan in intensifying ethnic demands and turning this region as an axis of integration of Iranian Kurdish regions with Kurds in this region has caused an ethnic crisis and has also weakened the national cohesion of the Kurdish regions of Iran. The purpose of this study is to explain and study the effects of the independence of the Iraqi Kurdistan region on the national cohesion of the Kurdish regions of Iran and by using descriptive-analytical tools and descriptive-analytical methods, it answers the question: what effect has the independence of the Iraqi Kurdish region had on the national cohesion of the Kurdish regions of Iran? Findings show that the independence of the Iraqi Kurdistan region through cultural threats, political threats (ethnic and separatist demands, ethnicity and identity, ethnic nationalism, Iraqi federalism) and economic threats have weakened the national cohesion of Iran's northern regions.

After the formation of a federal government in Iraq, the power and influence of the Kurds increased inside Iraq and the Kurds with the support of some countries, including the Zionist regime (Israel) as well as the emergence of critical conditions in Iraq, especially after ISIL entrance in that country, they sought to achieve their long-term wish to form an independent Kurdish state, and to do they held an independence referendam in last years mehr 3rd which was a failure Iraqi kurdi region. They faced barriers, including lack of military and economic infrastructure, opposition from neighboring countries and the central government of Iraq which prevented Kurdistan from reaching its full independence. With this explanation, an examination of the current obstacles in the full independence of the Kurdistan Region is considered as the main purpose of this paper. This research is an applied research and to do this, an explanatory-analytical method and a deep dialogue with experts have been used. Such a way that at first, information was gathered through resources, documents, questionnaires and in-depth interviews and then analyzed in an interpretive way. In summing up, it was found that internal factors such as the geopolitical constraint and geographical location, the constitution of Iraq, the opposition of the Shiites and Sunnis, the lack of economic and military infrastructure and external factors such as US opposition and the opposition of neighboring Kurdish minority countries (Iran, Turkey And Syria) are among the factors preventing the full independence of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq.