international politics

Today, there is a deep belief that man, as a political animal, is motivated by emotions and internal functions of the brain and makes decisions within the framework of these emotions. From this point of view, psychology can be more effective than any other field in international relations as a window to understand politics. In the meantime, diplomacy, as the knowledge of the communication between representatives of countries and the beating heart of international politics in order to resolve disputes, needs to be equipped with psychology more than any other aspect of this field. In this regard, this article, with the aim of exploring the role and function of political psychology in diplomacy, seeks to answer the question; How and why can political psychology help diplomats in the process of diplomacy? Using the descriptive-analytical method and based on documentary studies, this hypothesis was tested that the actions of all people in the world are directed by their perceptual-personal treasury and mental expectations. Therefore, the mind as an active mirror shapes the phenomena and concepts, and the diplomat, by mastering psychology and personality cult, can reflect what he wants in this mirror to a large extent.

Neoclassical realism as a less coherent theory such as Waltz's structural realism or Morgenth's classical realism, as an attempt to resolve the shortcomings and contradictions between the various intellectual trends of realism; Through the absorption of internal variables and factors, it has tried to describe the international politics more realistically and explain the consequences of the system level, relying on the foreign policy of different governments. Attracting internal factors in the analysis and emphasizing the concept of interests and motivations; It highlights the semantic and psychological dimensions of the theory and brings to mind a kind of constructivist view of the theory. Based on this, in this article, we will seek to analyze and criticize the dimensions of the theory of neoclassical realism, emphasizing Randall Schweller's concept of balance of interests, from the perspective of constructivist theory. The results of the article are that, from an ontological point of view, neoclassical realism aims to solve the descriptive failures of other forms of realism; Inevitably, by introducing semantic and motivational dimensions in his analysis and examining the explanatory consequences of these variables in foreign policy and at the level of the international system, especially when talking about interests; He suffered some kind of internal contradiction through the objectification of interests, and in order to resolve these contradictions and maintain and expand the semantic factors in the theory, he should choose a kind of constructivist ontology and avoid the materialistic prejudices of realism.

International relations theories can be divided into theories of foreign policy and international politics . Although there is a close relationship between the theories of foreign policy and international politics and these two are not separate, however, these two cannot be considered the same. Foreign policy theories seek to analyze, explain and predict the foreign behavior of governments and various factors influencing it, while international politics theories seek to explain what, how and the effects of interactions between governments in an environment called the international system. One of the most recent realist theories of foreign policy is the theory of neoclassical realism. This theory uses a combination of structural realism's macro view and classical realism's micro view.This theory uses a combination of the macro view of structural realism and the micro view of classical realism and considers foreign policy as a product of the interaction of structural and domestic factors. Emphasis on systemic limitations along with non-systemic selectors; The explanatory power of this theory has increased. Some thinkers (known as the third generation of neoclassical realism) have sought to rewrite and advance this theory as a theory of international politics.The question of this article is: neoclassical realism from the beginning of its emergence and expression as a theory complementary to structural realism, until recent years when it has been restructured as a new theory of international politics; What changes and transformations, in what dimensions, has it gone through?The importance of this issue is especially due to the fact that this theory is less known in Iran, and it is known only as a foreign policy theory, while the scope of this theory is much wider. In this article, by describing the opinions of the main thinkers of neoclassical realism and with an explanatory-analytical method, this question will be answered: neoclassical realism from the beginning of its appearance as a complementary theory to structural realism, until recent years, when it has been restructured as a new theory of international politics; What changes and transformations has it gone through? The main hypothesis is that over time, neoclassical realism has moved towards eclectic, multi-level and interdisciplinary analysis and has moved away from the realist hard core. The research method is analytical-explanatory; with a theoretical approach.

After World War II speed of science production in the world increased significantly and it became a place of conflict between the great powers. In this period mechanisms to control the spread of sensitive and strategic technologies called export control regimes emerged so that the export of any sensitive and strategic technology can be carried out under the supervision of these regimes. nowdays with the increase of imperceptible spread of technology and the entry of emerging technologies into strategic field, the effectiveness of previous supervision and control has decreased, and more measures are being set to protect the spread of scientific and technical achievements by the leading powers. In this regard, the institution of the university as the main forum for the production of science, technology and innovation has entered the power game and acts as a strategic tool to increase and maintain the power of countries. Using the theoretical literature on international regimes and hegemonic stability, as well as the available empirical evidence, the current research seeks to answer the basic question of how the United States controls the spread of science and technology in universities in order to maintain its leadership in the international system, and the consequences of such What is a policy? The qualitative review of the available data and the analysis of the available documents in the last two decades showed that the main goal of these regimes is to maintain and promote the hegemonic power of the United States and prevent the reduction of its power gap with its strategic competitors, because emerging technologies can create new balances of power, order It is desirable to weaken the hegemony to the point of collapse, and ultimately its consequence is limitation and backwardness, deepening of the technological gap, reduction of welfare and development among other countries.

In the current era, novel technologies, especially blockchain, have the potential to bring significant transformations across social, economic, and political dimensions.This thesis investigates the role of blockchain technologyin establishing interactions between international law and international politics.The main objective of this research is to identify and analyze the applications of blockchain in improvinginteractions among international bodies, governments, and non-governmental organizations concerning human rights, international trade, and global security.The central research question is how blockchain can effectively contribute to these interactions.To achieve these objectives, a qualitative and analytical researchmethod was employed, including an examination of existing literature on blockchain and international law, as well as relevant case studies.The findings indicate that blockchain, by providing transparency, security, and high traceability,can help reduce the deficiencies in international legal systems while simultaneously enhancing diplomatic relations and trust at the international level.Furthermore, challenges such as legal, technical, and ethical issues inherent in implementing blockchain are also addressed.The conclusions drawn from this research demonstrate that blockchain technology can serve as an innovative tool significantly enhancing interactions between international law and international politics.Accordingly, policymakers and researchers should delve deeper into the existing challenges in this field and propose effective strategies for making the most of this novel technology.

The concept of a nuclear Iran means the improvement of technical capabilities in the direction of uranium enrichment, fuel plate loading and storage of enriched uranium for industrial and strategic purposes. The main actors of international politics, who have the monopoly of nuclear capability, have opposed and confronted the increase of Iran's capability. This shows that international politics is the main axis of controlling the foreign relations of actors in the world system. In Mersheimer's aggressive neorealism writing, great powers have an aggressive foreign policy and do not want to change the power balance of regional actors. The major powers have de facto agreed with the nuclearization of Israel, while they have always used their foreign and strategic policy to confront Iran and have resisted and opposed any strategic empowerment and geopolitical leap of Iran in the Middle East and Southwest Asia. The main question of the article is "with what goals and mechanisms have the main actors of international politics, including: China, Russia, the United States and the main countries of the European Union, limited Iran's nuclear capability in 1956-2021?" The hypothesis of the article refers to the fact that "Iran's nuclearization has left an impact on the geopolitical balance of the regional environment and this has led to limiting, restraining and confronting Iran's nuclear capability by the main actors of international politics."

Artificial intelligence, as an advanced technology, has wide-ranging effects on international politics. Due to the complexity of artificial intelligence technology, instability may increase in decisions and behaviors of countries. This issue can lead to international crises and tensions. Also, the unbalanced use of artificial intelligence technology can lead to an increase in inequality at the global level. In this research, with a detailed analysis of the effects of artificial intelligence on international politics, we will identify the challenges caused by it and provide different solutions to solve the challenges caused by the impact of artificial intelligence on international politics.The main goal of this research is to gain a deeper understanding of the new trends in international politics, to analyze the effects of this technology on international relations, and to explain the appropriate solutions to eliminate the gaps caused by artificial intelligence on international politics. In this research, we find that artificial intelligence can improve international relations. and by using this technology, countries can use their resources and data more effectively and make better decisions and help achieve common solutions to international challenges, they can also cooperate and interact in economic fields. , improve security, social and political

The significance of regional organizations in restoring regional peace and security is undeniable. The Arab League, as the first regional organization in the Middle East, exhibited diverse reactions to the situation in Syria following the events of the Arab Spring. The primary inquiry of this research focuses on how this organization utilized its capacities to prevent the escalation of the crisis and facilitate the restoration of regional peace and security concerning the situation in Syria. Using a descriptive-analytic approach, this article delves into the underlying causes of the prolonged crisis in Syria and subsequently analyzes the decisions and stances taken by the Arab League, such as the suspension of Syria's membership and the imposition of political and economic sanctions. These analyses are conducted through the lens of constitutional commitments as well as political and legal considerations. The findings indicate that the twelve-year suspension of Syria's membership, despite its status as a founding member of the Arab League, not only underscores the complexity and multifaceted nature of the crisis at regional and international levels but also suggests that, in line with the fundamental objectives and principles of the organization, its approaches largely align with the interests of powerful Western governments and the expansionist policies of the occupying regime in Palestine, while running counter to the interests of the regional Arab and Islamic communities. Presently, the Arab League faces challenges such as dual approaches, decision-making influenced by its anti-Iranian members, issues related to immigration crises, and normalization of relations with Israel. From a regional perspective, the league's track record hardly reflects its role as an effective regional organization capable of resolving domestic crises within its member states or addressing international crises such as the Palestine-Israel conflict in line with the preservation of regional peace and security. Consequently, the Arab and Islamic region may continue to exist in a "region sans regionalism."

The current research aims to analyze the type of strategic orientation of the United States of America in facing the Islamic Republic of Iran, especially after the Islamic Revolution. The dualism of liberalism and realism, or a policy of mutual punishment and encouragement, has been adopted in the face of J.A. Iran. A. Iran. In order to prove the hypothesis of the research, while using the theory of aggressive realism, the behavioral pattern of the United States will be examined. The main findings of the research show that the approach of the United States is of the type of liberalism of "encouragement, encouragement and maximum participation". Or the harmonious model of liberalism and realism is not "positive and negative". Rather, it indicates the continuation and consolidation of the approach of aggressive realism, of the type of acute discursive, geopolitical and geostrategic confrontation in the form of "threat, punishment, sanctions" in the form of "various and complex balancing". So that the conformity and consistency of aggressive realism propositions with the approach of the United States in the acute confrontation with Iran is clear and obvious. The authors conclude that the behavior pattern of the United States is in the fixed form of aggressive realism, without a paradigm shift to liberalism. And it doesn't even have a tendency to shift within the theoretical paradigm of defensive realism. The main goal of America is to turn Iran into an isolated and victimized actor in the field of international politics. They evaluate J.A.Iran in the form of a game with a negative sum. And they always have a pure compliance with the approach of slander and international politics in their agenda. based on strategic rationality and compliance with international law.

Today, many critical infrastructures in the fields of energy, health, transportation (sea, air, land and even outer space) and telecommunications are highly dependent on computer systems and internet networks, Such a platform has changed the concepts of armed attacks and force as hostile states conduct their hostile operations in cyberspace, In some cases, these attacks destroy the infrastructure of a country, and the destructive effects of such actions will be far more than military operations, Therefore, the importance of developing international mechanisms is an inevitable necessity, The question is, based on which propositions do the current rules governing international relations make it possible to deal with subversive operations? And does international law have the capacity to identify cyber attacks as an example of resorting to force or not? It seems that the answer to the questions depends on the analysis of the existing international realities, Until now, binding international rules have not been established in this field, and governments only respond to these operations based on the principle of legitimate defense, However, there is no rule in the issue of compensation for damages and dividing the boundary between legitimate and illegitimate actions and it is difficult to identify cyber attacks as an example of force, In this article, the author tries to analyze a logical and descriptive interpretation of the rules of international law, the application of the said rules, focusing on the instrumental, goal-oriented and effect-oriented approach in the cyber space.

The present research aims to analyze the course of relations between Persian Gulf Arab countries and Israel, specifically focusing on their transition from divergence to convergence. Drawing upon the system theory, this study explains the development of their relations from divergence to convergence. The findings underscore the significant impact of interaction and interdependence arising from shared challenges and opportunities, leading to convergence in political, economic, and scientific domains. However, it is important to acknowledge that the support and establishment of peaceful relations between these nations have also been influenced by the economic and political interests of major international powers in the West Asian region. If the normalization policy between Persian Gulf countries and Israel is solely driven by external pressures from Western, Hebrew, and Arab statesmen, the prospects for their relations appear bleak. Instead, such a policy could potentially serve as an indicator of potential tensions in future conflicts involving Israel, Palestine, and Lebanon. The growing cooperation between Iran and Persian Gulf Arab countries, in comparison to their cooperation with Israel, has the potential to not only balance the convergence but also establish a balance in terms of threats. In other words, for Iran's convergence with Persian Gulf countries in security, politics, and economics to have a significant impact on the international environment (both regionally and globally) and influence the mindset of Arab officials, it must surpass the dependence of Arab countries on Israel and redefine their behavioral boundaries.

This article discus the relationship between the Doctrine of Resistance and political developments in Iran's foreign policy, as well as in regional and international politics. It begins by discussing the issue of instability, insecurity, and war in the Middle East in the 21st century, and questions the influence of political movements on the region's developments. In response to this question, the article presents a multi-layered hypothesis, which is explained in three sections. The hypothesis suggests that the Islamic Doctrine of Resistance, as the most significant political, cultural, and military movement, has had a significant impact on military-political developments. In fact, the comprehensive impact of the Islamic Resistance movement on Iran's foreign policy, the developments in the Middle East, and international politics and system constitute the overall structure of this hypothesis. The mobilization, organization, training, and deployment of volunteer forces from various Islamic countries against the Western invading and occupying front led by the United States and regional allies such as Israel and Saudi Arabia have been the most important function of the Islamic Resistance front. Through the formulation of grand and shortcut strategies, designing operations, long-term planning, and overall management, the Islamic Resistance movement, led by the 21st-century strategist martyr Qasem Soleimani, has been able to overcome heavy and unprecedented military attacks on the Middle East and achieve significant victories in regional and international arenas, inflicting heavy losses on the enemy front.

Theory is the most important tool for analyzing human actions and phenomena of international relations. Practice Theory is one of the most recent efforts in the field of theorizing international relations and has attracted many fans. Rather than being considered as a structured and articulated theory belonging to a specific person, Practice Theory, is considered a new theoretical field with its own metatheoretical issues. Generally; The main focus of This Theory is on the analysis of international political relations by highlighting specific procedures and patterns in which human actions take place. Undoubtedly, the most important metatheoretical element of any theoretical framework; It is its ontological basis. Based on this, in this research, by describing the ontological foundations of the Practice theory, we are trying to answer this basic question: What are the criticisms and in what dimensions are the ontological foundations of the Practice theory and, if possible, how can these flaws be resolved? The tested hypothesis is as follows: despite the claim of its supporters, the Practice Theory does not have an independent ontology and the emphasis on common bodily procedures and standard verbs in international interactions is ultimately another expression of the construction of the social world; By adopting a constructivist approach and basically a deep constructivist understanding, it explains all the ontological claims of Practice Theory well, and in fact, This Theory should be examined under constructivism and not even neo-constructivism. The method of conducting this research is Analytical-Explanatory and with an emphasis on criticizing the views of practicalists.

Today, there is a deep belief that man, as a political animal, is motivated by emotions and internal functions of the brain and makes decisions within the framework of these emotions. From this point of view, psychology can be more effective than any other field in international relations as a window to understand politics. In the meantime, diplomacy, as the knowledge of the communication between representatives of countries and the beating heart of international politics in order to resolve disputes, needs to be equipped with psychology more than any other aspect of this field. In this regard, this article, with the aim of exploring the role and function of political psychology in diplomacy, seeks to answer the question; How and why can political psychology help diplomats in the process of diplomacy? Using the descriptive-analytical method and based on documentary studies, this hypothesis was tested that the actions of all people in the world are directed by their perceptual-personal treasury and mental expectations. Therefore, the mind as an active mirror shapes the phenomena and concepts, and the diplomat, by mastering psychology and personality cult, can reflect what he wants in this mirror to a large extent.

Due to its geopolitical characteristics and strategic importance of the Persian Gulf area in multiple military, political and economic fields, It has always been one of the main centers of international politics and geopolitical interests of countries as a concept for explaining and pursuing their national interests in geographical contexts. In this regard, due to the special (illegitimate) characteristics at the time of its establishment, the Zionist regime has repeatedly drawn policies to increase the vital space and pursue its interests in order to realize geopolitical interests. One of the geographical bases of this regime's goal from the beginning has been the geopolitical area of the Persian Gulf, which with recent developments has increased the hopes of that regime to implement its primary goals in the direction of influence in this region. With these preliminaries, this study seeks to answer the main question, what are the geopolitical interests of the Zionist regime in the Persian Gulf region? In this regard, It uses mixed methods (quantitative and qualitative) and through presenting a questionnaire to the statistical population of 39 experts from the Persian Gulf and West Asia, while coding the questionnaires using spss software. The most important geopolitical interests of the Zionist regime in the Persian Gulf were prioritized as follows: overcoming its strategic geographical isolation in the region,diversification and expansion of the technology export market to the Persian Gulf countries,creating strategic depth in the Persian Gulf area,expanding intelligence-security cooperation with the sheikhdoms of the Persian Gulf under the cover of communication-information exchanges against the Islamic Republic of Iran, dominating the water resources of the Persian Gulf through the establishment of water desalination sources in the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf and monitoring the strategic water area.

Due to its geopolitical characteristics and strategic importance of the Persian Gulf area in multiple military, political and economic fields, It has always been one of the main centers of international politics and geopolitical interests of countries as a concept for explaining and pursuing their national interests in geographical contexts. In this regard, due to the special (illegitimate) characteristics at the time of its establishment, the Zionist regime has repeatedly drawn policies to increase the vital space and pursue its interests in order to realize geopolitical interests. One of the geographical bases of this regime's goal from the beginning has been the geopolitical area of the Persian Gulf, which with recent developments has increased the hopes of that regime to implement its primary goals in the direction of influence in this region. With these preliminaries, this study seeks to answer the main question, what are the geopolitical interests of the Zionist regime in the Persian Gulf region? In this regard, It uses mixed methods (quantitative and qualitative) and through presenting a questionnaire to the statistical population of 39 experts from the Persian Gulf and West Asia, while coding the questionnaires using spss software. The most important geopolitical interests of the Zionist regime in the Persian Gulf were prioritized as follows: overcoming its strategic geographical isolation in the region,diversification and expansion of the technology export market to the Persian Gulf countries,creating strategic depth in the Persian Gulf area,expanding intelligence-security cooperation with the sheikhdoms of the Persian Gulf under the cover of communication-information exchanges against the Islamic Republic of Iran, dominating the water resources of the Persian Gulf through the establishment of water desalination sources in the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf and monitoring the strategic water area.

This study aimed to investigate the role of the media in strengthening the soft power of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the international arena, which was conducted using a survey method. The statistical population of this research is the professors of political science and communication sciences in Tehran. After repeated studies and identification of professors who have more aristocracy to current issues of politics and media. Due to the limited number of the target population, 65 people were selected as the statistical sample. A questionnaire was used to collect data. The results of t-test showed that the average score obtained for the role of media in amplifying soft power was above average. Therefore, the media has a favorable role in strengthening soft power. The results of examining the role of media in strengthening the components of soft power showed that the average score obtained for economic, cultural and political components was above average and for the scientific component was moderate. This shows that the media in strengthening cultural power, Economic and political, has played a desirable and influential role and has played a relatively desirable or moderate role in strengthening scientific power. There was also a significant difference between the role of traditional media and traditional and modern hybrid media in strengthening soft power. Based.

The Financial Action Task Force (FATF) was initially established to combat money laundering, and later objectives such as combating transnational organized crime, countering the financing of terrorism, and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction were added to its mission. The activities of FATF are based on the 40 main recommendations of this institution, the interpretive texts of which are also attached to these recommendations. The basis for the legitimacy of the FATF recommendations is some UN conventions and resolutions. This institution gained more power, especially after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, to the point where it is considered one of the most important international regimes in the field of financial and banking standards. The main issue in this regard is the position of the FATF in the global economic system, international politics and also its behavior pattern towards Iran. In response to this question, it has been hypothesized that the FATF is part of the international banking and financial regime, which, by referring to international conventions and UN resolutions, has increased its international legitimacy and sought to It has expanded its supranational authority and influence in the fields of global economics and international politics. To address this question, we first examine the important international instruments in the field of combating money laundering that led to the formation of the FATF. Following is a trend study of the historical development of the FATF to use the descriptive-analytical method to examine the position of the Financial Action Task Force in the global economy and international politics. Finally, a comprehensive analysis of the FATF's exposure to Iran over the past two decades is presented.

As an inevitable phenomenon, terrorism has directly and indirectly engaged the formal and informal actors of the international system, and has gradually expanded the geographical scope of terrorist acts. This research is intended to assess the capability of the theories of international politics to respond to the conceptual transformation of terrorism, and to try to provide an answer to this question: “What are the most important features of the theoretical transformation of classical terrorism to modern terrorism?” With this in mind, due to the fact that theories in the field of international politics have not been able to analyze modern terrorism well, we tried to test the hypothesis that, there is a theoretical rupture in the concept of modern terrorism compared to the classical type following the process of globalization and change in the system International on the basis of systemic and multilevel views. Accordingly, the most important components of the theoretical transformation and of classical terrorism compared to modern terrorism are: increase of threats, generalization and expansion, change in the nature and function, importance of organizational, networking and cyber terrorism, geographical spread of international terrorism and change in activists' reaction to international terrorism. This is a theoretical research following explanatory method whose data are collected on the basis of library and internet resources.