international system

With the gradual decline of the United States of America's dominant position, there is an increasing focus on power redistribution and the reshuffling of roles in international politics. This situation has given rise to a significant conflict between countries advocating for the status quo and revisionist powers such as Russia, China, and Iran. The outcome of this conflict holds direct implications for the future of international relations, encompassing elements such as structures, actors, communication patterns, norms, as well as key trends like balances, institutions, and the global economy. Hence, the primary research question at hand pertains to the approaches undertaken by Russia, China, and Iran in countering the goals and plans of the United States as the hegemonic power in international relations. Specifically, the inquiry seeks to ascertain whether these three revisionist countries have adopted similar approaches and reactions against the dominant power. In order to address these questions, we propose the hypothesis that the behavior patterns of Russia, China, and Iran as revisionist countries, in response to the foreign policy of the hegemonic power, are shaped by their respective advantages in terms of geography-geopolitics, politics, defense-security, culture-civilization, and bilateral relations with the United States. Consequently, their experiences and processes differ significantly.

Even though in the present era, the components of power have still maintained their effectiveness; But the new developments and progress in the fields of technology have caused that, along with the traditional components, some new components are also effective on the developments of the countries and, as a result, increasing their capabilities in various fields. These new components have sometimes reached such a level of influence that they can be involved in international equations and affect the evolution of the international system.
One of the sensitive and important areas of transition and transformation in the global geometry of power is the category of "transit corridors". The geopolitical space of the 21st century is based on a network of bridges and communication corridors between regional and extra-regional countries, and it can be said that the great game of the 21st century can be summed up in one concept: "Corridor".
The concrete manifestation of this concept can be seen in China's 21st century super project called "One Belt, One Road" or "New Silk Road". On the other hand, the development and expansion of new technologies, especially in the field of "artificial intelligence", can also create important developments in the field of power and power exchanges in the country. This development is so important that it is said that in the current era, "data" replaces "oil" and any country that wants to be a leader in the international arena must master data, algorithms, and artificial intelligence technology in general. This evolution has caused security to move away from hard categories and become based on data.
These developments and the development of technologies, while changing the hierarchical order of the past and forming new identities, will also have a tremendous impact on the power, abilities, ideas, priorities and interests of governments and individuals, and as a result, the rules and platform of the game in the field of international politics.

Artificial intelligence has increasingly found a central and decisive role in the macro-competition between the United States of America and China. Beijing and Washington are looking to improve the power and capabilities of artificial intelligence in order to gain a strategic advantage in their macro-competition. The development of artificial intelligence by both sides will deepen their strategic competition and affect the structure and dynamics of the international system. Using the theoretical propositions of neorealism and the descriptive-analytical method, this article aims to analyze the dimensions and angles of the competition between America and China in the field of artificial intelligence. Based on this, the main question of the current research is how does the competition between America and China in the field of artificial intelligence find meaning in the framework of the structural competition of the two countries in the international system? The findings of the research show that America and China are trying to lead the field of technology, especially in the field of artificial intelligence, by giving priority to technogeopolitics and technonationalism. In fact, the efforts and actions of America and China to lead the field of technology have affected their strategic considerations in all areas. Chinese leaders see artificial intelligence as an opportunity to counter US military and technological dominance and gain strategic advantage. On the other hand, China's growing technological capabilities are the main factor behind the US's efforts to create a block of digital economies in order to counterbalance China's growing power.

Takfiri jihadism is an international identity that has challenged the modern international system at different levels. The ideology of this movement has been theorized by the Arab Islamists and it receives most of its forces from the Arab world. The process of expansion and consolidation of the contemporary international system in the Arab world coincides with the birth and development of takfiri jihadism in this region. This research questions the role of the international system in the spread of radical political Islam in Arab societies. The research conducted in this area shows that the crisis in nation-state building, identity crisis, crises caused by modernity or the social or religious contexts of violence in Arab and Islamic societies have been effective in the tendency of the Arab world towards this radicalism. Using constructivist and post-colonial theories, this research shows that the Arab world's understanding of the modern international system, which is a function of the evolution of this system, has faced a paradigm shift over the past century, and this change has created the ground for the role of takfiri jihadism. Is. In the new paradigm of the modern international system, it is completely denied according to the understanding of political Islam. This system is considered an evil structure against Arabs and Muslims, and Jihad against it and all its henchmen is a priority for Arabs and Muslims.

The function of values, norms, and culture in constructing the mentality, identity, and behavior of societies has led to the role of such matters as soft power in public diplomacy being considered by scholars in the field of foreign policy. In the meantime, hijab, as a prominent symbol of Islamic discourse, has been able to play a special role in producing discursive soft power in the international arena in the past few decades to such an extent that it has led to a serious reaction from the great powers in confronting and marginalizing its supportors. This fact indicates the capacity of hijab as a cultural element and an effective tool for promoting soft power and the goals of public diplomacy of Islamic discourse. In response to the question of how the Islamic hijab strengthens public diplomacy and the soft power of Islamic discourse in the international system, this article examines the idea that the Islamic hijab, as a discursive symbol and communication medium, through identity formation, nonverbal communication, and collective action, expands the discursive system against competing discourses, thereby strengthening public diplomacy and the soft power of Islamic discourse. Rereading the capacity of the hijab in institutionalizing cultural values of discourse, promoting soft power, and strengthening public diplomacy is one of the most important achievements of this article. The research method is qualitative and explanatory, using documentary data.

The increase of Russia's presence in West Asia in recent years has affected regional and international order and security. The Russia's approach in this region towards other players influenced Russia-Iran interactions and Iran's interests at the regional and global levels. This paper aims to address this question: How Russia's regional policies in West Asia have affected Islamic Republic of Iran's national interests? The paper is based on the theory of balance of power. The paper’s findings show that the most important effects of Russia's soft and hard balancing act on Iran's national interests in the region are: Help countering Takfiri Salafi terrorism, increasing Iran's strategic depth, improving Iran's regional deterrence power, strengthening the Axis of Resistance, reducing the influence of America and the West in the region, and intensifying the strategic interactions of Russia-China and Iran and their confrontation with the liberal world order and unilateralism of America.

Environmental developments, such as increasing air temperature, drought, dust, pandemics, loss of underground water tables, etc., have definite consequences in the social, political, and security fields, and require the cooperation of governments, institutions, and groups at the regional level and International. This article aims to identify future environmental trends at the level of the international system; Draw possible environmental futures at the international level until 2030 and show the future scenarios of the Islamic Republic of Iran in this field. The research question is, what are the possible environmental futures at the level of the international system until 2030? The research results show that the rapid growth of green technologies, changing population patterns, the continuation of pandemics, the continuation of climate changes, and increased competition of governments due to limited resources will be the possible futures of the international system in the environmental field until 2030. The results of the research also show that the Islamic Republic of Iran will face serious challenges in the face of global environmental crises, and political and economic limitations will also be woven into these challenges. While most countries will turn to green technology in the face of these challenges, Iran's restrictions on the use of green technology will be an important driver until 2030.  The research method is future research with the technique of extrapolation of future-making trends using the "cross-impact trends" matrix.The results of this research are:1)  The inevitable future of governments and societies until 2030 to deal with environmental threats will be investing and benefiting from green technologies (conditional favorable scenario)Until 2030, governments will have no escape from moving towards green technologies to deal with climate change. Due to the consensus that exists in the world about moving towards this type of technology, this scenario is also for the Islamic Republic of Iran, both in the domestic arena and to deal with environmental challenges such as drought, air and sea pollution, and in the regional arena to deal with It will be useful and effective with challenges such as micro dust and in the global arena to deal with global challenges such as rising air temperature and the spread of panda The only challenge will be to create harmony between national, regional and international interests.2) Changing demographic patterns (aging, migration) will continue until 2030. (conditionally tolerable scenario) Changing demographic patterns at the global level (aging and immigration) in terms of the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the recommendations of the theory of neoliberal institutionalism do not pose much danger to the Islamic Republic of Iran and is considered a more tolerable scenario for Iran because, firstly, the rate of aging of the country's population in comparison It is less accelerated than other countries and Iran's population will still be young until 2030 and this trend can be changed by planning 3)Changing population patterns (urbanization growth) will continue until 2030. (unfavorable scenario)The growth of urbanization in the world will continue until 2030, and the current trends show that this unfavorable global scenario also exists in Iran, so that the rate of urbanization in Iran has intensified. If the limited resources are not managed, this will be an unfavorable scenario for the Islamic Republic of Iran. Iran is in the semi-arid region of the Middle East. In the current situation, the country is facing a crisis in water resources. The result of the growth of the urban population is the increase in water and food consumption of the country, and in the situation of shortage of these resources, the country may face security crises4)  Until 2030, pandemics will continue as a global threat. (Undesirable scenario) The spread of pandemics like Corona is considered an unfavorable scenario for the Islamic Republic of Iran, because in terms of the country's national interests, pandemics are a threat that, firstly, may endanger the lives of thousands of people, secondly, take a lot of resources, and thirdly, if production units are closed, services, etc. have extensive political and security consequences for the country. Theoretically, the country will need drugs and vaccines to deal with these pandemics, and since most of the big pharmaceutical companies are in Europe and America, it will be very difficult to cooperate under sanctions 5)  Until 2030, climate changes (increasing temperature, drought, etc.) will be strengthened. (adverse scenario)According to all estimates, climate changes such as temperature rise and drought will intensify by 2030, and this is an unfavorable scenario for Iran. According to the UN forecast, Iran will also face a chronic water shortage from 2025. The last water year in Iran was the driest in the past 52 years, and the effects of this drought clearly show themselves in the flow of water, and storage of dams, lakes, and wetlands of the country.6)  By 2030, resource limitations will intensify the competition of governments in the environmental field (unfavorable scenario) Since the Islamic Republic of Iran is in a hot and semi-arid region, continuing environmental trends such as increasing air temperature, drought, and lack of water resources is an unfavorable scenario for Iran. Among the 17 countries that have the first rank in the world regarding water crisis, 12 countries are in the Middle East and North Africa. The water crisis in Iran is an important threat to national security and therefore an important challenge for the country's foreign policy.

The western-backed democratic government in Afghanistan collapsed after the withdrawal of foreign forces from the country, and the Taliban movement was able to regain power. This level of instability and even more in the history of modern Afghanistan has always been a part of the life of the people of this country. Various factors have been considered in researches as the main reason for this situation. The idea of ​​the nation-state in the framework of the contemporary international system is the only idea that has been the central idea for the formation of the political system and stability in this country since independence. The Afghan people's understanding of the international system and the nation-state as its exclusive actor has made it very difficult to achieve stability within the framework of such a structure. The analysis of this level of influence of semantic factors can be explained in the framework of constructivist theory, and it will also be possible to understand the basic role of colonialism in this context with the help of postcolonial theory.

Introduction :

The diminished concentration of U.S. power within the international system and the ascension of emerging powers have decreased the structural pressure of international system on regional powers to limit their presence in other regions. This has accelerated the movement of governments like China towards the areas that are traditionally under the U.S. influence, such as West Asia and Latin America. Since the 1990s, China has established extensive relations with countries in West Asia. The present study aimed to explore the expansion of China–Saudi Arabia relations in light of China’s Look West policy, trying to answer the following questions:  What role does Look West play in China’s foreign policy? And how does Saudi Arabia fit into China’s Look West policy? This research distinguishes itself from existing literature by offering a comprehensive analysis of China’s Look West policy, specifically focusing on the expansion of China’s relations with Saudi Arabia.

The study adopted a descriptive–analytical approach and an explanatory method to elucidate how the structure of the international system influences the behavior of states.

Theoretical Framework:

Neorealism or structural realism was used to enhance the explanatory power in addressing how the structure of the international system influences foreign relations and behavioral priorities of countries. The structure of the international system is regarded as the foremost and pivotal variable in the paradigm of structural realism. This encompasses a specific conception of structure and its related components. First, structural realism considers anarchy as the enduring feature of the international system, which is even immune to shifts in power concentration. Moreover, the distribution of capabilities or the polarity of the system significantly shapes the behavior of states. Therefore, neorealism refers to the distribution of power within the international system as one of the most influential variables in shaping the behavior of states. In this light, the analysis of China’s behavior, as a prominent emerging power, requires the examination of the role of America as a key pole in the international system. For instance, China’s pursuit of Go West strategy, as a competitive policy, is understood as a response to the prevailing polarity within the international system.

Systemic Change in the International System and China’s Look West Policy
The diminished concentration of U.S. power and the ascension of other major powers promise a more diversity in the polarity of the international system, as reinforced and evidenced by the rise of China and the increasing role of Asia in global affairs. This trend has elevated China to the status of the most important emerging power, ushering in a period of systemic change characterized by a shift in polarity within the international order. Over the past decade, this transformation has emerged as one of the most significant and influential determinants shaping the foreign policies of world states. Indeed, it has presented regional powers with increased opportunities to extend their influence into other regions. From this vantage point, China is increasingly inclined towards expanding its presence across various regions worldwide, including the West. This inclination can be captured by the term Look West, denoting a focus on the West in general. In a narrower sense, the West encompasses regions such as the Middle East and notably the Persian Gulf. Based on the Look West policy, rebalancing China’s foreign policy during the period of systemic change within the international system can be attributed to the following reasons:Intensification of Strategic Competition with the U.S. in China’s Periphery The U.S. efforts to increase its presence in China’s periphery have prompted China to shift its focus to other regions of the world, particularly West Asia, aiming to establish a strategic space and foothold. China perceives that America is withdrawing from certain regions of the world, which is likely to diminish the U.S. involvement and influence.

China’s Energy Needs:

The change in the polarity of the international system has led to changes in perspectives regarding global energy supply. This shift has opened up opportunities for China to play a more active role in energy supply centers worldwide, particularly in the Middle East. One significant aspect of China’s presence in the Middle East is the strengthening of bilateral relations with countries in the region, notably with the member states of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, such as Saudi Arabia.

China’s Belt and Road Initiative:

The changes within the international system have influenced the foreign policy of world states, paving the way for the enhancement of relations between different states, particularly with those in the Global South. In this context, China, with a longstanding history of fostering unique patterns in its relations with southern countries, has identified an opportune environment for launching new initiatives, foremost among them being the One Belt, One Road or Belt and Road Initiative (also referred to as the New Silk Road). Challenges of China’s Look West Policy Competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia Since the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran, Saudi Arabia has been wary of Iran and its regional policies. It is thus not surprising that China’s close relationship with Iran would raise concerns in Saudi Arabia. As the influence of the U.S. diminishes in the region, China finds itself with increased opportunities to play a significant role in regulating relations between the Persian Gulf states. Both Iran and Saudi Arabia have welcomed China’s mediation efforts to mitigate their differences, which culminated in the 2023 Memorandum of Understanding between Iran and Saudi Arabia to restore relations and reduce tensions.

The United States of America:

Currently, America continues to wield considerable influence in West Asia. Despite the tensions between Washington and Riyadh, America remains Saudi Arabia’s most crucial partner, which in turn gets Washington to exert pressure on Riyadh to deter any significant expansion of China–Saudi relations.

The present study examined the development and expansion of relations between China and Saudi Arabia within the context of China’s Look West or Go West strategy. The research findings suggested that Look West policy has increasingly become an integral strategy of China’s foreign policy, driven by dynamics of power distribution within the international system, emerging opportunities in energy resource markets, efforts to counteract the U.S. influence, and initiatives such as the New Silk Road. Moreover, Saudi Arabia occupies a pivotal position within China’s Look West paradigm. The structure of the international system and the post-Cold War distribution of power (polarity) are pivotal factors shaping China’s approach to the Middle East. A competitive aspect of China’s policy, Look West or Go West strategy involves strengthening ties with countries geographically situated to the West. This strategy serves as a means to break free from the strategic deadlock with the U.S. in East Asia. Nevertheless, China’s overarching objective extends beyond this; it seeks to replace the U.S. and increase its presence in other regions, thereby diminishing American influence while broadening its own sphere of influence. China pursues this goal by continually increasing its economic interactions with the Middle East, fostering amicable relations with all countries therein, and avoiding policies that directly challenge American interests in the Middle East.

China's foreign policy, as one of the emerging powers of the international system, is affected by several factors. Different theoretical approaches have studied some decision-making components in China's foreign, but what has been neglected is the role of China's political identity in shaping the foreign policy of this country. China, by combining its identity values from the past to the present, tries to pursue a peaceful rise strategy in accordance with contemporary identity norms in the international system and not to reintroduce its power base as a disruptive player in the current situation. China's macro narrative of self and other was developed based on ancient and modern identity foundations. Therefore, the foundation of China's foreign policy is social identity and collective identity. China is trying to apply adaptability and flexibility to its international identity and system in its foreign policy behavior. China's macro narrative of self and other was developed based on ancient and modern identity foundations. Therefore, the foundation of China's foreign policy is social identity and collective identity. China is trying to apply its foreign policy based on adaptability and flexibility to the identity and international system. This article answers the question of what impact the identity components of China's foreign policy have had on its political behavior towards the Islamic Republic of Iran from 2000 to 2022? In response to this question, based on the descriptive-analytical method and using the holistic constructivist theory, it is hypothesized that changes in China's foreign policy identity towards Islamic Republic of Iran have led to its foreign policy being regulated based on peaceful economic development and playing a role as a peace-loving trade actor

One of the most distinguishing features of the modern international system is the dynamic nature of its orders. Despite the long rule of some types of international orders, these ruling orders were never permanent and changed and transformed on a regular basis. In general, in international relations literature, the period of transition or the transition period in the international system is defined as the time between the appearance of signs of deterioration of the traditional order and the formation of a new order. The period of transition in the international system has certain characteristics, and understanding these characteristics will greatly help policymaking and the way governments act to direct the future of the international order. In addition to explaining the characteristics of the transitional phase in the current international system, this research will use a descriptive-analytical approach and library study tools to draw consensus on the future of the international system. The research's findings demonstrate that, in accordance with conceptual evolution, semantic rotation, and theoretical rotation in the literature and concepts of international relations and the international system in transition, the inclusiveness and scope of the changes will be significantly wider than the change in official processes between governments. From this perspective, it will lead the world towards a pluralistic, multi-centered, multii-regional international order. The difference between this order and the traditional multipolar system will be the relative transition from the Westphalian and Western-oriented international system to the world-oriented international system, as well as the emergence of global politics.

Russia's military conflict in Ukraine, which began in February 2022 has global dimensions and various effects on the politics, economy and security of the international system. In the meantime, the evaluation of possible scenarios has a special place from the perspective of future studies.The main question of this article:What scenarios can be imagined if Russia uses nuclear weapons? The hypothesis that is raised following the mentioned question is that the use of nuclear weapons by Russia will have major geopolitical, geostrategic and geoeconomic effects for global security in the short and long term. The present article tries to present some possible scenarios in relation to the future of this war and its effects on the international system in the framework of scenario planning and using the descriptive-analytical method with emphasizing on component of nuclear weapons.For this purpose, offensive realism has been chosen as theoretical framework to better explain the behavior of the Russian government in Ukrainian war.The findings of the research show that Russia's use of nuclear weapons can, on the one hand, lead to a mutual reaction by the United States and NATO, and on the other hand, instead of helping to disarm nuclear weapons, lead to its spread

The purpose of the current research is political sanctions and its impact on contracts based on jurisprudence and legal solutions, and the research method is descriptive-analytical. In the current conditions of contracts and obligations, they are heavily influenced by the political conditions of the country and the increasing price. And the lack of stability in the market has led to a severe loss to the obligee, who must compensate for it. It may cause unbearable difficulties for the obligee and lead him to the abyss of economic collapse. Now the question is whether the commitment of these people is still binding according to the sanctions or it can be changed according to the changes in the situation. However, due to unforeseen events, it is possible to revise the provisions of the contract and provide a clear and explicit solution in these cases based on jurisprudence.