internet

The term "Internet" is used as a paradigm for flexibility, creativity, and freedom for development and evolution, freedom of expression, freedom of information, and free flow. This paradigm is sometimes referred to as the "open and free Internet" and refers to a broad range of protocols, services, and applications, as well as a set of interconnected networks that share a common transport protocol and pursue various economic, political, and cultural goals. This phenomenon owes much of its growth and survival to private developers, not only challenging governments with the need to share governance with the private sector and other stakeholders, such as technical associations and international organizations, but also acting as an emerging force that weakens traditional political boundaries. Under the concept of techno-geopolitics, it challenges the security and authority of states. If we define techno-geopolitics as the application of information, knowledge, and technology in altering the power hierarchy and the political behavior between states and tech companies, then it must be accepted that the geopolitics of information has confronted governments not only with new competitors, such as multinational corporations, but also transformed the political battleground from traditional geopolitical concepts like physical location, size, climate, topography, demographics, and natural resources to new concepts centered on knowledge and technology. These include government access to information, wealth, and communications, such as hacking and cyberattacks on other countries, economic capabilities like chip production, liquidity in financial markets, and investments in artificial intelligence.In this context, what is particularly important is how governments face new technologies in shaping Internet governance models, considering two key factors in this area: the ambiguity of international accountability and the uncertainty in how technology and Internet governance will evolve. Ambiguity of accountability refers to the dominance and misuse of the United States and its central role in domain name service provision (ICANN), which uses this technology as a strategic political tool in cyber warfare against countries opposing the U.S. The second issue, uncertainty, primarily refers to the lack of a unified governance model and the transition from the traditional governance model centered on the executive, legislative, and judicial branches. This transition creates a challenge of convergence and the balancing of interests among new stakeholders in governance, including markets, networks, and hierarchies, under multi-stakeholder governance, which is reflected in new legislation in the field. Governance is not defined by unilateral and imposed laws of national legislators or international bodies, but rather by a set of values, norms, cultures, soft laws, and hard laws, where sovereignty is seen as a public matter involving all stakeholders, including the private sector, civil society, and technical associations. Moreover, this uncertainty refers to the emergence of new economic markets, which have so far led to the formation of political-economic alliances such as the Five Eyes alliance, with the U.S. at its core, in response to China's technological development. This has resulted in an unpredictable global landscape in both the economic and political spheres. The present study aims to examine the Internet governance models, identifying their similarities and differences, in order to identify the most effective model in the era of technological conflict. In this regard, it addresses the following questions: first, what governance models has Internet governance followed over the past two decades? what similarities and differences exist between these models? how are the interests of stakeholders addressed in these models, and with what methods? Lastly, how is the relationship between techno-geopolitics and governance represented in the framework of governance models.

The conceptual framework of this research is based on two key concepts: Internet governance with a focus on identifying stakeholders and the scope of government authority, and techno-geopolitics with an emphasis on technological conflict. In this regard, the study traces the evolution of Internet governance through three key phases: the formation of the World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS), which was an attempt to organize an internet community similar to the United Nations; the transition from the dominance of ICANN (formerly AIANA) in 2013 and the introduction of the four core principles of the Internet (ROAM), which include access to the internet as a human right, freedom of information as a public right, universal access without restriction, and finally, the multi-stakeholder governance model as the model for Internet governance; and the shift to the technological conflict arena between China and the U.S. and their allies following the sanctions and expulsion of Huawei from the United States in 2018. These three phases represent the central transformation of the internet and technology. Taking into account the concept of techno-geopolitics and Internet governance, this study employs Philip Mayering's qualitative analysis method within an inductive approach, structured in three stages: data collection and organization, coding and categorization to explain the various models of Internet governance.

The central question of this research was that what evolutionary path has Internet governance taken, and what are the similarities and differences between the various governance models in this field? Additionally, the subsidiary question addressed the relationship between techno-geopolitics and Internet governance. In response, it can be stated that there are two main approaches to Internet governance: the military-security approach and the economic approach. The nine governance models in this field, developed after the formation of ICANN and the Information Society community, have emerged under the economic approach. These models, while addressing two central issues of the Internet and technology—namely, the ambiguity in the accountability of domestic and international institutions and the use of the Internet as a political tool under techno-geopolitics, as well as the uncertainty surrounding technology development and its positioning in domestic and foreign economies based on government interests—have evolved. In its most basic form, the anarchistic model, which focuses on a cultural-philosophical approach to the Internet, emphasizes decentralization, openness, equality, and anonymity. The outcome of this governance model is the formation of cryptocurrencies and investments in VPNs to preserve the freedom of information without regard to government interests. The two central components of Internet governance—ambiguity and uncertainty—are evident here.The hierarchical governance model, focusing on the ambiguity of Internet security challenges such as cyberattacks and the lack of accountability of the ICANN, places the interests of Internet stakeholders—from users to the private sector—under the security interests of governments. In this context, two opposing governance models, global and national, have emerged. The result has been the formation of the World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS) and an effort to find a middle ground with a focus on consensus-based, democratic, and ultimately multi-stakeholder governance. In the consensual and democratic governance model, the focus is on recognizing the rights of stakeholders and responding to the needs of the second and third generations of the Internet, i.e., the formation of social networks and cryptocurrencies, through two democratic models: consultative and participatory democracy. In the democratic model, key components such as power balance, veto rights, and decision-making independence are explored, yet the main challenge remains the guarantee of stakeholders' rights at both domestic and international levels and the development of an applicable model aligned with technological advancements, such as cryptocurrencies and artificial intelligence.The solution lies in the rise of multi-stakeholder governance to address the interests of stakeholders, especially the private sector and technical associations, to promote technological development. This model introduces a new governance paradigm based on four key elements: sustainability, networking, international community-building, and the freedom of information. These elements are aligned with UNESCO's four principles of the Internet. While this model addresses the two challenges of ambiguity and uncertainty in technological development, it also moves towards harmonizing the standards for Internet services across countries. Furthermore, it creates international pressure on countries that restrict the Internet, facilitating broader access for people. By establishing cyber-interpol and creating a platform for international accountability, this model aims to respond to challenges such as cyberattacks.Although this model faces execution challenges, it represents a significant step in aligning technological standards with the four principles of freedom of information, universal access, human rights, and multi-stakeholder governance, both domestically and internationally. It suggests that by accepting the risks associated with the Internet and technologies such as hacking and cyber-sabotage, countries can foster economic competition and technological development while reducing cyber risks through the participation of internal and external stakeholders.

The conclusion of this research, which uses the framework of Internet governance and techno-geopolitics, based on the two concepts of ambiguity (including how international institutions respond to risks such as data theft and hacking) and uncertainty (based on how technology develops and the formation of new markets and countries' share in these markets), is that the transformations in the second and third generations of the Internet, along with the technological conflicts emerging under the concept of techno-geopolitics, compel governments to adopt a multi-stakeholder governance model. Therefore, the relationship between Internet governance and techno-geopolitics can be observed in multi-stakeholder governance at three levels:Domestic level: This includes considering veto rights for stakeholders and ensuring government accountability towards stakeholders' rights in policymaking in the areas of Internet and technology. 2. Regional level: This includes the formation of alliances suchas the six ASEAN countries, and at 3. the transnational and global level: cooperation between China, private companies, and EU governments to control technology pricing and reduce the influence of the Five Eyes alliance. Although the World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS) conferences aim to shape a global multi-stakeholder governance model, the technological conflict reduces this model to the domestic and regional levels.The innovation of this research lies in its reliance on primary sources within this field to explain this transformation, namely techno-geopolitics and Internet governance, and to examine the evolution of Internet governance models, including anarchistichierarchical (bureaucratic, oligarchic, meritocratic), hybrid, hierarchical-anarchistic, democratic, consensual, and finally, multi-stakeholder governance. This progression had not been addressed in previous research. This study, by comparing Internet governance and technological conflict, paves the way for further research on techno-geopolitics, the new equations in international relations, and the exploration of Internet governance models in light of emerging technologies. Based on these findings, the following recommendations are made:Examine the evolution of Internet governance in Iran.Assess the country's capabilities in techno-geopolitics to conduct a diagnosis for dealing with cyberattacks and emerging economic sectors such as artificial intelligence and digital currency.Compare and analyze Internet governance models in China, the United States, Russia, and the European Union as reference models for Internet governance.Evaluate and assess the feasibility of multi-stakeholder governance in Iran.Analyze and position Iran in the context of the global technological equations to balance political power.

As the Internet has expanded and public interest in virtual spaces has grown, countries around the globe have implemented various policies in this area. Acknowledging the importance of this issue, the Islamic Republic of Iran has also developed policies pertaining to cyberspace, as evidenced by the "Strategic Document of the Islamic Republic of Cyberspace," which serves as a foundational guideline. Despite the emergence of numerous analyses on this topic, many of these works reveal significant shortcomings. This research seeks to identify the missing components within Iran's virtual space policy framework to cultivate a perspective that effectively aligns with these policies and achieves the intended objectives. The methodology adopted in this study is descriptive-analytical, relying on documentary and bibliographic resources. This article draws upon the theoretical framework articulated by the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, who has consistently underscored the importance of public participation in national affairs. It critiques the directive nature of current policies and the dominant top-down approach. The findings suggest that policymakers' disregard for crucial elements such as "persuasion," "legitimization," and "feedback" within the policy cycle—factors that the Supreme Leader has consistently emphasized—has hindered the ability to cultivate public satisfaction and has contributed to limited success in this domain.

Ever since the Internet was created and especially social networks spread, one of the important issues of national security is the monitoring of these networks. Because these networks actually host a vast and growing repository of personal data, that All of which are digital. The fact is that we are witnessing a paradox in the field of social networks, on the one hand, the need for people to have access to free information, on the other hand, the inherent commitment of states to protect the privacy of information and the public interest and national security. This paradox has received a lot of attention in Iran since the introduction of the "Cyberspace Users Rights Protection and Regulation of Key Online Services" bill. So that, some criticize the bill and consider monitoring the Internet and social networks as a violation of human rights rules and impossible. On the other hand, others consider monitoring the Internet and virtual networks as a necessity. Now the question that arises in this article is that according to international rules, can states legislate to monitor the Internet and social networks? In answer to this question, the present article, which has been written with a descriptive-analytical approach and using library resources and valid international documents and judicial procedures, is based on the assumption that, the principles, rules and practice of states, fully emphasize the right of states and the Islamic Republic of Iran in the field of legislation to monitor the Internet and social networks

This research is written with a descriptive-analytical method with the aim of investigating the role and influence of the Internet and social networks in the occurrence of the Egyptian revolution. The importance of this matter, on the one hand, is related to Egypt's position in the developments of the Arab world and its regional role in West Asia and North Africa, and on the other hand, to the effect of the expansion of the use of the Internet and social networks in the political environment and its effect on the governance of governments, especially the authoritarian governments of the Arab world. It will return. The expansion of communication tools provides the possibility of networking among society and social networks are considered as an effective force in the social and political phenomena of societies. Therefore, the political and social changes in the Arab world, which in the political literature with different titles such as "Islamic Awakening", "Arab Spring" or "Arab Revolutions" It is remembered that since December 2010, it has affected a large part of West Asia and North Africa, especially Egypt, and has raised very important questions about the role of communication and media tools in new political and social movements. Therefore, one of the important issues in the field of political and social developments is the role of social networks and new media. Considering the growing importance of social networks in political and social developments, the question of the current research is what effect did social networks have on the Egyptian revolution? In response to this question, the hypothesis of this article is that social networks as a tool for building power by creating a network of disaffected people and increasing the political and social awareness of the Egyptian people have contributed to the revolution in Egypt. The purpose of this article is to examine the changes made in the field of governance following the expansion of the use of the Internet among societies, in this paper the Egyptian society.

E-commerce and its theoretical topics are still considered fantasy fields in underdeveloped countries, which have attracted the attention of many researchers. It should be noted that business has operations in its concept and content, and mere scientific study of the subject does not lead to the practical development of e-commerce. Different types of e-contracts, e-payments and e-commerce taxes, civil liability in this type of business, concluding contracts in e-commerce and also discussing the situation of e-commerce in Iran, are the main topics of e-commerce in this article. Therefore, the present article has been written with the aim that e-commerce is an integral part of commercial law and civil law in its traditional sense and intends to examine various issues of e-commerce law based on judicial and commercial practice. This article is limited to examining the status of contracts and e-commerce law in the field of cyberspace law. The result of such an approach is the simplicity of this tendency on the one hand and the applicability of the issues raised in it on the other hand.

 

This study conducts a qualitative analysis of good e-governance in the Ministry of Sports and Youth.

The method is developmental in terms of purpose and qualitative in terms of measurement, and the grounded theory was used. Open, axial, and selective coding (Strauss and Corbin model) were used for data analysis.

The results show that the categories were identified in 28 categories and 62 concept codes. The six dimensions of the paradigm model are causal conditions: the main category: good e-governance in the Ministry of Sports, strategies, contextual conditions, intervening conditions, and consequences.

This study is a suitable and local framework for researching good e-governance in Iranian sports. The dimensions and consequences should be considered to develop sports organizations.

Covid-19 virus has made an impact on virtually every aspect of our lives. The current study utilizes secondary data to identify patterns and trends related to shifting crime from the physical to the cyber domain  thatfor finding new ways to commit crimes. Research findings show that while many crimes such as theft, rape and murder have decreased at the beginning of the pandemic, we have seen an increase in cyber crimes, vehicle theft and domestic violence. The current study looks specifically at phishing and what new trends are observed due to Covid-19. The current research based on routine activity theory and shows its connection with physical space and cyberspace. The implications of our work can be used by scholars who want to continue researching this new phenomenon. Developing new phishing training and awareness programs should be focused around possible scenarios involving COVID-19. Studies show that victims are more likely to fall prey to them during times of fear and uncertainty such as the current pandemic.

This article aims to investigate the relationship between the Internet and the tendency towards national identity among the students of Islamic Azad University of Shiraz. The research method in this study was survey. The statistical population of the research consists of all the students of Shiraz Azad University in the academic year 2018-2019. The sample size is 380 people and the sampling method has been done in two stages using random sampling method and then proportional quota sampling. The data have been described and analyzed using inferential statistics and descriptive statistics with the help of SPSS and AMOS statistical software. The results of the research indicate that there is a significant positive relationship between the amount of internet use, motivation and purpose, participation and activeness of students in the use of this communication technology, and there is a significant negative relationship between the type of use of students and national identity.

The Internet and social media have altered the nature of communication between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the US, introducing new modes of action and reaction in their conflict. This study aims to find an answer to this question: What new strategies do Iran and the United States use to confront one another in cyberspace? To answer this question, we used a descriptive-analytical method to test the hypothesis and collected our data through a desk research and note-taking method, and then analyzed statements from the theory of authoritarian power. The findings revealed that the US and Iran disagreement about regional issues, the unresolved political conflicts between the two countries, the escalation of international sanctions against Iran, and, most significantly, the US withdrawal from BARJAM (Iran nuclear deal) and assassination of the commander of IRGC- Quds has increased the prominence of cyberspace as a stage for hostility between the two states. As a result, the US and Iran have used the potential of cyberspace as a tool to exert power and have tried to impose their demands, based on their level of competence and expertise in the field of cyber technologies, and through the use of a variety of tactics. Their goal in taking such actions is clearly to force each other to accept their will or change their behavior and ideologies.

Telegram has provided a possibility for internal and external players to exploit capacity of this messenger to make some threats against national security. According to that, this research is going to study the role of telegram in creating the various threats against Iran’s national security during the recent years. Therefore, the main question is how telegram has threatened Iran’s national security during recent years? The research method is analytical- explanatory and also doing survey among academic elites of the country. The findings show that telegram through proliferation of political rumors and fake news, delegitimizing and exaggerating inefficiency of the political system, provoking public opinion, creating cap between the society and sovereignty, organizing the riots and developing them, coordinating the protesters and rioters, intensifying the tribal and religious differences, creating gap between the ethnic minorities and the political system, empowering ethnic separatists tendencies, threating the norms and values of the society and also utilizing messenger by the terrorist groups for recruitment, coordination and planning had the most impacts on political, social and cultural security.

Today, technology, the Internet, and computer commerce play a major role in global communications. This phenomenon has created a new frontier between the cyber world and the real world, but the inherent weakness of ICT has put the system at risk for numerous security threats. Governments' use of unsafe cyberspace has paved the way for security threats including sabotage, disruption, assassination, espionage, and other related crimes. The purpose of the present study is to examine the strategies and approaches of the two countries in the field of cybersecurity, as well as to discover weaknesses or shortcomings in cybersecurity. In this study, while investigating cyber-related security threats in both Iran and the United States, security measures to address these threats have been investigated. The results of the study showed that cyber - space experts in iran have less attention to the identification of cyber - threats and thus in the national security domain, counter - threats to cyber - threats with regard to threats should be updated and new strategies have been taken. in this context, in the field of technology, legislation and culture building, certain programs are formulated and effective measures have been taken.

One of the most important emerging phenomena in the virtual space, which enables the creation of virtual communities, are virtual social networks that are regarded as a progressive force in the social and political changes of societies. In studying social forces in the modern science paradigm separation science, all studies focus on layering and grouping. For these layers and groups, boundaries and certain stability are assumed, and as a result, the real recognition of the social forces is weakened and weakened. A virtual space in terms of the species and types of the active forces in it, the "mosaic" And it is "split"; it does not mean that a "unitary" and "integrated" discourse has created the intellectual and epistemic nature of these forces, but, despite the presence of the forces provided by some subscriptions, some of the differences make up the "plurality and diversity of discourse". In this research, we are responsible for answering the question of how virtual networks affect increasing the role of social forces in political life.

New communication technologies as the most important human achievement of the 20th century have transformed the various facets of contemporary human life within three decades by connecting the foundations and superstructures of human material and spiritual life. Today, threatening environments against the interests of nations and governments are not just confined to the land; the virtual world is also a threatening environment. Cyber-terrorism is one of the most important emerging threats that has made its activities international by using Internet capabilities. Considering the importance of fundamental studies in dealing with emerging phenomena in this study, this survey was conducted by a researcher-made questionnaire at the level of scholars and experts throughout the country. The role of modern media with the focus of the Internet and cyberspace on the spread of terrorism was examined The findings indicate that among the new media, cyberspace has the greatest contribution to the development and emergence of terrorist groups as new actors in the international arena.

The main purpose of the research is to scrutiny the viewpoint of the Islamic Revolution leaeder, about cyberspace and intuition its policy implications. Therefore, the present study seeks to achieve this object, due to the contents published by him, including lectures, orders, letters and announcement about cyberspace and social networks. The overall research strategy is qualitative and the data collection method is library. To access cyberspace data, all speeches, orders, letters and notices of the Supreme Leader Searched in machine way by the keywords of cyberspace, internet, cyber, social networks, mobile and cellphone, on the website of the Office of Conservation and Publication. According to the search result, the date of the data is between the beginning of October 1998 and the end of June 1998. The analyze of the data is based on the Walcott’s thematic analysis method. Based on the analysis and interpretation of the themes extracted from the revolutionary leader's content about cyberspace and the themes network, his overall policy view about this subject is understandable in a civilized context, and the opportunity-based approach to cyberspace outweighs the threat-oriented view. In this view, three options can be deduced as follows: “ignoring the cyberspace as a large-scale phenomenon”, “premature entry or mere synchronization with cyberspace’s technological developments” and “deliberate and intentional entry”, based on the results of content analysis and interpretation and the revolutionary leader's civilized view about cyberspace, intelligently and purposeful interaction and entry into this space, is preferred option.

Based on the Development Vision Plan, the Iranian society to become a “safe, independent and powerful society with a defense system based on a comprehensive deterrence and unity of the people and the state”, Informational dominance will also have a different atmosphere on the 1404 horizon and understanding the effective components in this dominance, need to draw a clear picture of the above atmosphere.
This paper, with the aim of “identifying the effective components on information dominance in the 1404 horizon”, ascertains the dominant situation on the information issues (with military strategic information orientation) during the above-mentioned period, and concludes that “in the year1404, the world relied heavily on cyber space more than now, and information dominance on cyberspace will have the same importance as the information dominance in the real world and maybe beyond that “, and a change in the situation appropriate to it will directly be related to national security and the independence and authority of the defense system.
In other words, the acquisition of information dominance is due to the acquisition of the dominance in cyberspace and on the basis of cyberwarfare. This research deals with the qualitative approach and descriptive-analytic method to extract the main components of information dominance in cyberspace.

Mass-media, satellite and TV networks, the Internet and social media networks or social media have played a significant role in the modern social movements of the world. One of these countries is the Bahrain archipelago, which has been faced protests and movements influenced by youth activity in Internet. The Bahraini youth invited people to the movement during Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions and the developments in Libya, through the social networking of the movement, leading the movement, but ultimately failed leading the movement. The present study seeks to analyze the "Hybrid Space" theory proposed by Manuel Castells through a descriptive-analytical method based on library data and elite interviews, then to evaluate to matching rate of this to the recent movement of Bahrain, called “14 February Movement”. The main question of research is describing of the theory of Hybrid Space and it`s use in the February 14 Bahraini movement. The sub-queries of this article also explain how far the Internet and social networking sites have affected the February 14 Bahraini movement? Which social network has been central to the developments in Bahrain in 2011? What factors led to the failure of the February 14 Bahraini Movement to win? The findings suggest that the Hybrid Space that includes social networks and the general and symbolic space in movements has played a significant role in the February 14 Bahrain Movement and has been well implemented. The Bahraini government, after discovering the hybrid space influence in the cause of the February 14 Bahrain Movement, by interrupting the interruption of the Internet and destroying the Lulu Square as a symbolic and public space of the movement, sought to control the Hybrid Space to suppress the February 14 movement.

The present article aims to build a theory about the relationship between information and communication technologies with Kurdish political behaviors. To this end, in order to answer the question "What is the relationship between the new information and communication technologies and the change of Kurdish political behaviors?" We will give a theoretical explanation of the relationship between globalization and ethnic identities and the theoretical explanation of the relationship of information and communication technologies with ethnic identities. By combining the aforementioned theories, the appropriate theoretical device formulated with the question of the paper will be extrapolated and the research hypothesis will be derived from this theory. Using library resources, theoretical and practical evidences of epistemological transformations and behavior change have been compiled for democratization. By analyzing the seventeen satellite and Internet properties, the way to change behaviors toward peacefulness is shown analytically and descriptively. Referring to the Kurdish Diaspora role and influence and the analysis of changing their strategy toward democratization, Evidence of the impact of satellite and Internet on changing behavior toward democratization and theoretical, case, and secondary evidence findings will be presented within the framework of the theory and research hypothesis.

Nowadays, with the growth and development of the cyberspace, its influence and importance rise increasingly. However, there have been always two important concerns among the majority of policy makers. First, how opportunities exist in this area can be used in the best way? Second, how we can cope with threats might be existing in it effectively? cyberspace has two dimensions of content and hardware, which its content dimension is the most important. With the introduction regulatory policies, we provide a comprehensive guide map for the regulating the content of the cyberspace of our country in this paper. The method used in this research is conceptual framework that provided by Jabarin. Finally, three coherent and distinct conceptual frameworks in parts of objectives, tools, and areas of regulating were provided. By understanding how to use three integrated conceptual frameworks provided, the way will be paved to effective regulation in content of cyberspace