iraq

The relationships between countries are fundamentally reflected in their foreign policies. Essentially, a country's foreign policy is influenced by a combination of internal factors and the regional and international environment. In reality, numerous factors affect the decision-making process in the foreign policy of countries, and in particular, there is a strong connection between geographical factors and the policies of governments. Therefore, governments formulate policies according to the geographical situation of their country. More precisely, geopolitical realities have always played a fundamental role in determining the political behaviors and strategic decisions of countries. One of Iraq's important neighbors is Saudi Arabia, and the two countries have had a wide range of relations over the past three decades, from alliance and cooperation to rivalry and tension; although a specific characteristic, namely the mistrust of the two countries towards each other, has been preserved in various political, economic, cultural and other fields.   This research, using a descriptive-analytical method and relying on library resources and field studies, seeks to investigate and analyze the role of geopolitical factors in the relations between Iraq and Saudi Arabia over the past three decades and prioritize them. In the library study section, the geopolitical factors affecting the relations between the two countries were identified, and in the next stage, to find out the extent of the impact of these factors on the relations between the two countries, a questionnaire in the form of three dimensions of political-security, economic and cultural was prepared and provided to experts. To examine the research hypothesis, the first type of confirmatory factor analysis method was used in LISREL software, and SPSS software was used for inferential test and descriptive statistics.   The research findings show that there is a significant difference between the degree of influence of each of the main dimensions of security-political, economic, cultural and corresponding geopolitical factors of each dimension, on the relations between the countries of Iraq and Saudi Arabia in the past three decades, and the descriptive findings of the research based on the influence of the variables of the cultural dimension in the first rank, the political-security dimension in the second rank and finally the economic dimension in the third rank, are confirmed. In order to fit the research model and determine the factor load of each of the research items, the first-order factor analysis has been used, the accepted factor load of each of them must be more than 0.3, and the t-statistic, which indicates the significance of the relationship between the item and the main variable of the research, is also more than 1.96. The most important variables affecting the improvement or weakening of Iraq-Saudi relations have been calculated based on descriptive statistics (based on the average score of each variable) and inferential statistics (based on the factor analysis value and t-statistic of each variable).   In the "political-security dimension", the variable "Persian Gulf regional organizations and Arab countries" has played an effective role in improving relations between the two countries, both based on descriptive and inferential statistics. However, based on descriptive statistics, the variable "formation of the Saudi-Iraqi Cooperation Council" has also played a role in improving relations between the two countries, with an average higher than normal. In contrast, the two variables "Saudi support for fundamentalist extremist groups, ISIS, etc." and also the variable "different political ideology of the two countries (Shiite-Wahhabism)" have had the greatest role in weakening relations between Iraq and Saudi Arabia, both based on descriptive statistics (average criterion) and also based on inferential findings (factor analysis value and t-statistic criterion).   In the "economic dimension", the status of the variables affecting the relations between the two countries is different based on descriptive and inferential statistics. Thus, based on the results of descriptive statistics, the variable "reopening of border crossings between the two countries" with an average of 3.65 and the variable "re-launching of the communication route between Najaf province with Saudi Arabia (land Hajj project)" with an average of 3.52 have had the greatest impact on improving the economic relations of the two sides. While based on inferential findings, the three variables "supplying Iraq's needs from Saudi Arabia" and the variable "construction of the first free economic zone with Iraq in the Arar border region" and the variable "joint investment of the two countries in energy projects" have had a greater impact on improving relations between the two countries. This difference exists in the output of descriptive and inferential findings regarding the variable weakening relations as well. Accordingly, while the variable "disagreement over the exploitation of shared border resources (water, pasture, etc.)" with an average of 3.15 from the perspective of descriptive statistics has played an effective role in weakening the relations between the two countries. Based on inferential findings, considering that the factor load of the variable "disagreement between the two countries over the exploitation of shared border resources (water, pasture, etc.)" is equal to 0.14 and less than the standard value of 0.3, and also the value of the t-statistic of the variable is also equal to 1.42 and less than the significance level of 1.96, therefore, it can be said that the impact of this variable on weakening the relations between the two countries is not confirmed.   Finally, the results of the field findings in the "cultural dimension" are as follows: the two variables "presence of Iraqis in Hajj ceremonies" and the variable "common culture and language (Arab nationalism)" both based on the output of descriptive and inferential statistics from the perspective of the respondents have played an effective role in improving the relations between the two countries of Iraq and Saudi Arabia. In fact, the mentioned variables, due to strengthening cultural and social ties, have had a positive effect on improving the relations between Iraq and Saudi Arabia. In contrast, the status of the cultural variables affecting the weakening of the relations between the two countries is as follows: the variable "Saudi support for Sunnis in Iraq" both based on the findings of descriptive and inferential statistics has had the greatest role in weakening the relations between the two sides. However, the results of descriptive statistics show that the second variable affecting the weakening of the relations between the two countries is the variable "behavior of the Saudi government with Shiites in Saudi Arabia" with an average of 3.69. While based on the results of inferential statistics, the variable "existence of a Shiite majority population in Iraq" with a factor load of 0.75 and a t-statistic value equal to 4.52 has played an effective role in weakening the relations between the two countries. In total, it can be said that Saudi support for specific Sunni groups in Iraq and the majority of the Shiite population in Iraq, due to strengthening religious and ethnic differences, has helped to weaken these relations.

In the nature and structure of the political geography of the world, there are characteristics and objective facts that fundamentally promote the logic of competition between countries and powers and are based on international relations. The geography of Iraq has values (material and spiritual) that have shaped the field of competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia in order to secure the national interests of each. The purpose of this article is to explain the geopolitical position of Iraq in the regional competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia. This research is applied-developmental in terms of purpose and descriptive-analytical in terms of nature and method. Data collection was done by library method and survey method and data analysis was done with a quantitative approach. The statistical research population aware of strategic issues, geopolitics and international relations, included 52 people and was selected as a whole. The results of the research showed that Iraq's geographical location (landscape and strategic), civilizational identity (history, culture, ethnicity and religion), social-political structure (social gap, heterogeneous political structure) and geopolitical interests of effective extra-regional powers. As geopolitical factors, each plays a decisive role in the competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia. But most of the disputes and competition between the two countries are ideological in nature.

Iraq experienced political stability under the long-standing Ba'athist regime. However, due to the Ba'athists' authoritarian and anti-religious policies, the Iraqi people lacked political and religious freedom. This equation was reversed after the US intervention and the overthrow of the Ba'athist regime. The people seemingly gained political and religious freedom through the establishment of a parliamentary democracy. However, they faced numerous crises in return, including state-building, security, economic, cultural, and social fragmentation crises. These crises stemmed from the US's attempt to impose a Western secular culture on a traditional and religious society to advance its own interests. Considering the history of Islamism in Iraq and its position on the axis of resistance, understanding the role of secular discourses in advancing US objectives is of great importance. This research, based on discourse analysis, seeks to answer the main question of the role of secular discourses in advancing US objectives in Iraq. Based on the research, three main secular discourses can be identified in modern Iraq: right-wing liberal secularism, left-wing social secularism, and nationalist secularism, with right-wing secularism being the dominant one. Each of these discourses serves US interests in different ways, which are explained in the text of the article.Secular discourses have played a significant role in advancing US objectives in Iraq. These discourses have helped to Legitimize the US intervention in Iraq: Secular discourses have been used to justify the US invasion of Iraq as a necessary step to liberate the Iraqi people from a repressive regime and to establish a democratic state. Promote US values: Secular discourses have been used to promote US values such as democracy, human rights, and freedom. Counteract Islamist extremism: Secular discourses have been used to counter the influence of Islamist extremist groups such as ISIS Secular discourses have played a significant role in advancing US objectives in Iraq. These discourses have helped to legitimize the US intervention in Iraq, promote US values, and counteract Islamist extremism. However, the future of secularism in Iraq is uncertain. The country is facing numerous challenges, including sectarian violence, economic instability, and political corruption. These challenges could lead to a resurgence of Islamist extremism and a decline in support for secularism.

Achieving economic development is one of the most important goals of governments, and this opportunity is more available for countries that have natural resources, including oil. The incomes of the single-product economy affect the economy of countries with oil resources in different ways. depending on the mechanism of using these revenues; Oil revenues can be a factor to accelerate or hinder the movement towards economic development. In this regard, the main goal of this study is to investigate the impact of oil rent on economic development in Iraq. The results of model estimation using the ARDL method in the time period of 1990-2022 showed that oil rent had a positive and significant effect and its square had a negative and significant effect on the human development index as a measure of economic development in Iraq. . Therefore, there is a non-linear relationship between oil rent and economic development in Iraq. At a glance, oil revenues can have two opposite effects on the human capital index as a measure of economic development. Oil revenues can strengthen and develop the education system by providing sufficient resources for the education budget of the government and thus lead to the strengthening of human capital. But at the same time, the expansion of oil revenues and the creation of a rentier state in the economy can turn oil resources into the target of rent-seeking groups, and instead of allocating oil revenues to educational infrastructure,.

International governments are competing to advance their national interests and are trying to improve their national power and strength. The concept of power is one of the main and key concepts of international relations and politics. For a long time, in the theories of national power, it was measured through hard power. But the conceptual developments and the increase in the share and role of other indicators and criteria such as cultural and intangible aspects led to the formation of a new look at power with the concept of soft power.After the revolution, Iran tried to show its image in the international as a soft power, among the countries that are placed in Iran's strategic environment are Iraq and Syria. Although with the emergence of terrorist groups, Iran has been forced to take advantage of parts of hard power in these countries, but in general, Iran's approach to relations and influence in these countries is based on a soft approach.Considering that the two countries in question have many differences in various fields, Iran cannot seek to influence and expand its strategic depth in these countries with similar strategies and policies.

In the third millennium, soft power was proposed as an effective tool for expanding global influence, and its application is considered one of the strategic goals of major regional and international powers. The Islamic Republic of Iran has significant soft power elements and resources in Iraq, which it can use to shape and advance its media policy in Iraq. In this regard, the question of this article is how the elements of Iran’s soft power condition the effectiveness of Iran’s media policy in Iraq? The main hypothesis and claim of the present article states that Iran’s soft power in Iraq requires that media policy in Iraq be based on the cultural and social context of Iraq, because the effectiveness of media policy depends on meeting the cultural and social needs of Iraqi society. The method of this research is qualitative explanatory and the research data were collected through documentary study. The findings show that despite the persistence of past geopolitical and strategic differences and the experience of the eight-year war between Iran and Iraq, these conflicts have never led to the formation of traumatic and restrictive narratives in the relations between the two countries. This important point indicates the prominent and distinctive role of Iran's soft power in Iraq. This emphasizes the importance of formulating and implementing cultural and media policies based on the cultural and social requirements of Iraq and clarifies the vital role of soft power in the success and effectiveness of these policies.

Since the start of the internal unrest in Arab countries, known as the Islamic Awakening or Arab Spring, the United States has been trying to use fundamentalist Takfiri groups to reshape the region's political and security landscape to its advantage. These groups have chosen cities as their primary targets for several reasons, including the use of civilian cover and the robustness of buildings to protect themselves from the firepower of the resistance front. Given the persistent threat of Takfiri ideology to the Islamic world, we embarked on this study titled "Combat Tactics of Takfiri Groups in Urban Warfare in Syria and Iraq." Our goal is to identify the urban warfare tactics used by Takfiri groups in Syria and Iraq. We posed the research question: what are the combat tactics of Takfiri groups in urban warfare in these countries? This applied research employs a descriptive-analytical (survey) method, utilizing both descriptive and inferential statistics to analyze the data. Our findings indicate that Takfiri groups prioritize irregular operations over regular ones. This is natural given the urban environment, which necessitates irregular operations, and the operational asymmetry between these groups and the resistance front.

After the occupation of Iraq by the United States of America in 2003, the crisis entered a fragile phase and despite the fact that it was thought to be decreasing, it continued and became more complicated. In this crisis, well-known private military and security companies such as Blackwater, Triple Canopy, and Dyncorp, by providing defense services in the fields of reconstruction, logistics, intelligenc, security and maintenance, and training and consulting, became important actors whose role seems vague and ambiguous. In this article, we are trying to answer the question, what is the role of private military and security companies in Iraq crisis? This article examines the research hypothesis using the descriptive analytical method and using library and internet documents. The results of the research indicate that “the military and security companies have caused the escalation and continuation of the crisis by increasing the intervention of the United States of America in the fragile phase after the occupation of Iraq and facilitating the influence of this country in the reforms of the security sector. In fact, by influencing the amount and type of American intervention in the Iraq crisis, these activists have caused an increase in the level of violence, the inconsistency of the crisis, the increase in the number of crisis actors and the complexity of the issues of the Iraq crisis, which indicates the increase in the severity of this crisis.

This research aims to explain two key issues of the continuation of the US military presence in Iraq as well as the mechanisms to deal with this presence. The main hypothesis of this research, which is based on the Regional security complex theory of Barry Buzan, is that turning Iraq into an apparatus for controlling and confronting the regional and trans-regional rivals of the US is the main reason for the continuation of its military presence in Iraq. According to the findings of this research, the security agreements between the US and Iraq, on the one hand, and lack of serious opposition by the Iraqi government to the continued presence of American troops, on the other hand, pave grounds for the US continued presence in the short and medium term. Based on this, the research seeks to explain the consequences of the US presence in Iraq on Iran's national security and ways to tackle it. The US military intervention and presence in Iraq has posed numerous security risks to the Islamic Republic of Iran. Therefore, launching and implementing various political-security, legal, media and socio-economic mechanisms to degrade the military-security role of the US in Iraq is necessary and inevitable for Iran. The methodology of this research is descriptive-analytical and based on the use of documentary sources. The conclusion of the research is that the continuation of the US military-security presence and dominance in Iraq is a complex security puzzle that seriously undermines the stability and security of Iraq and its neighbors, especially Iran. To counter the military presence and intervention of the US Iraq, the Islamic Republic of Iran requires a multifaceted confrontation model that will eventually provide the context for security interdependence between Iran and Iraq and the decline of the

The question of this article is what are the most important challenges and limitations of cultural diplomacy between Iran and post-Saddam Iraq from 2003 to 2024? This research has been done with analytical-descriptive method with historical sociological approach to international relations and with library, internet and documentary techniques. The findings of this study showed that Iran has tried using the comprehensive discourse of historical relations with Iraqi Arabs in general and with Shiites in particular based on cultural and religious commonalities and an approach based on resistance against the development and hegemony of trans-regional powers, of course with the cooperation of the Iraqi government. , to create a suitable environment for cultural diplomacy and improving relations between the two nations. However, there have been challenges and obstacles in the way of cultural diplomacy between Iran and Iraq from 2003 to 2024, the most important of which are: the activities and negative role-playing of the American-Saudi media centered on Iran phobia in the region, the activities and destructive actions of Takfiri terrorist groups, especially ISIS. The formation and political-intellectual divisions between the Shiite organizations, especially the Sadr group and the rest of the Shiites, Shiite phobia in the region in the context of geocultural competition between the Shiite Crescent led by Iran and the Sunni bloc led by Saudi Arabia, the activeness of anti-Iranian currents in Iraq and the remnants of the Baath party. Foreign interventions in Iraqi affairs to make the government fragile.

One of the successful models of managing security issues is the organization and design of the basic people's security model in times of crisisThis model is derived from the theory of mobilizing resources and commanlty to deal with security challenges, which coincides with the victory of the Islamic Revolution Born in Iran and after being tested in the face of hard and soft threats, Today as a efficient and reliable security reference model in the geography of the axis of has expanded.Hashd al-Shaabi, in addition to playing a role in ensuring the stability and security of Iraq after two decades of political instability in this country and overcoming the Salafi-Takfiri terrorism of ISIS, has today become one of the sides of the axis of Islamic resistance and a strategic role in the future of the axis of resistance will perform. By understanding the necessity and importance of the position of the Hashd al-Shaabi in Iraq and the axis of resistance, the question arises, what scenarios can be drawn for the future of the Hashd al-Shaabi in Iraq? The upcoming research, by using the method of analyzing the structure and strategy of actors and the tool of expert questionnaire and data analysis through Mektor software, seeks to achieve the future scenarios of Hashd al-Shaabi in Iraq. Based on the interests of the actors and the convergence and divergence between them one can be imagine the possible scenario, the probable scenario and the desired scenario for this organization in Iraq.

The main strategy of the United States to advance its goals in the early third millennium AD was preemptive attack and preventive war, in fact, the incident of September 11 belongs to those thoughts, programs, groups, and radical and radical political tendencies in the field of American foreign and defense policy that in Throughout the presidency of Bush Sr. and Clinton, they were in isolation, and during the period of Bush Sr., it was possible to appear and emerge, and it was transferred from the margins to the text of the foreign policy of the United States. The process of developments in Iraq after the American attack had greatly changed the political structure of Iraq. After Saddam, Iraq experienced a new era, one of the components of which was the spread of insecurity and terrorism in this country. In order to carry out this research, which has been written in a descriptive-analytical way, the following question has been raised: What are the security consequences of America's presence in Iraq after Saddam? In order to answer the question raised, this hypothesis has been presented that:

The aim of this research is to explain the elements and variables affecting Iraq’s foreign policy towards Iran. In this regard, the main research question is: in light of the political developments following Saddam’s fall, what are the most significant elements and factors influencing Iraq’s foreign policy towards Iran from 2003 to 2024? The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the results show that Saddam's fall after the U.S. invasion paved the way for the rise of Shia and Kurdish groups affiliated with and aligned to Iran. On the one hand, Iraqi Shia and Kurdish groups favor Iran’s presence in Iraq's political arena to maintain the balance of power, which had long been dominated by the Sunnis, in their favor. Consequently, the new power structure in Iraq has worked to Iran’s advantage. The U.S. entry into Iraq and the containment of Iran’s strategic rival pushed Iraq’s foreign policy closer to Iran, creating a new opportunity for Iran. The decline of Sunni Arab influence due to the Shia ascension to power in Iraq further enhanced Iran’s importance in Iraq’s domestic politics. Given that Shia religious parties hold power in Iraq and form its government, Iran’s influence in this country is significant both politically and militarily. Most of the prominent militias in Iraq are supporters of Iran. Additionally, Iran's high influence on various Shia political groups can serve as leverage for maintaining stability and security, and the Islamic Republic has, at different times, played the role of mediator between various ethnic and religious groups.

After 2003, Iraq was weakened by a series of conflicts and crises. In fact, this project was an aggressive foreign (exogenous) state-building project that led to internal violent conflicts caused by social, ethnic, political and ideological factors and widespread instability and insecurity in Iraq. One of the indicators of nation-state building is the progress of democracy and democratic institutions. Civil society is the institutions, social populations of citizens and elites and activists of the public space of the society who are active in most of the non-governmental organizations and institutions in the political-economic, cultural and social fields. On the other hand, nation-state building is a process that gains meaning through the accumulation of power based on territorial saturation, political and economic stability, and social solidarity. Based on this, it is important to get familiar with the institutions of civil society in Iraq and to examine the influence of non-governmental organizations and international NGOs in Iraq after the conflict, and therefore civil society has been researched in the framework of the nation-state theory, in addition to the fact that civil society guarantees freedom. It focuses on empowering individuals and groups to freely express their identity within the framework of the law, and is considered a critical area of ​​human rights both at the national and global levels, the field of struggle and liberation. In fact, the government Nation-building is a process that gains meaning through the accumulation of power based on territorial saturation, political, economic stability and social solidarity, and nation-building is considered a broad convergence between the state and the modern nation. But state building is a process in which military, judicial, executive and legislative institutions are formed, therefore, the state and the nation are two distinct structures, but they move forward in a mutual relationship. In Iraq, the existence of a young population interested in such voluntary activities and the value of positive citizenship to compensate for the weak governance of the political structure by the people has greatly increased the public desire for them. - Nation building in Iraq. Charities and non-governmental organizations are two types of popular social organizations. NGOs have a more meaningful activity than charities and they are more in search of a solution to meet the needs of the deprived with basic empowerment measures and by using people's aid and financial resources to create infrastructure, to skill training, create employment, create culture, develop individual and social identity and so on. .. they pay Also, economic and social entrepreneurship and the creation of added value is one of the most important solutions for the sustainability of non-governmental organizations and the independence of society, which is the goal of such organizations, and by providing facilities and resources in various fields, they help the inherent reliance of vulnerable groups in society.In addition, non-governmental organizations in the social, health and human rights fields with specific social goals in an effort to reform and revise ineffective laws and regulations and provide plans and proposals to support the affected and vulnerable groups, especially patients, women and children, in legal authorities and They are the public space of society's politics. In addition, the non-governmental organizations in the field of cultural, religious, artistic and sports of the youth have been active in the field of informing and increasing the level of awareness and education of the general society, institutions and related social organizations and in an effort to reduce and prevent social harm and the occurrence of crime in the society from among the goals of such organizations. It is difficult to separate culture from politics and other areas. In most Islamic countries, culture and civilization are mixed with religion and politics. Finally, non-governmental political organizations that are not directly considered part of the government structure, but play a very important role as mediators between the individual and the ruling powers. However, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) is the foremost organization that supports all civil society institutions in Iraq, and the agency's quarterly report on its effectiveness inside Iraq shows that it spends three billion dollars annually. provides support to civil society organizations and the benefits of its programs reach about 1,600,000 people and spends 880 million dollars in different sectors. In the early years after the collapse of the Baath regime, the Iraqi people were affected by aggressive and foreign democratization programs as mentioned, and organizational cases such as these several examples of international NGOs are active throughout Iraq according to Hippler's definition and are among the international organizations that People's involvement in their establishment is less, but they operate with high organizational power and more effectiveness. Organizations with regular administrative structures and organizations with statutes, programs, and visions with legal personality registration and active at all local and international levels, whose approach has gradually changed from mere support to empowering target groups. In fact, comparative studies in crisis areas have shown that people do not live in a political and administrative vacuum after the collapse of government structures. Instead, communities turn to other mechanisms to solve common issues, or traditional methods are revived, or other institutions such as local groups and non-governmental organizations such as NGOs assume political and administrative responsibilities. The United Nations as well as governmental and regional institutions in creating rapid and flexible infrastructure for reconstruction, establishing schools and educational centers and influencing political order by addressing war, legal, and political crimes and helping marginalized groups, and creating structures A transparent and democratic government has an active role. The process of nation-building through these organizations relies on the fact that non-governmental organizations consider nation-building and thus the creation of civil society as an alternative to defective government structures. The important characteristics of civil society organizations can be enumerated as follows: 1. The spontaneous participation of people, which distinguishes it from other social activities, 2. The organizational and regular form of its institutions that people can join at will, 3. The independence of these institutions from the government. 4. The value foundations of these institutions, which are intertwined with peace, freedom, equality and high moral concepts. After 2003, after the collapse of the political system, the Iraqi political parties won the political field inside Iraq, but they could not represent all the strata of the Iraqi society, and a significant population objected to the political coalitions and, of course, under the influence of international incentives, slowly attracted the means of power control, namely the associations. People's organizations were modernized in the democratic structure. Also, the expansion of the process of globalization and the reduction of the power of governments in dealing with global issues has provided the ground for the presence and strengthening of the role of these institutions. The hypothesis proposed in the main answer of this research is that it seems that non-governmental organizations and people's organizations are expanding in Iraq and play a role in nation-state-building after the conflict. The findings of the research, which were collected by a descriptive-analytical method with a combination of library and field sources, indicate that the Iraqi society has suffered from the effects of the civil war and human rights violations, sectarian and political tensions, and social crises by taking advantage of political freedom and the possibilities of social networks and The appropriate platform for strengthening the civil society by relying on the law on the formation of semans along with parties and other elements of the civil and traditional society has been effective in nation building after the conflict. The civic role and social responsibility of individuals and their contribution to the realization of stability and development is a variable matter, and this research tries to examine this concept in the Iraqi society and predict its effectiveness in the future.

Using the potential of neighbors plays an important role in the economic development of states. Successful countries in the field of economic development take full advantage of this potential. The situation that governs the economy of Southeast Asia today is a good indication of this importance. In the meantime, our country should also be able to take full advantage of the potential of its neighbors. Especially since Iran has many neighbors in its water and land borders. Iraq is one of the neighbors that has had good relations with Iran for more than two decades after the fall of Saddam. Considering the security and economic challenges it is facing, this country has not yet been able to play an independent role in the production of goods and provision of many services, and for this reason, it meets its needs from other countries. In this regard, the question that is emphasized in this research is as follows: What opportunities and challenges are facing the Islamic Republic of Iran in relation to Iraq in the path of economic development? This article tries to show that while Iran has significant economic opportunities in Iraq, the existence of some political and security challenges and obstacles has practically prevented Iran from benefiting from economic relations in Iraq. In order to analyze the hypothesis of this research, we will use the conceptual framework of economic diplomacy. The method of this research will be both descriptive-analytical and library data collection method.

The war imposed by Iraq against Iran is considered one of the most important international events in the late second half of the 20th century, and despite the extensive support of regional and extra-regional countries to the Baath regime, unfortunately, there is no complete research on the role and position of the Baath regime. Large regional countries including Saudi Arabia have not been investigated. The following article is devoted to the reasons for Saudi Arabia's support to Iraq during the imposed war with a comparative study and historical analysis and claims that the structural requirements based on the Islamic Revolution and the state of the balance of power at the regional level are the most important determining factors in Saudi Arabia has continued to support the Baath regime. Based on this, in this research, by examining the causes and support structures formed after the start of the war, it is devoted to the study of Saudi Arabia's role in the geopolitical structures of the West Asian region during the imposed war. In this framework, the research question is based on the basis of what was the position of Iraq's long-term and attrition war in the 1980s against revolutionary Iran in Saudi Arabia's threat balancing strategy? Arab rulers of Iraq led by Saddam in order to balance against the threats and influence of revolutionary Iran in the West Asian region. Is. The research method is analytical-explanatory and the theoretical approach of threat balance will be used to analyze the issue.

Since the beginning of the decadence of the Ottoman Empire, Iraqi society faced a major problem: the development of "national identity and the nation-state." The strategies of various Iraqi-political forces, from romantic nationalists to Baathist nationalists and political Islamists, despite many differences, were formulated on the centrality of preserving the nation- state of this country against other Western and Iranian ones, but the way this nation-state building was the subject of many disputes. This research analyzes Ayatollah Sistani's strategies in facing the problem of the nation - state building of the new Iraq, using the hermeneutic method of the Skinner. Therefore, the central question is, what are Ayatollah Sistani's strategies for the development of national identity and nation- state in Iraq? The findings of the research show that Ayatollah Sistani, while explaining the problem of the destruction of religious and national culture in Iraq, declares that the creation of national identity and nation - state in this country, through the three components of "the emergence of a righteous citizen" in order to cure the suffering of ethnic sectarianism, "the establishment of peaceful coexistence "It can be done to heal the pain of political sectarianism and to "establish new political institutions" to cure the pain of tyranny.

Iran's Islamic Revolution as a rare phenomenon that led to deep changes has been interpreted many times. This revolution challenged the two camps of socialism and liberalism due to the lack of commitment to the East and the West and the introduction of the Islamic Republic as a form of government for the first time in the world. Religious democracy, justice and religious authority were among the semantic systems and discourse elements of Iran's Islamic Revolution, which, along with internal developments, became the basis for a trend of events and developments at the world level, especially in Islamic societies. This revolution has had the greatest effect on the advancement of Shia political discourse and has caused its transformation from a static state to a dynamic state. Although this revolution affected all Islamic countries, the most important of them was Iraq, an important Shiite country in the Islamic world. This article examines the impact of the Islamic Revolution on the Shia political discourse in Iraq, and for this purpose, the combination of the discourse method of Lacla and Moff and the diffusion theory has been used as an analytical model for the Islamic Revolution. The impact of Iran's Islamic Revolution on the Shiite political discourse in Iraq during Saddam's time was the discourse of resistance. But after his fall, initially due to the disappearance of the main enemy, the discourse of resistance was also challenged. But under the guidance and leadership of authority and the absence of Saddam's severe repression

Iraq has become a hotbed of conflict as a result of regional, national, and international trends and competitions. The political-sectarian identity crisis that was concealed during Saddam's reign has become the primary challenge of the Iraqi political society after the fall of his regime. A sociological investigation of these identities, especially among Kurds, Shiites, and Sunnis, demonstrates that the political open space after Saddam increased their tendency towards “sub-sectarianism” to meet their demands and create identities of resistance against the government and the Iraqi national identity. Iraq's political identities are also concerned that political elites, as in the past, seek to establish an identity to dominate others. As a result, supranational identities have grown stronger, and post-Saddam Iraq has experienced more crises and political instability. These supranational identities have ultimately caused and added to the fragility of the Iraqi political system. Therefore, this descriptive-analytical study aimed to investigate the role of political identities in the political instability of Iraq in the post-Saddam era. The main research question was as follows: What was the role of political identities emerging in the post-Saddam era in the political instability of Iraq? Results showed that the emergence of resistance identities as a result of sub-sectarianism tendencies against the national government will lead to “political instability” in the future of Iraq.

The occurrence of the Islamic revolution in Iran, the fear of the regional regimes and the alignment of the United States caused the Iraqi government to initiate the most erosive and unequal battle of the 20th century in the geography of the Persian Gulf. America's role in the war showed that despite the long-standing differences with Iraq, due to the common threat of the revolution, it should cooperate with Iraq. This research is descriptive-analytical with the question, what role did America play in the Iraq war against Iran, considering the political and economic goals in the region? It was hypothesized that the joint goals of Iraq and America in limiting the Islamic revolution led to the start of the war and the continuation of their alignment in practice. As a result, the degree alignment between the two countries was subject to the results achieved on the fronts, and the peak of this cooperation was the opening of the second front in the Persian Gulf by the United States, and the war was formed in a region where the United States has vital interests, and the fate of the war depends on The parties involved in it were important to them