islamic republic

The issue of hijab in the history of the Islamic Republic of Iran has undergone a turbulent trajectory, influenced by various social, cultural, and political factors, and has now reached a peak crisis point. In this context, the role of both internal and external factors—as well as overarching policymaking and governmental actions—is significant. This study, after a period-based examination of the issue from different perspectives over the 45-year history of the Islamic Republic, employs a functional approach within the framework of the SWOT analytical model. Based on the historical evolution of the topic, it analyzes the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats associated with the hijab issue. Findings suggest that the weight of weaknesses and threats significantly outweighs that of strengths and opportunities. Nonetheless, by adopting a multidimensional perspective and taking into account all four elements of the SWOT model, a relatively comprehensive outlook can be formed to better understand the issue and formulate appropriate strategies in this regard.

This article examines the role of religious teachings and jurisprudence in public policy in the Islamic Republic of Iran. As a system claiming to fulfill the objectives of Sharia, policy in the Islamic Republic must be grounded in religious principles and the aims of Sharia. Neglecting this issue may lead to misinterpretations or the ineffective adoption of secular models, which have fundamentally different roots from the goals of a religious system. The main question of this research is how public policy can be properly defined and aligned with religious values within this framework. The findings indicate that jurisprudential teachings, jurisprudential principles, and the objectives of Sharia should serve as the primary framework for decision-making. This approach can contribute to achieving the goals of the Islamic system.

Method of discourse analysis has provided a special opportunity to explain discourses systematically in the field of political sociological studies. In examining the political developments in contemporary Iran, the two discourses of the Islamic Republic and liberalism are prominent and significant. One of the most important issues in contrasting the discourse of the Islamic Republic with the discourse of liberalism is the type and view of the role of the people in government.the main question is what is the position of the people in the government in the discourses of liberalism and the Islamic Republic? In the present study, the main assumption is based on the fact that the above two discourses have a conflicting discourse on the goals and principles of government and governance methods, but they have a common opinion regarding the people's role.Accordingly, the three components of government legitimacy, political participation, and freedom were examined to determine the semantic system of each discourse regarding the position of the people in government.Our research data confirms the hypothesis; Based on the fact that both discourses, despite the differences in the type of government formation, have a common view and opinion in terms of people's roles.Both discourses emphasize the presence of the people in the political arena and consider the people's role and opinion necessary for the formation of the government. Political freedom, participation in various social and political arenas in both discourses is the necessity of government acceptance in order to exercise sovereignty over the people.

Although Afghanistan and Iran share a common civilizational structure and have cultural, linguistic, literary, historical and religious similarities and ties, the cultural relations between the two countries have been held hostage in a way in the last few decades under the influence of political developments and foreign interventions. This issue was clearly evident during the twentyyear rule of the republican system (the liberal democracy of Hamid Karzai- Ashraf Ghani), and now, after nearly three years of the second Taliban government, culture, if not to say hostage to politics, is strongly influenced by the Taliban's political strategies. Whether we like it or not, culture and politics follow and are subordinate to each other. In other words, both culture affects politics and politics affects culture. The collapse of the US-dependent political system and the withdrawal of foreign forces from Afghanistan are in themselves the most important platform for the expansion of cultural activities in this country. With the coming to power of the second Taliban government, the question has always been on the minds of Iranian policymakers as to what the Taliban's approach to cultural interactions will be? Given the existence of some restrictions in the Ashraf Ghani government for cultural interactions, it seemed that with the conclusion of the intra-Afghan negotiations and the formation of an interim government, more ground would be created for cultural activities. However, the Taliban leaders' disregard for the formation of an inclusive government and the lack of acceptance of other groups and political movements within the country and the prioritization of security issues have practically caused cultural relations to be at their lowest during the nearly 3 years of Taliban rule.

The present study seeks to analyze the phenomenon of partisanship in Islamic Governance in the thought of Ayatollah Khamenei in order to answer the question of what quality the model of a political party has from his point of view. In order to reach a comprehensive model, the authors focused on model studies and extracted and adopted a seven-faceted model that includes foundations, factors, goals, types, components, mechanisms and functions for the current research. This model has been completed and compiled by applying the theme analysis method. The findings of the research show that Ayatollah Khamenei firstly agrees with the principle of party formation and activity, and secondly, he assigns different types of parties, and among these types, he considers a party that can help the Islamic state to be essential. Also, he considers the purpose of the party to be primarily to serve the people and to reach power as a Follow-up result of other party goals and functions. Ayatollah Khamenei enumerates various functions for the party, which have a direct relationship with the principles and goals of the party, so cultural and spiritual functions are completely dominant over the functions of gaining power. In the end, it can be concluded that Ayatollah Khamenei prescribes a model of a democratic and Islam-oriented party for Islamic Governance that has no alternative in the activism scene of contemporary Iran.

The Mojahedin Organization of the Islamic Revolution, which was a political, military and ideological group, was formed in 1358 from a coalition of seven militant groups against the Pahlavi imperial government. These seven groups were the Mansurun group, the Muhadeen group, the Tawhidi group of Saf, the Ummat Wahdeh group, the Falah group, the Tawhidi group of Badr, and the Falak group. They believed in a special type of legitimate government during the occultation, which In this type of government, the jurist is not elected by the people, but by some scholars as the deputy of the imam of the time. The members of the organization believed that during the absence of the 12th Imam of the Shiites, that is, Hazrat Mahdi, the jurist and "guardian" appointed in Islam should be in charge of the government with all its accessories. From the point of view of this political group, all officials in the "Islamic Republic" system derive their legitimacy from the legal guardian, who at that time was Ayatollah Khomeini, and if there is no signature and positive opinion of the legal guardian, none of the organs of the Islamic Republic will be legitimate. In this regard, this Islamist group not only opposed concepts such as democracy, democratic freedoms, and the principle of tolerance in political fields, but also believed that only "Imam line" Islamists should work in the public arena. Because they believe in the comprehensiveness of Islam in all fields and prohibit the thesis of "separation of religion from politics" and do not have any intellectual or organizational affiliation with East and West. For this reason, the organization denies the presence of liberal forces in the "Revolutionary Council" and demands their removal from the political sphere in the post-revolution era. The research method of this research is descriptive-analytical and based on textbook study.

One of the disputes of political factions in countries in foreign policy is whether the government has been able to adopt a dignified foreign behavior or not. In the Islamic Republic, due to the nature of the Islamic Revolution, this question has been very controversial, and sometimes it has been considered one of the main factors in the establishment or dismissal of a government. When the supreme leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, emphasized the three principles of "honor, wisdom, expediency" in foreign policy, this matter was more and more noticed by politicians and political activists. While political factions have been using this term for and against each other for more than forty years, at the same time, this term has not been scientifically conceptualized, and its characteristics are a matter of controversy. Since the difference of philosophies will lead to the difference of concepts and indicators, in this article the concept of honor in foreign policy will be discussed and analyzed from the perspective of the revolutionary leader Ayatollah Khamenei. To answer this question, what are the indicators of dignity in foreign policy from the point of view of the leader of the revolution, the method of analyzing the content of the leadership's statements was used. From the set of extracted components, indicators such as maintaining territorial integrity, observing Islamic rules, protecting the rights of the nation, or disregarding the great powers have been obtained.

we have tried to ponder the relationship between "religion and nationality", which is undoubtedly one of the most important issues of Iranian and Islamic identity. obvious the importance of this issue and drawing the sphere and nature of religion and nationality in the light of the discourse of modernity and the traditional-religious discourse of the Islamic Republic. The selected thinkers in the article are prominent and well-known Islamic scholars of Iran in the last hundred years who have dealt with the relationship between Islam and nationalism. First, we will deal with the relationship between religion and nationalism in the modern era, and then I will explain the relationship between Islam and nationalism in the intellectual system of religious thinkers in contemporary Iran. we have tried to ponder the relationship between "religion and nationality", which is undoubtedly one of the most important issues of Iranian and Islamic identity. obvious the importance of this issue and drawing the sphere and nature of religion and nationality in the light of the discourse of modernity and the traditional-religious discourse of the Islamic Republic. The selected thinkers in the article are prominent and well-known Islamic scholars of Iran in the last hundred years who have dealt with the relationship between Islam and nationalism. First, we will deal with the relationship between religion and nationalism in the modern era, and then I will explain the relationship between Islam and nationalism in the intellectual system of religious thinkers in contemporary Iran.

The governance experience of the Islamic Republic of Iran in foreign policy refers to the influence and interaction of this political system with other countries in international affairs. This includes policies, decisions, and actions taken by Iran in its relations with other countries and international organizations, covering diplomatic relations, international negotiations, agreements, sanctions, and influence on regional policies.The main goal of this research, titled Governance Experiences of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Foreign Policy, is to present a new model of foreign policy governance based on experiences from the establishment of the Islamic Republic. The primary research question focuses on examining the ideal governance model in foreign policy with Western powers, especially the United States.The methodology used is content analysis. The findings suggest a model consisting of three levels:a) Fundamentals: The power of God, divine principles, national interests, reinterpreting principles, finding common grounds for cooperation, and supportive defense-military power.b) Strategies: Anti-hegemony convergence, combining soft and hard power, and unity in foreign policy leadership.c) Outcomes: Weakening Western hegemony, strengthening resistance networks, enhancing the defensive-diplomatic axis, and maintaining consistent policies.In conclusion, the research shows that the ideal governance model in foreign policy with Western countries includes specific fundamentals, strategies, and outcomes that can help achieve Iran's objectives.

The main goal of the current research is to compile the cyber prevention strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in social networks. Media deterrence plays a strategic role in ensuring the cyber security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Due to the newness of social networks in Iran, it is very important for the Islamic Republic of Iran, how to face and have a plan for optimal governance. The method used in this research is a qualitative method and a type of document analysis. The current article seeks to answer the question, what are the media prevention strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in social networks? In this regard, the findings of the research show that the media deterrence strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in social networks should include things such as defensive measures, offensive capabilities, deterrence situations, resilience efforts, international cooperation initiatives, exercises and simulations, capacity building programs, and international cooperation plans.

The conflict and incompatibility between ethnic and national identity is one of the issues faced by any political system, including societies with a diversity of identities, such as the existence of multiple groups within their territory. Accordingly, this research, considering the diverse and multi-ethnic society of Iran, aims to address some problems in the field of ethnicities, specifically pointing to the conflict between ethnic and national identities. The main question of the research is: what practical solutions can be offered to achieve peaceful coexistence of ethnic groups in the Islamic Republic of Iran and to connect national and ethnic identities? The hypothesis is that negating the minority perception of ethnic groups, maintaining impartial governance in the administration of the country, relying on shared historical norms and history, and economic development of regions benefiting the less privileged classes are among the solutions for achieving peaceful coexistence of ethnic groups in Iranian society. Based on the review of this research, it should be said that remaining in the theoretical and idealistic realm and relying on common political and historical aspects is not enough. In practice, these aspects must be such that they create the least inequality for the greatest number of people. In other words, justice-based mechanisms must support the weakest strata. Additionally, peaceful coexistence mechanisms should be expanded in the economic, social, and cultural domains, and the principles of the Constitution, such as education in the mother tongue, the development of media in the mother tongue for ethnic groups, and attention to the historical role of ethnic groups in preserving national identity, must be realized. In this article, descriptive and analytical methods and library tools have been used.

Development is one of the most important topics of the governance system.One of the main tools that can be used in understanding the growth of a country and in measuring the policy making process is the qualitative examination of indicators aimed at national development.Cultural development, as one of the three main aspects of territorial development, has always been considered as a necessary and necessary prerequisite for the political and economic development of countries. Our goal of this research is to achieve a brief evaluation of the decisions taken in the contemporary cultural development with the process of exploring the recent political systems.Therefore, we have considered Iran's history for two consecutive periods and have chosen Pahlavi II and the Islamic Republic as our study.After five indicators: "strategy and procedure"; cooperation and awareness; Industry and art; Creation, Belief, Propaganda, and Media" were investigated in the test of two regimes;We found out that although there is a substantial difference between J.A. and the ruling Pahlavi regime in terms of political ideas, but except for the component: "Literature and Architecture", J.A. has a growing or at least equal approach to the measures taken in cultural development in other sectors. The second side has shown.Culture, as the breathing space of a society, is an artefact of a set of elements that shape the mental inductions and behavioral characteristics of the people of a land over many years. The cultural body of any country is the output of temporal-spatial developments governing the men and women of that ecosystem at the intersection of climatic hazards, material blessings, human relations and values and norms established in moral conflicts. From the middle of the Qajar period, Iran witnessed the emergence of cultural and behavioral changes in the inner layers of its identity, by being immersed in the relations of the modern sphere. From the very beginning, the encounter with new technologies and street attractions of Farang people stole the hearts of intellectuals and quickly convinced them that for the prosperity of Iran, they should give in to the cultural transformation of the country. Rather, they should enjoy the dream of more facilities, services and amenities, law and order, and better awareness. This event intensified from the political and economic side after the 1999 coup. From 1306, Reza Khan began to create a judicial system, country divisions and new administrative rules. "Establishing a university and sending students abroad, attracting European advisors in the administration of internal affairs, creating an army and trained military forces, expanding highways, equipping several central cities with the intention of multiplying urbanization and limiting rural and nomadic life" were among them.Such unilateral actions gradually changed the national culture and customary norms. With the requirement to wear a uniform from 1307 and the introduction of the mandatory hijab from 1314 following the limitation of religious propaganda and the economic weakening of religious institutions, the expression of spirituality decreased. After that, with the developmentist literature of Parsons, under the pretext of "expanding the scientific approach, fighting superstitions, meritocracy, specialization, centralization, expediency, elite selection and the creation of a systematic bureaucracy", the cultural development of Iran is synonymous with emptying the national identity and becoming more and more similar to The life of Europeans started. Therefore, denouncing religion and mocking the tradition was recognized as a sign of apostasy. With the spread of the translated works of the intellectuals and the partial implementation of the orders of the British, French and Russian graduates; Fascination with laicity, secularism and relativism became the religion of Islam and exposed the indigenous culture to suicide and eclecticism between traditional and modern aspects.The process of cultural development, passing through two decades of Pahlavi's first efforts under the influence of Turkey's dependent development model, begins with the establishment of Mohammad Reza. The cultural development of Pahlavi II started in the forties and its preparations were planned after the August 28 coup. On the other hand, with the occurrence of the Islamic Revolution, the basic policies of the country underwent transformation and the schema of cultural identity and view of progress changed. Mass media and cultural propaganda and international impositions intensified and made Iran enter another space. The investigation of the country's cultural policies in two consecutive periods was investigated in this article in order to find out what line the cultural development process of contemporary Iran has taken. On the other hand, considering the indicators of development in Western classical formats is not in our nature; Because it cannot provide a model that fits Iranian cultural and ecological signs. But it is necessary to take into consideration the commonalities by extracting the indicators of cultural development in the West and combining them efficiently with the Iranian development model, so that through their rational selection, a comparative approach can be obtained to measure the country's cultural situation; Therefore, in the present study, the efforts of the researchers are focused on exploring the cultural development process of the country during the periods of stability of Pahlavi II and the Islamic Republic. This statement should be organized in a way that can expose the cultural policies of the country to a critical description and a brief but scientific comparison through a precise tool.

In the discourse approach, social formations are identified in the form of a meaningful wholeness in which social agents and actors present a meaning of their world. In this regard, the Islamic Revolution of Iran led to the birth of a new discourse in the sphere of Iranian politics, which was reconstructed and re-adapted by the leaders of the revolution. The present article seeks to examine the question of how the discourse of school-based political Islam has been constructed from the perspective of Ayatollah Khamenei? And it is based on the assumption that the discourse of school-based Islam considered by Ayatollah Khamenei is articulated around the axis of six signifiers: mobilization, conspiracy, media, anti-arrogance, independence, and the clergy. This research is organized based on the discourse method of Laclau and Mouffe. According to the research findings, the Supreme Leader's discourse of Islamic school led to the deepening of the fundamental values of the revolution and the orientation of the system towards the ideals of  the late Imam Khomeini. In this regard, we also witnessed the prominence of the self and the marginalization of other discourses.

In the present study, the subject of scenarios of the effect of new emerging movements on the Islamic Republic of Iran in the fifth decade of the Islamic Revolution was studied with the aim to Identify future studies about the most important social new emerging movements in Iranian society and the effects of these movements that will be happened in the fifth decade of the Islamic Revolution in form of the scenarios.

Semi-structured interviews with elites as well as the new scenario method (critical uncertainties) were used to achieve the goals by document analysis research method.

two cases of drivers (Democracy Movement and New Lifestyle Movement) which were more important according to the elites, were selected by recognition of the drivers and the existing uncertainties which four scenarios were proposed.

In this resarch according to the uncertainties in relation to each of the drivers that two scenarios refers to making important and fundamental changes by drivers and two scenarios refers to the control of the consequences of these drivers by the system of the Islamic Republic. 

Iranian Sunnis, although one of the important religious groups in the geopolitical and religious landscape of Iran, have not received adequate attention in the academic literature on understanding the relationship between the political system and social groups in Iran. Existing studies have mainly focused on understanding the actions of Shia groups, neglecting the systematic understanding of the biological components of Sunnis within the historical context and their relationship with the political system. By reflecting on the political and social transformations of the contemporary period and historical perspectives, the main question of this article is how the weight and position of Iranian Sunnis in the structure of political power and their interactions within the regulatory aspects of the Islamic Republic's political system can be explained. Drawing on the theory of multicultural citizenship by Will Kymlicka, the research hypothesis is that Iranian Sunnis, as an example of multicultural citizenship, have reached a social contract in the peaceful coexistence domain with society and the political system through long-standing interactions and religious commonalities. However, historical disruptions resulting from the lack of declarative rights, non-application of upper-level laws, implementation of collectivist policies, and the expansion of semi-secular government actions during the first Pahlavi period and deliberate neglect during the second Pahlavi have disrupted the relationship between the political system and Sunnis, leading to a widening gap between government and society. From Kymlicka's perspective, achieving multicultural citizenship requires realizing common goods and ensuring legal rights including ethnic rights, representation rights for special groups, and rights to self-governance. Therefore, the Islamic Republic has initiated a series of actions through policymaking and distribution of public benefits to bridge gaps, facilitate mutual actions, and organize commonalities while understanding limitations and the necessity of resource allocation towards achieving the common good. With a constructive approach, it has made Sunnis eligible for multicultural citizenship traits by improving their belief in citizenship.

Since the beginning of its formation, the Islamic Republic of Iran system has been the target of various threats from its enemies due to the logic of confronting the domination system. Therefore, the main question is, what are the strategies and solutions for strengthening the internal power of the Islamic Republic in the socio-cultural field based on situational assessment in the 1990s? Therefore, the purpose of the research is to measure the strength of the internal structure of the system's power in the cultural and social sphere in the period of the 1990s and formulate strategies and strategies for strengthening based on the findings of the situation. Using the operational method of discourse analysis, the authors first calculated the socio-cultural components of measuring the strength of the internal structure of power from the statements of the Supreme Leader and then analyzed the status of the strength of the system's power structure in the socio-cultural dimension during the nineties and in Finally, based on the SWAT method, they determined the position of the system in the four strategic spaces. The findings show that the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran in this period of time, in the socio-cultural dimension, on the one hand, faced more threats than opportunities, and on the other hand, it had more weaknesses than strengths; Based on this, it is necessary to formulate and implement defensive strategies. Therefore, based on the most important weaknesses and threats, strategies for strengthening the internal construction of power in the cultural and social sphere were formulated and proposed solutions were presented for their realization.

The problem of the current article is to explain the relationship between the two fundamental concepts of power and security, along with its application to the developments of contemporary Iran in two time dimensions before and after the Islamic Revolution, in order to determine the geometry of their evolution. Power and security have at least four cause and effect relationships, means and goals, sometimes synergistic and sometimes negative; Using a native and Quranic framework, the author categorized the ratio of power and security in Iran in five levels (passive power, defensive power, deterrent power, counter-strike power, first link power) in a process and by means of documentation and implication. , has analyzed and explained. The occupation of Iran in the twenties, the seizing and looting of Iranian oil tankers in the thirties, Iran's military dependence on the United States in the forties, and the separation of Bahrain from Iran in the fifties are some of the historical cases that were examined before the revolution and show the power Iran is passive at that time. The sacred defense, the production of Shahab 3 missiles and..., the attack on the American base in Ain al-Assad, and..., the Supreme Leader of the Revolution's fatwa regarding the initial jihad, if expediency requires it, in the period after the revolution have been invoked. The findings of the article show that with the passage of time, the power and as a result of the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran has increased and it has turned from a passive power to the power of the first link.

The discourse of the Islamic revolution in Iran was developed and emerged with the approach of returning to pure Islam and the rule of the people, using the principles and foundations of jurisprudence, according to the requirements of time and place, under the leadership of Imam Khomeini, and for 10 years, he began to build a system under the management of the Imam himself. This article has examined the foundations of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution from the perspective of Imam Khomeini.The method of conducting this research is based on discourse analysis. This article, by raising the question of what principles and components was the discourse of the Islamic Revolution from Imam Khomeini's point of view, proposed the hypothesis that the central signifier of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution is political Islam. And Imam Khomeini, based on this central sign, while denying the sovereignty of the Taghout monarchy and emphasizing the centrality of Islamic standards in the administration of the country, was able to establish the Islamic Republic system by leading the Islamic Revolution and winning the trust of the Iranian people.The superior and sublime sign of the Islamic revolution, which defines its mission in guiding people, is the sublime standards of Islam, which brought forth its superior elements as floating signs such as freedom, justice, independence, deprivation, anti-authoritarianism, and legalism in the discourse of the revolution. .

Simultaneously with the victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1357 and the establishment of the Islamic Republic, world powers tried to neutralize and stop the Islamic Revolution with various methods from military war to economic sanctions.In this situation, the Islamic Republic of Iran, in order to maintain its security and life and to spread the discourse of the revolution, started the policy of forming resistance groups in the West Asian region.In this research, an attempt has been made to examine the regional policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the role of resistance groups in them, as well as the relationship between these policies and the Copenhagen security school.The main research question raised here is how to analyze the resistance strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Middle East region with the influence of the Copenhagen school.? Also, the hypothesis is proposed that it seems that the strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the military, economic, political and environmental fields in the Middle East region was formed under the influence of the theory of the Copenhagen school and the ideas of Bari Bozan.