islamism

About nine months before his passing, Imam Khomeini (pbuh) proposed Ayatollah Khamenei as the future leader of the Islamic Revolution, and subsequently, during various periods, he explained the necessary characteristics for leadership of an Islamic society. Considering that the system of religious democracy is a unique and unprecedented model of governance, and one of the reasons for this distinction is the existence of the leadership position, it is necessary to examine whether the system's performance in the selection of the leader has been in line with the indicators of religious democracy (Islamism and republicanism). Therefore, the main question of this research is: What indicators led to the selection of Ayatollah Khamenei as the leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran? Given the topic and research question, it seems that a qualitative method with an analytical-descriptive approach is an appropriate method to achieve the research results. The reason for choosing this method is that it allows for the description of events related to the selection of the leader, while examining the realization of indicators related to the processes of republicanism and elements of Islamism in the thought of religious democracy, with the processes that have taken place for the selection of the leader and the characteristics of the selected individual. The results shows that the specific indicators of religious democracy (republicanism and Islamism) based on legitimacy in Shia political thought, the system of Imamate, and popular presence and acceptance, which are reflected in the constitution, govern the process of the selection of Ayatollah Khamenei.

The western-backed democratic government in Afghanistan collapsed after the withdrawal of foreign forces from the country, and the Taliban movement was able to regain power. This level of instability and even more in the history of modern Afghanistan has always been a part of the life of the people of this country. Various factors have been considered in researches as the main reason for this situation. The idea of ​​the nation-state in the framework of the contemporary international system is the only idea that has been the central idea for the formation of the political system and stability in this country since independence. The Afghan people's understanding of the international system and the nation-state as its exclusive actor has made it very difficult to achieve stability within the framework of such a structure. The analysis of this level of influence of semantic factors can be explained in the framework of constructivist theory, and it will also be possible to understand the basic role of colonialism in this context with the help of postcolonial theory.

Islamism discourse of the Taliban , by reading different from Islam and tradition in the late years, has attempted to impose its semantic system as the regime of truth on political and social actors in Afghanistan and emerging a new world of discourse system . This stream of identity is established by the definition of sharia from the perspective of Islam, but its intellectual nature and political ideology have many ambiguities. The present article attempts to investigate the question of what are the principles and principles of the Taliban’s thinking and how far the policies of this current are influenced by their ethnic beliefs? “With this aim, the foundations of epistemology and the methodology of the Taliban are analyzed in the form of theoretical framework of laclau and mouffe 's discourse analysis . This issue has been explained using descriptive - analytical method by referring to written sources while the supremacy of ethnic actions and religious norms on the religious policies of the Taliban assumed. The statistical data and the results show that the Taliban in the cover of Islamism discourse are seeking ethnic hegemony and Pashtun’s the country.

This article has resorted to the theory of discourse analysis and used its epistemological foundations and conceptual tools in order to respond to the superiority of Islamism in confronting the discourse of Marxism in the process of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. From this point of view, Islamism is considered as a semantic system that was able to marginalize it by using the fluid concepts and signs of Marxism discourse such as social justice and struggle against imperialism and become the superior and undisputed discourse of the revolution.Although the discourse of Marxism did not succeed in stabilizing its semantic system and was marginalized in the process leading to the Islamic Revolution of Iran; But he was able to introduce concepts and vocabulary into Iran's political literature and discursive space that did not have a place in the Arabs before. Concepts such as fighting against imperialism, fighting against capitalism, supporting the rights of the lower classes, revolutionism, armed struggle, social justice and anti-monarchy were the most important concepts that this discourse inherited and made permanent in the political-social atmosphere of Iran.

The subjectivity and agency of mainly Muslim women in the Middle East has always neglected, and their presence and participation in the public arena has limited due to the legacy of cultural traditions left from the past and patriarchal interpretations of religious texts. From the beginning of the Islamic Renaissance movement in the second half of the 19th century in the Middle East until now, the issue of women has always been an inseparable part of this movement, and all other intellectual currents have addressed it in one way or another. With the rise of Islamism in the Middle East, not only was there no improvement in the status of women, but the view of women as a tool prevented them from realizing their ideal of liberation and legal equality. Since the end of the 20th century, a new intellectual movement known as post-Islamism emerged in the Middle East, which has sparked recent debates on women. The question that we address in this article is: what is the difference between the attitude of Islamism and post-Islamism towards the issue of women, and what effect has this had on the movement for equality and freedom of women in the Middle East? By using a documentary method and descriptive-explanatory approach, we tried to find a suitable answer to this question by using secondary data. Studies show that the attitude of post-Islamism in comparison to Islamism arouses more hope for the realization of the ideal of liberation and equality, and the women of the Middle East today have more hope for their future in the light of this discourse and are more determined than in the past to overcome historical obstacles and they take a step in the public arena with their culture of inclusive participation.

Investigating the current state of political currents after the Arab revolutions, especially in Tunisia, is one of the multifaceted, complex, and multi-layered issues in political studies, especially in political thought. In this regard, according to the developments of the Ennahda movement in Tunisia between the years 2011-2023 (August), the question has been raised that according to the intellectual tradition of the Ennahda movement, the model and political behavior of this movement, from which rule. Philosophical and political - civil democratic transformation with an Islamic reading or adjustment and deviation from the propositions of Islamic thought? In response, the proposed hypothesis states that the intellectual tradition of the Ennahda movement has moved from classical theology and thought to a new reform with the reading of civil democratic Islam. The findings indicate that this current has been influenced by the intellectual developments in response to the dualism of the West / Islam and the mystery of tradition and modernity, intellectual traditions such as the rationalist school of Al-Zaytouniyeh, and reformist (general) intellectuals. It is oriented from classical theology to reform problematic. From an empirical point of view, the constituent elements of the theoretical and methodical model of the Ennahda movement represent a continuous and relatively uniform approach, and its secular and civil aspects share commonalities with Tunisian non-Islamist movements. With the successful transition of this process from the first stage of challenges (passing Ansar al-Sharia and inevitable - sometimes unstable - consensuses), the second stage began after the dissolution of the parliament and the holding of the second round of the 2019 parliamentary elections, and a new game It was formed from competitions. As a result, the Ennahda movement is trying to push the "extra-legal" and undemocratic dictatorship of the Qais Saeed government towards democratic policies or transfer of power. The conceptual framework is based on a multi-level reading of political thought (ideological evolutions, currents and intellectual systems, and late intellectuals of each discourse) and extraction of influential components and elements to evaluate the issue; the method of collecting materials is library and internet.

Islamism has been seen in various forms and manifestations in different countries. This means it has come along with a full spectrum of reformative, revolutionary, secular, socialistic features mixed with various political beliefs. Tunisia is one of the most important Muslim countries in which analyzing the Islamism could provide explanative points due to different experiences and changes that happened there. On this basis, the present paper aims to examine the causing factors of Tunisian Islamism starting to go in the direction of political secularism while focusing on the Al-Nahda movement. The question is that What are the most important reasons of the transition of the Al-Nahda movement as a representative of Tunisian Islamism into a political secularism? The proposed hypothesis is that existence of the roots of secularism, the revolutionary identity of Al-Nahda movement, dialectic opposition and lack of dialectic dominance by Islamists in Tunisia, as well as the access to a secular democracy as an available model have been amongst the reasons the Tunisian Islamism started to progress in direction of political secularism through the Al-Nahda. The results of this study suggest that the characteristics of Islam culture within the Tunisian society as the bedrock of political and social changes on one hand and the availability of an efficient secular and democratic argument within the society on the other hand caused the Tunisian Islamism to move in direction of forming a political party instead of continuing towards a revolutionary and ideological procedure. The present paper is a descriptive analysis using the documentary and library resources. We have benefitted from Manheim’s sociology of knowledge framework and Laclau-Mouffe dialectic in a blended method.

In the last century, following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the theoretical, conceptual and field developments in the Islamic world, a suitable opportunity was created to play the role of various types of Sunni Islamism, including the Ikhwan al muslimeen, Hamas, Islamic Jihad, Salafism, Wahhabi and Salafism Jihadi (such as Al-Qaeda and ISIS) etc. at national and international levels.Of course, most of these movements failed to achieve their goals, but this did not remove them from the scene of regional and international activism. Rather, in cases like the Taliban, we have witnessed their return to power. Or the Ikhwan al muslimeen is always fluctuating in the dynamic between social action and political action and the anti-occupation movements have also strengthened the resistance front. The main question of this article is what is the current situation of the Sunni Islamists and where is their position in the Arab world. Which was examined through future study and extracting the drivers, uncertainties, drivers and understanding the side and direction and discursive space of Sunni Islamism, and based on this, the upcoming scenarios have been drawn.

Revolution, as a political event, leads to major transformations in concrete and abstract structures. The concepts of "Republic" and "Islamism" are among the concepts that entered ideological conflicts between different groups as a result of familiarization of Iranians with Western political concepts. The event of the revolution can be seen as the triumphant return of these concepts in the very important debates over determining the form of the government, with the phrase "Islamic Republic, not one word less and not one word more". Based on this, this article seeks to answer the question, what changes have the political concepts of the Islamic Republic undergone as a result of the revolution? What impact has this conceptual evolution had on the expectations of the Iranian society and ultimately on the political structures created? It seems that creating a break in the meaning of the concepts of "Republic" and "Islamism" and examining the existing competitions over these two concepts shows that the prevailing understanding, perception and interpretation of the meaning of political concepts can give shape and direction to political structures. The special perception of these concepts in shaping the horizon of expectation of the Iranian society caused the creation of a special type of institutions in the post-revolutionary society, which ultimately led to the imposition of limited choices in "historical futures". In this article, the first chapter of the Constitution, the first to the sixth principles, along with the detailed discussions about the draft text, as well as the final discussions of the review of the Constitution by the Assembly of Experts, using the approach of the history of concepts, with the aim of discovering and breaking down the meaning of these concepts, have been considered.

The purpose of the present study is to review the discourse of political Islam and genealogy of Islamism. The research method is descriptive-analytic and Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory has been used. The results indicate that political Islam is a discourse among Muslims which represents a special formulation of society and politics focusing on the signifier of Islam and it attempts to emphasize on Islam from a political perspective, not within a merely religious hemisphere. It also seeks to turn Islam into the best signifier for Islamic community discourse. Determination of signifiers of Islamic discourse is a battlefield between western modernity and Islamism. For determination of the signifiers of political Islam, intellectual, social, and movement approaches have been used; however, the discourse approach has a more extensive and flexible potential to explain movements in Islamic communities. Among formulations in this discourse, democratic political Islam versus some new categories such as democracy, election, government, and policy-making has attempted to redefine various signs in traditional political Islam including the role of council, consultation, enjoining good and forbidding evil, Jihad, economic justice, the status of non-Muslims and women in Islamic society.

Since 2011, the land of Syria has become a place for the war of discourses, each of which considers itself right and the other wrong, and seeks to reject the other. In the middle of this field, the Islamic Republic's approach to the foreign policy discourse in the Syrian civil war is defined by relying on the discourse of revolutionary Islamism in defense of the Baathist government of Syria. For regional powers (such as Iran and Turkey) and extra-regional powers (such as America and Europe), in addition to the significance of geopolitical, geostrategic and geoeconomic interests in which Syria is at the center of, the occurrence of the Syrian civil war (2011-2020), the formation of the center of the crisis between Sunni and Shia fundamentalist Islamic discourses, such as ISIS and Jabhat al-Nusra (representing the Sunnis) versus Lebanon's Hezbollah and the Islamic Republic of Iran (representing Shia Islam) and sending Muslim jihadist forces from all over the world to that place, attracted attention twofold to Syria. But in this field, the Islamic Republic was directly pressured by the liberal discourses of the Western countries due to its role in the Syrian civil war, and the moderate Sunni fundamentalist forces were directly supported by the Western countries. Based on a descriptive-analytical view based on discourse theory and the conflict between the discourse of the Islamic Republic and the discourses of Islamic fundamentalists and Western countries, this article seeks to answer the question of how we can evaluate the discourse governing Iran's foreign policy in the crisis of the Syrian civil war? To answer, the hypothesis is proposed that the Islamic Republic of Iran, based on the sign of the negation of sovereignty contained in the constitution, has started to fight with discourses to achieve hegemony in the region, which are in conflict with the hegemony of the discourse of revolutionary Islamism.

When the Egyptian Revolution began in January, 2011, the Muslim Brotherhood, as the most organized and influential political group in Egypt, was generally considered the most likely alternative for the Mubarak regime. However, they were designated an illegal organization again at the end of the revolutionary episode. Relying on Resource Mobilization theory and the theoretical paradigm of contentious politics, the main aim of this paper is to show how the process of polarization, that is, the changes in relations between the Islamists, secular groups, and the military, set the ground for the Muslim Brotherhood failure. According to the findings, the revolutionary episode went through three stages. In the first stage, the Mubarak/revolution polarization and in the second stage, the polarization of stabilization/continuation of the revolution took place in the political sphere. However, what made failure of the Muslim Brotherhood possible was Brotherhood/anti-Brotherhood polarization in the third stage in which the secular parties whose youth had a lot of influence in social networks, the armed forces, as the organization that controls the weapons, and Al-Azhar and the most important Salafi parties as the very important centers having the authority to speak on behalf of Islam, were on one side and the Muslim Brotherhood alone on the other. Hence, in addition to the mistakes of the Brotherhood which have occupied the center of literature, the role played by the armed forces, secular parties, Al-Azhar organization and Salafi groups were decisive in the Muslim Brotherhood failure.

The Islamic movement of Dagestan is one of the affecting players in the social developments of this region, which is influenced by the religious-cultural environment of Chechnya, and consists of two broad schools, traditional and Salafi. Despite the armed struggle against foreign colonial powers, the predominance of Tariqati and Sufi tendencies among Dagestani Islamists has caused the Islamic movement to take a tolerant attitude internally since the 18th century, but since the 1980s, especially with the collapse of the Soviet :union:, Salafi teachings and ethics have been promoted by the support of extra-regional powers. Considering the significance and position of Islamist parties and groups in the contemporary developments of the North Caucasus, the main question of the current article is what is the nature of the Islamic movement of Dagestan among contemporary Islamic movements? The authors have tried to answer the question by adopting a descriptive-analytical approach and collecting library data. The findings of the research reveal that the tendency of the majority of Dagestan's society towards Sufi schools and the growing awareness of the threats of Salafist beliefs in the region, traditionalism will continue to dominate the Islamic movement of the region in the upcoming decades. Therefore, the Islamic groups of Dagestan seek to concentrate on social and religious activities instead of formal-structured political engagement.

The Kingdom of Qatar is one of the leading Islamic countries in the field of development, which has so far drafted two national development strategy documents for the period 2011-2016 and 2018-2022. On the other hand, given the growing influence of the Muslim Brotherhood on the structure of politics and power in this country, the purpose of this article is to provide an analytical answer to the question of how the Brotherhood's Islamist model played a role in shaping Qatar's national development model.

Given that the Muslim Brotherhood in Qatar has refused to publish many of its strategic documents and the Brotherhood in Qatar is in a position like a black box, therefore, the exploratory aspect of the article will be prominent. The article uses an analytical-descriptive method to provide a detailed description of how the Brotherhood's Islamist reading influences the construction of a local model of development in Qatar.

The findings of the study indicate that the Brotherhood thought in five areas: "approach to religion", "approach to progress", "religious foundations of progress", "examples of religion in the pattern of progress", and "the role of ecology on the pattern of development" is influential in building a model of development in this country and is trying to provide a model of bio-faith compatible with bio-modern requirements to other Islamic societies.

It seems that the Brotherhood leaders in Qatar are trying to introduce Qatar as a model in the field of Islamist reading and thus help it to spread to other parts of the Islamic world.

Islamism in Saudi Arabia, which is based on the Wahhabi reading of Islam, forms the maximum spectrum in Saudi society. Despite the minimal spectra, like the Shiites and other Sunni sects, there are in Saudi Arabia, but due to the rule of the royal family and Wahhabism in the political and social spheres of society, in practice, such currents in society are not allowed to emerge and manifest their identity policies. Hence, the Islamist identity policies in Saudi Arabia are based on the reading of Wahhabi Islam and its currents, like official Wahhabism, Sahihs and jihadists. The main question of the article is what are the characteristics of Islamist identity policies in Saudi Arabia?

The method of this research is documentary analysis and data collection is in the form of library and interview.

Islamism in Wahhabi reading is one of the main foundations of Saudi Arabia's identity and the royal family derives its legitimacy from it. In this area, everything is exclusively in the hands of Wahhabism, and the phenomenon of religious pluralism and pluralism in Saudi Arabia has been prevented. The hallmarks of Islamist identity policies stem from currents such as official Wahhabism, Sahihs, and jihadists.

After examining the backgrounds, components, goals, challenges and obstacles of Islamist currents, the characteristics of Islamist identity policies were identified, which are: legitimizing the actions and decisions of the Saudi government, opposing Western culture and themes, takfir and jihad against polytheists, discriminatory measures against Shiites and depriving them of basic rights to life, strict laws against women and their anonymity, opposition and opposition to liberals and secularists, educational system and legal system based on the teachings of Wahhabism, opposition to democracy and denial people's political participation, the spread of Wahhabism, the emphasis on traditionalism and opposition to modernity.

Muslim Brotherhood is one of the oldest Sunni Islamic organizations in the Arab world and somehow is the root of all Islamic movements in the Sunni world. After 2011 revolution the Brotherhood took the government for a while. Studying this period, in terms of how the Brotherhood's theories are applied in motto and practice is important. The main question of the article is whether Morsi's government was in accordance with the principles of the Brotherhood. The method of this research is is a combination of historical, comparative and qualitative discourse analysis, and will compare between the political thought of the Brotherhood and Morsi's government. First this article reviews theoretical framework and principles of the Brotherhood's and examines Egyptian society's opinion about the Islamic government. In the next part this article discusses how Morsi's government interacts with different groups and explain Brotherhood current situation then enumerates the theoretical and practical differences and similarities between Morsi's government and the Brotherhood's thought and in the last part this article answers its main question that Morsi's government was in line to reach goals of the Brotherhood, but in its methods it tried to present a different face to the society. Therefore they were looking for an Islamic government But the government's situation and the deep state pressure made it impossible for them to implement the Brotherhood model in practice.

The present study, based on the assumption that the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran can not be interpreted, explained and studied only with materialistic and objectivist approaches, seeks to analyze the role of the intersubjective concept of "ideas of national identity" in the formation and formation The foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran - in the period under review - is. For this purpose, Iran's national identity has been deeply thought out in the context of its three cultural components, namely Islam, Iranianness and modernity, and its impact on Iran's foreign policy between 1368-1392 has been studied in the form of constructivist theory. Therefore, the main question of the research is what role has the three cultural components of national identity played in the formation and formation of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran (2013-2014)? The work hypothesis has been formulated in such a way that it seems that the cultural components of national identity are the basis of the development of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the period under study. In this regard, the present study has tried to show that intersubjective ideas in the study of foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran are not found only in specific components of identity, but also within the national identity, contradictory identities and paradoxes in the development of foreign policy. Islamic Iran has a great role to play.

The issue of thinking about the pattern of development in Islamic countries has always been one of the intellectual concerns of Muslim thinkers and politicians, and each of them, in accordance with their ecological characteristics as well as the way of looking at progress and religion, have reproduced a local pattern of progress. The construction of various models of progress has led to the Islamic world. This research with a descriptive-comparative method and with the aim of examining the differences and differentiation of development-oriented thinking patterns in leading Islamic countries, tries to compare these patterns based on 5 components: "Attitude toward progress", "Attitude towards religion", "Fundamentals" Religious Pattern of Progress "," Examples of Religion in the Field of Progress "and" The role of atmosphere on the Pattern of Progress "in Iran, Turkey and Malaysia and answer the question that the approach to progress and its relationship with religion in thought-oriented progress What are the differences and similarities between the three countries?The findings of this study indicate that, first, the patterns of thinking about progress under the influence of indigenous religions and traditions have introduced a range of patterns of indigenous Islamic progress among the thinkers of those countries, and second, despite some fundamental differences, these patterns Approaches to religion and progress are approaching each other and all are seeking a selective benefit from the manifestations of progress and Western civilization and modernity focused on their native conditions and are repeating common experiences in various political, economic and social fields.

The emerging media of computer games with their special and attractive features has become an important propaganda tool in the hands of political systems. Some of these games have been produced with specific approaches and have endangered the security of some of the target countries. The purpose of this study was to predict the share of computer games in crimes against homeland security. This study was applied in terms of purpose, in terms of a mixed method and in terms of gathering statistics and information in the field through a questionnaire. The statistical population in the qualitative section consisted of 17 experts, including professional gamers and licensed game managers, computer game chiefs of directors, university professors, and Naja experts in the field. In the quantitative part, according to the concepts obtained, 70 computer game players, narcotics police officers, Pava police and Naja police, using the available sampling method to join the research sample. were chosen. MAXQDA software was used for analyzing qualitative data and SPSS software was used for descriptive and inferential analysis of data. The results show that these games can play a significant role in encouraging players to commit crimes against Homeland Security through four distinct approaches. These 4 approaches were: 1- Islamism and Iranophobia, 2- Promoting violence and lawlessness, 3- Promoting Western culture, and finally 4- Prevalence of drug addiction and emerging drug traffickers

In a system of religious democracy, various institutions are created to stabilize and maintain it, that the institution of intelligence is an example of them. The purpose of this article is to examine the interaction between the institution of intelligence and the religious democracy system in addressing the threats of the religious democracy system, using a systematic approach. Thus, this article is an attempt to provide a reasoned answer to the question of “Can the institution of intelligence be effective in identifying and repelling threats and strengthening and stabilizing the system of religious democracy?” The method of this research is applied in terms of purpose and documentary in terms of implementation method. In addition, the information required for the research has been collected in the form of library collecting from reliable sources and has been analyzed in a descriptive- analytical manner. The research findings indicate that the framework of intelligence performance analysis based on the “Intelligence cycle” model includes threat identification, design and orientation, information collection, analysis and production, distribution and reassessment of threats. An efficient intelligence system must have within itself the principles of directing operations and the ability to measure the effectiveness of its actions, reflect a global balance, have sufficient scope and influence and has clearly identified obstacles to democratic sovereignty. If the input to the system of interaction between religious democracy and intelligence is the threats related to democracy and the rule of religion, the output will be the continued participation of the people in peacefully determining their destiny, the rotation of power, stability, the realization of the spirit of the constitution and Islamic rules at all levels and layers.