kurdistan region

Considering the importance of developing economic exchanges at the international level and creating conditions for economic prosperity amid the current global recession and the existence of economic sanctions against the country, the establishment of approaches to utilize all capacities, especially in the instrumental use of cultural proximities with neighboring countries for the purpose of expanding trade exchanges, has always been a topic of discussion. This research aims to examine the impact of cultural proximities among Kurdish traders and merchants from Iran and Iraq. The methodology of this research is descriptive, and the data collection method involved library studies and note-taking. The variables discussed in this research include the impact of cultural similarities on the consumption of goods and services among the Kurdish people, the commonality of language and dialect among Kurdish traders and merchants, and the cultural similarities in the needs and economic desires of the Kurdish people in the Kurdish regions of Iran and Iraq. The results of the research indicate the significant importance of shared language and common culture in developing relations, as well as the high interest of the Kurdish merchants from both countries in further expanding trade exchanges. n general, the cultural affinity among the Kurdish people in Iran and Iraq is recognized as a key factor in the development and expansion of cross-border trade between these two countries. This cultural closeness includes language, customs, shared history, and ethnic identity, which can strengthen economic and commercial relationships. This paper will examine this role and its impacts on cross-border trade. The Kurdish people in Iran and Iraq share a common language and culture, which helps foster trust and cooperation among them and serve as a bridge to facilitate cross-border trade. Research shows that this issue can lead to an increase in the exchange of goods and services.

Social movements are always a collective behavior, today they are a product of the context and internal environment of countries; However, other issues such as security problems in the external environment of that country can also be effective in their formulation. In this regard, one of the countries that has many religious-ethnic and linguistic diversity is Iraq, which has always provided the ground for the emergence of all kinds of independence-seeking movements and activities. This country is in a sensitive position geopolitically and has always witnessed the presence of foreigners in its land throughout its history. Instability and lack of independence in Iraq, as well as the existence of dictatorial governments in different ages, have provided the ground for intensifying ethnic-identity conflicts and centrifugal tendencies. From this point of view, the main question of the current research is what is the main reason for the maturation of the Iraqi Kurdish movement in the post-Saddam Hussein governance environment? In order to answer, this hypothesis is proposed: the fragility of the national government has caused the intensification of the gap among ethnic-identity diversities and this has led to the increase of nationalist sentiments and the emergence of a kind of separatism in the form of the Kurdish movement. Based on this, in the light of the indicators of the fragile state, including political, social and economic, we see the formation of a checkered pattern of problems in the dictionary of the Kurdish movement on the page of the Iraqi nation-state. Therefore, the authors have tried to explain the issue in question by applying the methodological foundations of the fragile state theory and draw a new perspective on the emergence of the Kurdish movement in Iraq; It should be noted that the research method in this study is qualitative and causal.

The independence referendum of the Kurdistan Region was caught in a domestic,regional and international situation.Undoubtedly,the negative reaction of regional and international actors had a significant role in this process.Meanwhile, examining the role of usa as the biggest Global power and an influential actor in the developments of Iraq,which itself has deep relations with the Kurdistan region is very important,and the difference in the action of this actor could have different results in relation to the referendum issue.This research seeks to examine the foreign policy of the usa regarding the independence referendum of the Kurdistan Region in 2017.The questions that this research seeks to answer are:Why was usa unable to present a comprehensive strategy regarding the independence referendum of the Kurdistan Region despite its long-standing relationship with the Kurds? And what were the consequences of this incoherence?The answer to these questions requires examining the internal and external strategic environment affecting the usa foreign policy.Using the theory of "neoclassical realism",this article argues that the systematic limitations as well as the specific perception of foreign policy agents made usa unable to form a clear road map.This caused a strategic vacuum in the region and had consequences such as strengthening the position of the peripheral powers to fill the gap caused by the reduction of usa influence in the region,as well as the isolation of the Kurds in an environment without allies.In this research, descriptive-explanatory method was used and data collection was done by library method as well as interview.

The Kurdish political movement began in the early 1920s, and especially after the decision of the League of Nations on December 16, 1925, to annex the Kurdish province of Mosul to Baghdad and Basra (the central government of Iraq). The movement has since pursued a range of goals, from living within the government with a definite right to independence and forming an independent government, but after the US occupation of Iraq in 2003 and the adoption of a permanent new constitution; A federal, democratic and parliamentary Iraq was adopted under Article 1 of this law. In this regard, the question of the present study is why, despite the issue of federalism in the Iraqi constitution, this form of government has not yet been fully implemented in the Kurdistan region. The temporary answer to this question as a research hypothesis is that the reason for the non-implementation and full realization of the formation of the Kurdistan Provincial Government should be sought within the internal level of the KRG, ie the political system and society of Iraqi Kurdistan. In the sense that there are four categories of factors; That is, the factor of flawed structures, the limiting institutional factor, the factor of an incomplete political society, and the factor of unorganized public opinion with rival discourses such as confederalism (in the form of an independent Kurdish state) and the idea of a greater Kurdistan among Iraqi Kurds as independent variables; They have prevented the formation and full realization of the Kurdistan provincial government. In analyzing the factors of the lack of full establishment of federalism in Iraq and its unrest and lack of hegemony in the Iraqi Kurdistan region, it is important that the cooperation of these factors paves the way for establishing the hegemony of federalism and holding a referendum in Iraqi Kurdistan and moving towards Confederalism and the formation of an independent Kurdish state have sounded the bell for the decline of the legitimacy, acceptability and efficiency of federalism in the minds of the people and the elites of the region. So that the discourse of federalism may eventually cede power to rival counter-discourses. To test this hypothesis, the research method of the article is a comparative and analytical method and the purpose of this article is to examine the issue by comparing the Kurdish state government with the federal units in the United States and Switzerland.

Security of every state is pertinent to others, So everything cannot be recognized without all of them. It Is developed by the concept of Security from military to other issues and posed a high level of threat and intimidation among states, especially the ones which have Security commons. Sykes picot deal collapse emperor by interfering foreigners led to wars, instabilities & insecurity in Kurdish region as well . Region developments, the collapse of Saddam, Iran & Americas support from Kurds, incompetency of central government in Iran and advent of ISIS provoked Kurds to reach to their Long – lasting ambitions, formation of independent Kurdish government and it reached to its highest point in. It is imagined that the independency and formation of an independent Kurdish country would have been the result of the plebiscite. Having held the plebiscite, it did not lead to Kurds wishes So they overcame in this path. The main question is that why the plebiscite remained futile in Kurdistan? The descriptive - analytic  Surveyed Hypothesis says that mutual Security pertinence led regional countries rely on the result of  the plebiscite . So that, the common threat has made among countries in the region . Meanwhile, Iran, turkey, Iraq & Syria could neutralize the Kurdistan scheme in all of its political, economical, military social & environmental national security dimensions, of course ,having relied on mutual consolidation & supporting Iran government.

If we look at the map of the countries of the region, especially the four countries of Syria, Iran, Iraq and Turkey, as well as the dispersion of the Kurds, we find that these countries are located in one of the most critical regions of the world. In recent decades, major crises have occurred in this region. The crises that the Kurds themselves have born them of. Iraqi Kurdistan is located in the pull and thrust of three cultural and civilization fields, Iranian, Arab and Turkish. The mentioned fields are ideological fields with technocratic-oligarchic attitudes, which minimizes the ability to be absorbed in the field for the Kurds. The present research, answering the main question that is, the impact of the emergence of ISIS in the Kurdistan region of Iraq on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran, examines the environmental awareness and bilateral relations between Iran and Iraqi Kurdistan in the ISIS crisis, and the opportunities and challenges of this crisis on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Analyzes. The research method is a combination of the researcher's field experiences and the use of library resources. According to the findings of the research, the challenges such as: the presence of groups hostile to the Islamic Republic of Iran “the Democratic Party of Iran, Komleh Party, P.K.K” and other groups, the ethnic issue of the Kurds and then the dream of forming a greater Kurdistan, the increasing openly and secretly relations of the Kurds with America and the Zionist regime, creating a safe backyard for the activities of the secret branches of ISIS terrorist groups are more than the opportunities which is one of the most important national security challenges of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Kurdistan region of Iraq.

The great powers, such as the US, seek to advance their policies in the region, especially in key countries such as Iraq, by influencing the components of power. This is while the political situation after the formation of the new Iraq (2003-2020) has developed in such a way that the currents of identity have enjoyed a growing role and Challenges arising from identity rivalries have acted in a variety of forms such as state-building or even disrupting political stability. However, recognizing the role and position of identity currents and how to identify them in a situation where there is virtually no clear vision for a US presence in the region has become doubly important.The present article examines the role of identity currents in Iraq in a descriptive-analytical manner and in the framework of Rosena Chaos Theory and it answers the question, what strategy has the United States prioritized over the nation-state in Iraq, given the intermediate variables of identity currents? Hypothesis: The United States, understanding the growing role of identity movements, has sought to undermine existing structures in Iraq by shaping a set of identity challenges and creating socio-political irregularities. Paved the way for the realization of the model of a failed state and provided the conditions for the continuation of its interventions in Iraq. Findings Utilizing soft power such as media and virtual tools to create political, economic, and social destabilization (such as riots and street protests) is part of the strategy of a failed state in Iraq.

Zionist regime has faced numerous problems because of not being known legitimate from the side of Arabic and non-Arabic countries; especially Islamic Republic of Iran. To come out of political isolation and being known as a legitimate regime,Israel has turned its attention to unity with Islamic non-Arabic countries in western Asia; especially the Kurds.. The reason why Kurds play an important role in peripheral unity policy is that the Kurds are the biggest nation without a government in the world and therefor promise for an independent Kurdish government is considered to be a strong motivation for them to cooperate with regional and non-regional powers. This article is an attempt to answer questions: How are geopolitics of post-Saddam Iraq, and Kurdistan region in the frame work of structuration theory explained? How are Israel’s activities in Kurdistan in the frame work of structuration theory explained? How do these activities change power balance in western Asia? The investigated data are gathered using library method and also via interviewing Iranian diplomats occupying political positions in Kurdistan. analyzed on the basis of the concepts sources, rules, power and signification. Studies show Israel’s activities in Kurdistan is an attempt to gain sources with the aim of gaining legitimacy and signification for its presence in next steps through ratifying Kurdistan’s independence.

From 1991 to today, the issue of Iraqi Kurdistan region independence is one of this region's primary goals. Massoud Barzani held the independence referendum, the head of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region, to achieve this goal on 25 September 2017 and pushed Iraq to the brink of the danger of separatism and civil war. The countries of the region, such as the Islamic Republic of Iran, Turkey, and Syria, which have a minority of the Kurds, considered this a potential threat to their national security. This article seeks to answer this question: despite the holding of a referendum on Iraqi Kurdistan's independence, what scenarios can be expected for the future of this region? And what impact will it have on the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? By using the future research method and written and virtual resources, the authors devised three major scenarios on the future of the Kurdistan region. The findings suggest that the political and economic sanctions from countries of the Middle East such as Iran, Turkey, and Iraq, the death of Jalal Talabani, and the internal challenges of the Kurdish parties led to the referendum's suspension. And the future of the Kurdish region of Iraq, according to the variables of the Cantori and Spiegel model, not only does not lead to regional convergence, but a considerable divergence will take place in the Middle East and the threats posed by the level of coherence, the nature of the communications, the structure of the relationship and the level of power, and the interventionist actor to the Islamic Republic of Iran.

In 1991,the Iraqi Kurdistan Region declared autonomy within the Ir aqi legal framework following the plan for safe and no-fly zone. The region has officially become a federal region with a local gover n ment with a semi-independent Iraqi administration, following the approval of the Federalism Act in Iraq in 2005. This study examines the theory of Fred Riggs' prismatic community and the char ac te r i s t i c s of this type of society to examine the historical features of the bureaucracy in the Kurdistan region. The main question of the rese a r ch is whether the Regional Government has been able to remove s u c h indicators as heterogeneity, formality, interference, kinship and et h nicism, market and concentration of power, as components of p r i smatic community, or does it continue to pursue its governance ba sed on traditional structures? The method of data collection, due to the overseas nature of the subject of study and lack of access to the documents of that system, is in the form of library and Internet, and the research method is descriptive-analytical. According to Riggs' m odel, the results suggest that the conditions and characteristics of the region's political system, despite having democratic components, are more in line with the status of the prismatic society.

The main purpose of this article is to identify the structural and institutional trends in the Middle East and predict future developments with an emphasis on Kurdish separatism. The main question of the paper is how will the structural trends in the Middle East, especially the Kurdish separatism affect the regional order? Structural and institutional trends are important issues such as the likelihood of some countries breaking down and formation of new countries on the basis of the Kurds, the rise of radical Sunni Islam and probably its decline over the coming years, the increasing likelihood of instability extending to key Middle Eastern powers and actors, especially Turkey and Saudi Arabia, the growing trend of right-wing politics in Israel, declining Middle East Strategic importance for America and finally the importance of the Middle East to European countries. Given these trends and in response to the main question, the hypothesis is as follows: The regional order in the Middle East is on the verge of a serious transitional period as a result of the influx of various actors. Accordingly it is predicted that "In coming years, we will see a different Middle East with a growing focus on nationalism, separatism, the emergence of new countries and their struggles with dominant actors, the continued ideological rivalry of regional powers with increasing chances of crisis to them." The present article intends to discuss this issue in five sections in an analytical way with a future-based approach.

After the establishment of the federal government, Iraqi Kurdistan has made many advances in various fields of science, economics and politics. The emergence and growth of autonomy in the Iraqi Kurdistan region, which began in 1991 and later became recognized by the Iraqi constitution in 2005, has been a source of hope for the Iraqi Kurds.In the economic realm, political power in Erbil, like the ruling system in Baghdad, is heavily dependent on oil. The oil reserves are equivalent to one third of Iraq’s total oil reserves. Currently, the main problem that the Kurdish government faces is the economic crisis in the region. Kurdistan government has always insisted on the external and imposed factors in the changes in Iraq, the region and the world. Meanwhile, economic analysts consider inaccurate and uncontrolled investment, bribery, bulky government, and reliance on the oil economy as the main drivers of the current crisis.Given the issues raised, the question arises that; what are the main cause of economic corruption in the Kurdistan region, and what crises have emerged for the this region? It is hypothesized that the single-product process (the dependence on oil sales) is the main cause of corruption and the ongoing crisis for the Kurdish region. This study was conducted based on analytical-descriptive methods and available data, and the findings indicated the persistence of corruption and crisis due to dependence on oil, the bulk of the state, lack of attention to other producing sectors and, etc.

Yusuf Mohammad, former Kurdistan Region Parliament Speaker and current representative of Sulaymaniyah in the Council of Representatives of Iraq, is one the young politicians who has started his political career with Goran Movement. He is one of the prominent figures of the Goran Movement and has Ph.D. in international relations. When the conflicts between the Goran Movement and Kurdistan Democratic Party (Party), led by Masoud Barzani, escalated, Peshmerga military forces of the Kurdistan Democratic Party illegally stopped Yusuf Mohammad's car near Erbil on the way to the Parliament and didn't let him enter the Parliament building. This led to a two-year shut-down of the Kurdistan Re gion Parliament, and a while later Yusuf Mohammad resigned to show his protest against the Party's politics. He nominated himself in the fourth cycle of the Iraqi Parliament and got elected by the votes of the people of Kurdistan Region, and is currently the head of Goran Movement parliamentary group in Iraqi Parliament. He considers the formation of Kurdistan Region structure inside the Iraqi ruling framework as a significant achievement for Iraqi Kurds, and regards the lack of a national document for Kurdistan Region in the Constitution as a flaw. He assesses the holding of a referendum as a fatal political error and maintains that it has damaged Kurdistan Region's foreign relations and has internationally underestimated Kurdistan Region's status. The Tehran Foreign Policy Studies Quarterly interviewed him to examine his views about the regional changes and his evaluations of the Kurdish parties' achievements and challenges in Iraq.

Dr. Kamal Kirkuki was born in 1954 in Kirkuk city in Iraq. He studies medicine at university and was arrested and then imprisoned in Qasr al-Nahayah Prison during that time because of oppositional political activities against the Ba'ath regime. He was active in both military and political posts of and Kurdistan Democratic Party (Party) after he was released from prison, and has been active as deputy minister and Parliament representative after 1992 and the formation of and Kurdistan Region Cabinet. He was parliament speaker of and Kurdistan Region from 2009 to 2011. He is a member of the political bureau of and Kurdistan Democratic Party (Party) and the head of management council for Kirkuk and Garmiyan.

Since Iraq became an independent state, the Kurds never played such a significant role in shaping the Iraqi political system as they do today. As a result of its geopolitical and geostrategic location, vulnerable geography, political instability and its neighborhood with the countries that have inhabited the Kurds, the Iraqi Kurdistan has turned into a
strategic sphere for the neighboring nations and other states that have a stake in the aforementioned issues. Considering those factors, the Iraqi Kurdistan has attracted the attention of the regional powers. The most salient issue respecting the Iraqi Kurdistan includes attention to the sources and obstacles of independence as well as questions between the existing groups and parties in the Iraqi Kurdistan region. The article deals with the feasibility of the Iraqi Kurdistan’s aspiration to gain independence, and the obstacles the Kurds are faced with in attaining such a goal.