movement

The role of Hezbollah in Lebanon during the years after its formation, as a political-military movement and based on a regular identity, has been the focus of experts' attention. The purpose of the present research is to investigate and analyze the effectiveness of a political-military movement in a country with the coordinates of Lebanon, considering the difference and the plurality of opinions. An attempt is made to answer the question that Hezbollah's platforms of influence in Lebanon are drawn based on what components? The answer to this question have taken place based on four factors; The existence of the Zionist regime, the negative interference of countries such as America, France, and Saudi Arabia, the inefficient government, and the constructive activism of the Islamic republic of Iran. The following research was carried out based on the descriptive-analytical method and the use of library and documentary sources, within the framework of constructivist theory, and the following results were obtained; Hezbollah started to strengthen the Lebanese identity and brought about convergence in some parts of this society under the identity-benefit, considering the tribal system in the country. Two foreign non-constructive platforms such as; the existence of the Zionist regime and the negative interference of the United States, France, and Saudi Arabia caused Hezbollah to benefit from a foreign constructive actor such as the Islamic Republic of Iran in order to achieve a meaningful balance in terms of increasing power and warding off danger. On the other hand, due to the multiplicity of clans and the existence of an ineffective government, he took internal and constructive measures in order to solve the problems of the Lebanese society. The most important goal of Hezbollah's intervention and active presence in the heart of affairs is the identity of Lebanese society based on authentic Islamic principles (while respecting religious groups and clans) in order to improve Lebanon's position in the domestic and international environment.

In this article, the researchers have tried to use Smelser's theory of collective behavior to achieve a sociological explanation of the Hezbollah movement and to investigate the contexts, causes, and meaningful variables in the process of forming the political-social movement of Lebanon's Hezbollah. are In other words, this article seeks to provide a theoretical answer to the main question of the present research, regarding the .explanatory variable in the theory of "collective behavior", that is, why and how the Hezbollah movement emerged in Lebanon. In addition, by using the examination and tracking of the emergence of the Lebanese Hezbollah movement as an empirical benchmark, the aforementioned theory, Smelser's theory of collective behavior, has also been evaluated. In other words, in addition to explaining the emergence of the Hezbollah movement, this article also deals with the experimental theory (Smelser's collective behavior). proved more than anything else was the weakness and deficiency of political journalistic analysis in explaining the formation of a socio-political trend like Hezbollah. To investigate a movement and a phenomenon that is rooted in the society, a scientific approach is necessary that considers the principle of cause and effect and pays special attention to social factors. Since Islamsar's theoretical approach is considered a structural-functional approach, it provides a broader understanding of social phenomena such as the Lebanese Hezbollah movement.nd like Hezbollah. To investigate a movement and a phenomenon that is rooted in the society, a scientific approach is necessary that considers the principle of cause and effect and pays special attention to social factors. Since Islamsar's theoretical approach is considered a structural-functional approach, it provides a broader understanding of social phenomena such as the Lebanese Hezbollah movement. investigate a movement and a phenomenon that is rooted in the society, a scientific approach is necessary that considers the principle of cause and effect and pays special .

The present article analyzes the grounds and achievements of teachers' protest rally in Baharestan Square in 1340 AH. The focus of this research is the subject of teachers' activities and their demand at this time. The main issue is why and how teachers union demands were mixed with current political issues? At first, the teachers had union demands, including an increase in their monthly salariesHowever, due to the global conditions and the domestic situation, political goals were added to their movement, and this made the teachers achieve their demands to some extent. This research shows that strikes, union organizations and cooperation with other social groups were among the main strategies of teachers to realize their demands.The research method of this historical article is qualitative, which has led to analysis by matching historical data and information. The method of editing and writing is descriptive-analytical. And it has been tried to use documents, newspaper content, and related books.

Jihadi culture is a set of positive characteristics and values ​​of management and Jihadi managers arising from the behavior and relationships of employees, which has played a role of a model and example for society, administrative behavior, and executive and managerial procedures in other fields and organizations; in such a way that one of the functions and expectations that have been and is considered from the existence of Jihadi in the minds and thoughts of a large part of the officials and policymakers of the administrative system is the use of successful Jihadi methods in realizing administrative changes. It should be said that Jihadi culture is a general concept, examples of which include religion-centeredness, guardianship, sacrifice and self-sacrifice, populism, value-orientedness, flexibility, self-confidence, dynamism, and mission-orientedness. Jihadi culture is an Islamic phenomenon that has found an opportunity to manifest itself again for more than two decades in the history of Islam and Iran, with the two factors of the emergence of the background of poverty and deprivation and the occurrence of the great Islamic revolution led by Imam Khomeini (RA), with the mission of regional development in the rural and nomadic areas, and with the emergence of the soldiers of the late Imam. It has found an opportunity to manifest itself again for more than two decades in the history of Islam and Iran. It has presented a new framework in organizational culture by emphasizing characteristics such as religious orientation, guardianship-centeredness, flexibility, dynamism, self-belief, populism,

Studying the behavior, speech and even the silence of the imams of Athar in different eras in relation to different historical events will be one of the levers to achieve the criteria governing their views, and on the other hand, it will help us to achieve the macro social and cultural systems. , political and... will help. Despite the description, the political career of Athar imams has not been analyzed and explained in many cases, and it has caused ambiguity and sometimes the impression of conflict in their behavior in the political arena. Hassan in the face of His Holiness with the Umayyad sultans, it is felt necessary to analyze the principles governing his behavioral process in this face-off. And a library of this biography will be examined (method) The findings of this work indicate the fact that in the field of political dealings of Imam Mojtaba with the Umayyad sultans, that Imam in order to advance the religion as much as possible and prevent the stoppage and The static historical course of religion has used principles such as pacifism, faithfulness to the covenant, increasing insight, decisiveness, protest and advice in their political life. (Findings).

The Islamic movement of Kurdish Hezbollah in Turkey was formed by being influenced by the Islamic Revolution and in line with its ideas. Despite the fact that its leadership and body were from Sunnis, this movement was inspired by the thoughts of Imam Khomeini and determined its path based on it and tried to institutionalize religion in the secular society of Turkey. Therefore, this article seeks to answer the question of how the Hezbollah movement in Turkey was able to be born in a militaristic atmosphere and in opposition to the left-wing and secular nationalist ideas that have a long history in this country, and then to become a comprehensive movement. And turned into a mass? The result of this research, which was carried out using documentary and library methods, in short, confirms that this movement, by emphasizing Kurdish-religious identity, was able to face a serious challenge to the far-right and Marxist secular parties, and the Islamic Republic of Iran can Taking advantage of the capabilities of this Sunni Islamic group, but influenced by Shiite thoughts, will provide a basis to prevent possible threats against Iran's national interests.

In this article, the issue of movement in the political and social atmosphere of Iran has been examined and analyzed. This issue is raised because in the last four decades, we are justified by a kind of movement-type participation rather than political competition within the framework of a common meaning system and the objective type of political parties. Because when parties play a role in elections and contests, the political atmosphere does not take on a dynamic state and does not create a wave. The results of the research show that the lack of civil and independent institutions from the government, the lack of suitable platforms for the formation of stable parties, the lack of compliance with the principles of civil political competition, and the lack of democratic culture among social forces are effective factors in creating a movement atmosphere in society.

As one of the most visible aspects of political life in recent years, the populist rises imply the ‘crisis of representation’ that means the existing institutional mechanism of representative democracy is ineffective in representing the variety of social demands. While this situation, according to the liberal democratic approach, warns of the revival of mass society and new versions of authoritarianism, the radical democratic approach considers it a possibility to retrieve democracy. Which variables determine the contending evaluations of the impact of populism on democracy? The present paper presupposes that the contending evaluations are driven by different conceptions of the principal constituent of democracy (rule of law or general will?) and the populism entity (a manner of governance or a movement constructing collective will?). Given the postulates of the contending democratic theories (liberal and radical), the paper hypothesizes that evaluating the effects of populism on democracy depends on the way of interaction of some variables: a) the content of the populist discourse (egalitarian articulation of plural demands or discriminatory one?); b) the context in which the populist movement arises (democratic structure of opportunity or authoritarian one?) c) the mutual strategy of political actors whether from opposition or in position ones (the connection between street politics and institutional one or disconnection?). Taking advantage of the contending democratic theories (liberal and radical) in a combinative theoretical framework, the paper attempts to justify the hypothesis by highlighting the fact that both democratic theories are built on one aspect of the conception of democratic order. Marking the elements such as individual subjectivity, rationality, the rule of law, pluralism, etc. as characteristics of democratic order, a liberal democratic approach considers populist popular and exclusionary (i.e., determined by populists’ particular definition of the people) orientation as a threat to democracy. It is because such orientation restricts public debates and leads to weakening democratic institutions, the opposition’s rights, and the plurality of society. On the contrary, the radical democratic approach points to the significance of the populist mobilization for the democratization of status quo democracies owing to re-politicization of the issues neglected by the sovereign elite, provided that to articulate accumulated demands around a democratic egalitarian nodal point. Such evaluation emanates from the fact that this approach identifies democracy with collective subjectivity, general will, participation, and so on. It seems that a non-paradoxical and justifiable reference to both the above-mentioned approach in an analysis of the effect of populism on democracy entails taking their different concentrations into account. It means ‘populism-in-power’ (as a way of governance) puts the structural foundations of democracy in danger and facilitates the emergence of authoritarianism due to its anti-institutionalism, anti-pluralism, and tendency to mass politics. It is whilst, in the status of ‘opposition’ (a mobilizing movement), populism might be an opportunity to revive democratic politics. This argument resorts to the action of constructing a new collective will, in populist strategies of mobilizations, which reveals shortages of representative systems such as the monopoly of a minority, technocratic elitism, and so on. Nevertheless, the actualization of the progressive effects of the populist movements on democracy depends heavily on the interaction of variables which are as follows.   a) If the populist discourse articulates accumulated social demands around a democratic egalitarian will, then the populist moment (as the moment of crisis in a representative democracy) can be of progressive connotations for democracy-deepening. Conversely, discriminatory articulation (like racist or class populism) paves the way for authoritarianism. Hence in terms of democratization and de-democratization, various populisms can be imagined; ranging from democratic populism to authoritarian, leftist to far-right. b)  Realization of the above-mentioned progressive version of populism depends on the ‘democratic structure of political opportunity’. The possibility of mobilization by democratic egalitarian populism is only imaginable where the rules of the democratic competition are guaranteed. In other words, if there is no equal and fair opportunity to declare the policies in electoral campaigns and implement them after taking into power, then there can be just governmental types of populism that mobilize the mass for advocating governmental policies and decisions. Here, populism appears in its authoritarian face in a mass society. c) The third variable is the strategy that political actors of both realms, movement, and institution, in a political structure adapt. If the populist movement ties its street activism with institutional bargaining (e.g. by resorting to parliamentary parties) and, mutually, the government opens up the policy-making input to populist demands (rather than rejecting them), then the rise of a democratic egalitarian populist movement might result in democracy- deepening. Otherwise, populism can bring about some contending de-democratizing mass mobilizations, whether in the shape of authoritarian up-to-down governmental populism or fruitless gross-root radical populism. In brief, the paper maintains that by vindicating ‘popular sovereignty’, populism has double-edged effects in terms of weakening or strengthening democracy; ranging from an infertile radicalism leading to authoritarianism to radical reformism containing the possibility of retrieval of democracy. Hence democratic theory needs to develop an order that balances the rule of law and public will as two sides of democracy. It calls for a new social contract based on a balanced relationship between specialism and democratic responsibility. To reach such a situation, more inclusive politics should be targeted by current-day democracies. The key, however, is hearing the demands of populist advocators rather than populist leaders’ programs.

After Tehran and Azerbaijan, Guilan played an essential role in the process of constitutionalism and the establishment of the constitutional system in Iran. Unlike other Iranian regions where the constitutional revolution was led by the middle class, in Guilan, the Peasants’ Movement had a strong presence in all stages of protests, gatherings, and movement towards the conquest of Tehran, and this action was aligned with the common interests of associations, committees and urban political parties. This study was therefore aimed at investigating the context and role of the Peasants’ Movement in the process of constitutionalism in Guilan. It tries to collect its required data about the formation and role of the Peasants’ Movement in the Guilan constitutional movement using the descriptive-analytical method and analyze the contexts and acting model of Gilani peasants based on Charles Tilly’s resource mobilization model. The findings indicate that the participation of Gilani peasants in constitutionalism does not stem from their level of knowledge about constitutional goals. Gilani peasants generally did not know the concept of constitution and its resulting ideal system. The history of peasant revolts in this region, the different geographical environment, their common interests on lands, the extreme oppression of the land owners, connection with the associations and the parties’ use of peasants are considered the causes for the mobilization process of this movement.

The present research aims to provide a relatively accurate picture of the causes, topics, characteristics, achievements and problems by systematically reviewing the studies related to mass protests in Iran in 2018 and 2018 and by aggregating the results of scattered researches and by achieving a new perspective. These researches give. For this purpose, in this research, taking into account practical possibilities and time limitations, 60 cases (30 studies related to the protests of 1988 and 30 studies related to the protests of 1996) of the existing works between 1388 and 1400 were examined and the necessary information, extracted and analyzed. The obtained results show that in the collection of scientific works related to the protests of 2018, political causes have been given more attention than other causes, and the economic factor has been given less attention than other factors. In general, most of the authors have paid more attention to internal variables and socio-political factors. In the collection of scientific works related to the protests of 2016, social causes have received more attention than other causes, and the cultural factor has received less attention than other factors, and most of the analysts have paid more attention to internal variables and socio-economic factors. In the studies related to collective protest action in 1996 compared to 1988, we see a shift from socio-political factors to socio-economic factors.

The Arbaeen March is a gathering of millions of people in Iraq, and its population is growing every year. Different nationalities of different races and languages, including Shiites and Sunnis, and even followers of other religions are present at the ceremony. These people with different national, ethnic, individual and social identities with a cohesive and united way participate in this march. What reasons can unite this massive population of millions so that individuals, despite having different individual, national and social identities, all gather under one flag? Have the different dimensions of the Arbaeen walk led to the formation of a collective identity among the marchers? To answer these questions, we did a quantitative research. The survey included 424 randomly selected participants from the event, including Iranians, Iraqis and people from other countries. The findings the Arbaeen March, as a phenomenon derived from the Shiite religion, has a political function as well as a religious manifestation, as the results show, between the political and international dimensions. Arbaeen March and the formation of collective identity There is a significant relationship between the marchers and more than 80% of the respondents believe in the collective identity formed in Arbaeen more than their individual and national identity and consider the march as a factor of unity and convergence of Muslims. . The absence of differences between the rich and the poor, race and nationality, solidarity, unity and Islamic awakening, and being under the banner of Husseini are characteristics of this collective identity.

Examining the political actions of Yemeni Shiite groups is the main concern of this article. Yemeni Shiite groups, especially the Imams, Ismailis and Zaydis, make up a large part of the Yemeni Shiites. They ruled the country for more than a thousand years, but lost power in 1962 with a coup sponsored by Egypt. The method of this research is content analysis using Quentin Skinnery's theory.   Findings show that the Twelvers and the Ismailis are under the umbrella of the Zaidis in Yemen, and the Yemeni social contexthas been such that led to the emergence of different characters and various currents of thoughts among the Zaydi Shiites. The results show that Zaydi's interpretation of the concept of Imamate, although in the theoretical field has given him a moderate approach compared to other Shiite sects, but in political actions has led to radical actions and political pragmatism. The result of these actions has been influenced by their background and thought context in the past.

This article is entitled "Suhrawardi''s critiques of Ibn Sina''s theory on the subject of motion" and has been compiled with a qualitative nature without hypotheses and variables. The main question is: How is Suhrawardi''s critique of Ibn Sina''s theory on the subject of motion explained? Data collection is a library, and the research method is descriptive-analytical, which uses the tools of formal logic and its purpose is fundamental and theoretical. Ibn Sina called the gradual departure of the object from power to action and considered it in four categories: low, bag, here and the current situation. Before Ibn Sina and according to Aristotle''s philosophy, the category of status was not among the acceptors of motion, but Ibn Sina added this category to the discussion of motion. Suhrawardi, with the exception of the low category, agreed with the other three categories, and believed that the quantity of an object, which is always changing, is a matter of quantitative motion, not an absolute object. For this reason, he did not consider movement to be a minor category. He also, due to the rejection of the monster, does not make any connection between the movement of the monster and the body and face.

The failure of the tyrannical system to respond to the needs of Iranian society that began in the early nineteenth century led to the start of the reform process and eventually to the constitutional movement. The goal of this movement, which took place by the cooperation of influential sections of society such as clergies and intellectuals, was to establish a political system based on parliamentary democracy under the royal constitutional system and to adhere to religious principles, but failed to achieve that goal. The question of this research, which has been addressed by a library method and a descriptive-analytical approach, is whether the British government played a role in the failure of the constitutional movement. The findings of the study show that the government's initial support for the deceptive constitutional movement was no more and the continued hostility of the Russians to the constitutional revolution would not have been possible without British coordination.

Reconstruction and redefinition of classical concepts is one of the main features of post-structuralist thinking. French philosopher Gilles Deleuze has also toke part to this redefinition of classical concepts. One of the concepts Deleuze redefines and rebuilds in his thinking is the concept of state. Deleuze's method for redefining concepts, including the concept of state, was to embed them in a new ontological framework. By using a different ontology, Deleuze rebuilds different concepts. In this sense, Deleuze has put different concepts in the form of a single ontology by creating a philosophical system and using a unified and systematic approach. The main feature of this ontology is its reliance on the relationship between actual and virtual. For this purpose, in this paper, the author shows how the state theory rebuilt by Deleuze uses his theory of movement in terms of similar ontological structure. This same ontological structure is the relation between actual and virtual. Accordingly, the state like movement will be analyzed at three different levels: the level of points and place-time, the level of intrinsic motion and internal intercourse, the level of communication with the virtual. The significance of this redefinition for such an ontological structure is that the dominant institutional and static approach in the political analysis is radically transformed.

The Egyptian Revolution of January 25th, 2011, in fact was the result of crises in the Egyptian society such as increasing social gap and corruption and Mubarak efforts for inheriting the presidency. These crises by the help of the media –from the press to social networks- provide the grounds for shaping anti Mubarak social movements and eventually led to fall him. In this regard, one should consider the prominent role of the press and print media in the process of the revolution. While we are traditionally faced with three types of journalism system in Egypt (governmental, independent and the parties press), In this context, the researcher has tried to respond to this question that how was the role and position of every press system in the land of pyramids in the process of the revolution (especially from January 25th to February 11th, the day that Mubarak resigned), and how were the effects of these roles  ظand positions on the January Revolution? In this regard, in addition to detailed introduction of every newspaper of each system, we study their views and positions and portray the main differences between governmental newspapers with the independent and parties’ ones. As the research findings show, it seems in the revolution, the relative freedom of these traditional media in expressing their opinions with the growth of the middle class, could
provide the possibility of transition of Egypt from a thirty years old dictatorship by mobilizing people to achieve their demands and forming powerful social movements.

Ayatollah Sayyed AbdulHusein Lari’s movement in Naseri’s era is considered to be one of the most prominent contemporary Islamic movements. He, as the intellectual leader, opposed domestic totalitarianism and foreign imperialism beside reforming people’s beliefs. Since the aim of this paper was to review reasons and factors of his movement, general components like leadership, people, ideology, mindset, organizational network, military forces and wealth have been studied followed by reasons of failure based on the so-called factors. In this study, descriptive and analytical approach has been applied.