multiculturalism

One of the recent dilemmas of modern governments is the "rights of minorities," which political thinkers have also paid special attention to in recent decades. There are two reasons for this: first, the primary liberal rights that have gradually been organized since the Enlightenment do not meet the demands of new groups; second, the theories of citizenship that have emerged since World War II are also unable to solve these problems in liberal democracies. The emergence of liberal multiculturalism theories is the result of these challenges. Charles Taylor, a great communitarian philosopher, has criticized liberal multiculturalism theories. He believes that it is possible to pursue collective goals in a society while at the same time not harming the basic liberal principles that include individual rights and freedoms. Taylor's emphasis is on "non-assimilation" and "establishing a criterion for identifying rights" so that minority rights can be recognized without "pity." However, Taylor's view also has several major flaws, including: focusing on geographically concentrated minorities and not explaining non-concentrated minorities, failing to provide a suitable criterion for distinguishing between fundamental and non-fundamental rights, and most importantly, national minorities are not seeking "equal value," but rather they are seeking "equal status."

Afghanistan is a country with diverse ethnic minorities that have been in conflict with each other, without much emphasis on nationalism. Lack of social cohesion has led to the dominance of tribal leaders in the country. On the other hand, modern nation-state building has been introduced through the French Revolution and colonization in India. These two ideologies have resulted in a cultural shock, tug of war between tradition and modernity, and violence in Afghanistan. Nationalism, which introduces traditional values into modern clothing, is in conflict with liberalism, which emphasizes post-enlightenment ideology and development in Europe, but has not been able to bring development to Afghanistan. Nationalism has led to division and animosity between the various cultures and ethnic groups in Afghanistan, resulting in social conflicts, weak nationalism, and underdevelopment. Armed uprisings, the emergence of terrorist groups, foreign intervention, the destruction of infrastructure, and the collapse of the developmental mindset are some of the consequences of this underdevelopment. This sociological-historical research aims to answer the question of how the delay in the formation of nationalism affected the development and led to the collapse of the developmental mindset in Afghanistan. The hypothesis is that the delay in the formation of civic nationalism, weak separation of private and public spheres in the eighth constitutional law, lack of historical background to liberal teachings, the non-sociological function of global society, and continuous ethnic nationalism without regard to the past have contributed to this collapse.

Middle East societies have significant complexity in terms of ethnic, linguistic and religious diversity. These complications are considered to be important factors in the formation of political and social crises and the delay or difficulty of the state-building and nation-building processes in these countries. Various researches have been conducted from the perspective of political science and political sociology about the issue of ethnic groups in the Middle East, and specifically countries with a mixed ethnic composition, and solutions to solve these issues have been proposed by researchers, experts and strategists. One of these analyzes and solutions that has received more attention in the last two decades is the proposal of a multicultural model for the Middle East. This liberal model seeks to give formality to ethnicities and identify them in the framework of identity, culture, language, and climate different from other ethnicities and make the distinction between them the basis of policy making. In this article, I am trying to show that this model is not suitable for Middle Eastern societies and not only does not solve the issue of ethnicity, but for various reasons it helps to divide and deepen crises. Therefore, the application of such a model may endanger the security of these countries and seriously delay the nation-building process.

The present study, with the aim of investigating and analyzing the rights of Iran's ethnic groups based on the fundamental laws and international documents, poses this question: What are the advantages and disadvantages of domestic and international laws for improving the conditions of ethnic groups in the pluralistic Iranian society? The hypothesis is: the emphasis of international law on liberal doctrines, disregard for the common good in pluralistic societies, and the dominance of the attitude of a minority of ethnic groups are its weak points, and in domestic laws, the lack of evidence of the rights of ethnic groups and the lack of practical solutions as Obstacles to the realization of the rights of relatives. The results of the research show that the minority view of ethnic groups in the eyes of international documents, insistence on liberal human rights doctrines and disregard for the common good are among the weak points of international documents related to the rights of ethnic groups. In Iran, ethnic groups are not considered as minorities and this means their equality with other citizens. Accepting the customs, manners, culture and traditions of the tribes is also an advantage for the tribes in the Iranian society. However, it is possible to eliminate some deficiencies in domestic law by considering multicultural education through teaching in the mother tongue, and improving their economic conditions through the creation of commercial and economic centers and providing peaceful conditions for linking ethnic identity with national identity. It is a realization. In the current research, the descriptive and analytical method and the theoretical framework of the research is the multicultural approach of Will Kimlika. ‎

The Federal Supreme Court is a fledgling institution of the Iraqi legal system following the recent developments in Iraq and the drafting of its new constitution in 2005, with a wide range of functions and powers that reflect the structures, trends, policies and values of a society. It has been established. This article aims to examine the adherence to multicultural citizenship in the rulings of the Iraqi Federal Supreme Court and seeks to answer the question that Iraq as a multicultural country and society has been able to be equal among all religions, languages, nationalities and Ethnicities behave in Iraq? This descriptive and analytical study followed the hypothesis that in general, the 2005 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Iraq, 10 articles of which, including items 3, 4, 9, 12, 13, 20, 49, 125, 126 and 142 are multicultural Iraq acknowledges. In this regard, it can be divided into national, religious and linguistic identities and minorities according to different identities. The findings of the study indicate that throughout history, minorities in Iraq have always been marginalized, marginalized, attacked, and forcibly displaced and annihilated. This trend has continued both religiously and linguistically and nationally, and these behaviors are due to the system of governance in Iraq, where corruption and widespread human rights violations have increased, and in the meantime, the status of civil rights has been further weakened.

Review of management practices in pluralistic societies especially among predominantly immigrant liberal democracies, has led to the emergence of a new policy called multiculturalism. Although the use of multiculturalism in these systems has provided a good platform for management in multiethnic and multicultural societies, but criticisms such as the decline of national cohesion and common identity and the emergence of extremist nationalist groups have been included in it. The main purpose of this paper is to provide a conceptual framework in which the application of the theory of multiculturalism in countries with a political structure of hybrid authoritarianism is illustrated. In this article, by examining the case of Russia and using the concept of hybrid authoritarianism, a combined approach called "instrumental multiculturalism" is presented. According to the findings of this study, it is possible to apply this concept in authoritarian countries or countries with hybrid authoritarian regimes such as Russia. As a result, multiculturalism is more instrumental and both democratic and authoritarian elements are observed. In this research, a deductive method is used and an attempt is made to explain the concept of multiculturalism and hybrid authoritarianism and apply them to Russia, then using the mentioned concepts and a case study to complete these concepts and a new analytical model. It is entitled "Instrumental Multiculturalism in Hybrid Authoritarian Regimes."

The Iranian society has long been multiethnic and multicultural, and they have always been peacefully living together, in addition to diversifying the Iranian politics. Even with the advent of the Islamic Revolution and the Islamic Republic constitution's emphasis on peaceful lives, we have often seen the divergent orientation of the tribes. The existence of economic problems in the tribal areas, having common borders with the countries believing in border ethnicities, expansion of communications and globalization, centralization of the country's administration, and cultural and social problems have caused the ethnic identity in Iran to face challenges after the Islamic Revolution. Hence, the present study tried to address the future of ethnic identity after the Islamic Revolution. In this regard, the research questions are as follows: What are the challenges of ethnic identity after the Islamic Revolution? What are the results of Parekh’s Multicultural Approach for ethnic groups and ethnic identities in Iran? The research hypotheses are as follows: 1. decentralization in the Iranian society has led to marginalization of ethnicities. 2. Cooperation and interaction with the central government, along with peaceful pursuit of demands, will bring more income to ethnic groups.

Why and how intensification of the activities of extreme right-wing groups in the West has become a major issue in security studies in recent years. Despite the differences in the activities of these groups in the two geographies of Western Europe and North America as the main focal points of Western civilization, the available evidence suggests that the greatest opposition to Islam and Muslims is in particular on the agenda of both streams Is located. Violent acts such as the burning of places and shelters for many immigrants, including Muslims, as well as the scourge of honoring their religious sites are just two examples of the symbols available for this claim. Given the increasing role played by the sympathies of this extreme trend in the political transformations that should be highlighted in the election of Donald Tramp as US President, the study of the dimensions and strains found and hidden by this intellectual-political process, Topics like new fascism are also mentioned as twofold. Therefore, in this article, we will try to find, by referring to the latest works and information about the activities of these groups, and to use the comparison method to distinguish the two main trends in the two geographies of North America and Western Europe. . The main findings of this article suggest that, given the various historical and sociological traditions, there are quite different forms of radical rightwing revival in the two geographies. While in the United States these streams are often religious streaks and it is essentially impossible to study them without regard for the religious variable. In Western Europe, the opposition to multiculturalism and the less emphasis on race and biological differences are the main focus of this group's activity. Forms are formed.

This paper is aimed to show the possibility and necessity of New City-state Orientation as a new form of democracy; a new form of democracy in which city and citizenship in the light of deterritorialization and communitarianist pluralism attain a mental and cultural form instead of a bodily-civilizational form. In this paper New City-state Orientation is defined as follows: passing along the concepts of insiders and outsiders, passing along the hierarchical and vertical world to the horizontal world, non-territorialness, mental-culturalness, modification of liberalism because of its extreme individualism with the help of the communitarianist view, emphasis on the concept of “authenticity” or “valuability of difference” beyond the concept of “dignity”, the wane of the big concepts like society and the birth and proliferation of community instead of that. New City-state Orientation, in the communitarianist context and with the view of globalization, while acknowledging the legitimacy of subcultures and local and traditional cultures has taken a non-physical and non-bodily look at the category of city and citizenship.The question of the paper is how we can come to a mutual understanding between responsible citizenship and human rights today. The hypothesis of the question is that in the light of deterritorialization of city and the citizenship we can come to such a mutual understanding.The theoretical framework of the paper is the “the body without organs theory” of Gilles Deleuze and its methodology is analytical-descriptive with the use of library data.

This paper seeks to address this issue، why European countries that after World War II due to the need for labor to rebuild itself، provided a suitable platform to attract a large number of workers from African and Asian countries، especially from Muslim communities and adopted multicultural policies to cope with the cultural differences of migrants، now have announced the failure of this policy. The paper suggests that factors such highlighted the social and cultural aspects of social and political life of Muslim immigrants in European countries، expanding the scope of the Islamic awakening in the communities of origin of the immigrants، a new wave of commitment of Muslim immigrants to the value of their indigenous communities، the events of 11 September، some terrorist events in Europe and the expansion of Islamophobia in Western societies have changed multicultural policies in European countries. As a result of that، European leaders finally officially announced the failure of multicultural policy. The failure of multiculturalism as a policy resulted to alternatives policies such as integration and assimilation، promoting of Euro-Islam، exclusion and isolation of muslims، confronting with new immigration muslims،and deportation of Muslims from European countries which led to more limitations for social life of Muslims living in these countries.

This research is a philosophical critique of Samuel Huntington’s The Clash of Civilizations and, an important theory in current discourse on international relations. According to Huntington, the world can be divided into several distinct civilizations and civilization beliefs/values will determine how countries will act towards each other. By drawing upon philosophical critique as a theoretical stance and methodological path, the text of Huntington’s theory was analyzed. In this theory, cultural essentialism can be found in two forms: monoculturalism and multiculturalism. While the research aims to identify specific discursive patterns, open them to criticism, and explain their existence in the text, it also discusses questions related to understanding of the nature, form and function of the clash of civilization discourse. Compacted within the theory is the ideology of cultural essentialism in their two components. The first is that there is a core set of basic beliefs that remains immutably important through time. The second is people of similar cultural background resort to these values, even if they migrate to other countries and in times of crisis, relative countries and emigrants will unite together. The findings show the leaders and their policies, rather than covert cultural beliefs are determining in political interaction and evolution. When a country’s culture values are seen as determining the actions of its political leaders, the importance of individual leadership and the supervisory power of nations are underestimated.

In the discourse of Iranian intellectuals, Shaygan is named "Culture philosopher" by virtue of his opinions. Shayegan has always considered “Cultural Iran”: whether in his book titled”Hinduism and Tassavof” in which he compares cultural Iran’s capacities and opportunities to impact as well as embrace Hindu culture (referred to as The East or Islamic Iran), or when it talks about another invasion and foreign culture in his book titled “Asia confronting the West” and inevitably risky signs for the cultural Iran and Iranian identity (referred to as the Islamic Iran tolerance), or when in his book titled “The Broken View” introducing the cultural schizophrenia and pointing to a split of this culture and identity and finally when in his book titled “New Mysticism” in which he talks about the quantity of identities and the combination of identities and cultures due to globalization (may be referred to as West Iran). Authors of this article discuss the issue of Cultural Iran in old and new Shaygan`s Thought. The emphasis in old Shaygan is on the importance of the Cultural Iran and the essentiality of protecting it with all the past inheritance still in an ideological direction, while the emphasis of the new Shayegan is on the combination of cultures and necessarily the role played by the Iranian culture in a global arena. Here we are not faced with a pure Cultural Iran, but a culture that is Iranian as much as it posses Western, Chinese and Indian components. Expanding this approach in the opinions of this important philosopher, the present article will point to his theoretical shortcomings and problems, as well.

Cultural diversity is an ancient reality of human societies, but multiculturalism as an ideology, discourse and policy is a new issue, started since 1970 first in North America, Australia and then spread to Western Europe. This school of thought and pattern for policy-making, although has arisen lately in political and cultural studies, because of its close relationship with different issues such as; globalization, citizenship, minorities, public policy, new social movements, nation-building and in the most important one the identity, social solidarity and national integration appeared as a critical and central topic, attracted attention of thinkers and policy makers. Multiculturalism which emphasized on the "recognition of difference" and "respect for cultural diversity" in public sphere, as a legitimate and desirable element of societies, has a close relationship with social solidarity and national unity. This article examines this relation critically, so it begins with conceptual study of multiculturalism, and influential elements concerning its expansion, and then examines the relation between multiculturalism and national unity and social solidarity. Although the author accepts same of positive consequences of multiculturalism in one hand, and accepts the multi dimensional aspect of criticisms in other hand, but only considers the negative impacts of multiculturalism on national solidarity.

This article tests two hypotheses, using the Canadian society as the case study, both of which view multiculturalism in contradiction with social trust. Emphasizing the conflictual nature of multiculturalism, the first hypothesis regards it as a set of political strategies which fragment the society. This hypothesis ignores the fact that multicultural policies have integrated the cultural minorities into the main current of the majority culture within the Canadian society. The second hypothesis is a normative critique of multiculturalism and maintains that the radical types of such policies give rise to the spread of political dissent in the society, thus they should not be evaluated as a factor creating trust. The first part of the article is allocated to the extrapolation of the causes of the tense relationship between trust and multiculturalism. In the second part of the article, it is indicated that multicultural policies in Canada have increased the chances for mutual relations and have helped the cultures to develop common understanding and allegiance. The third part of the article points to multicultural methods and the likelihood of the threat to social cohesion arising from them which results in the dissent of cultural activists. As the author argues, none of them even in their extreme cases justifies the rejection of multiculturalism.